Author: staceymeeker

  • Whither GA?

    Now that Anthropoetics has gone through ten issues and the list of Chronicles nears two hundred, it seems appropriate to take stock of the GA enterprise and to draw some conclusions about its future.

    On the positive side, we have shown that an e-journal can be a viable activity. As the Internet grows, the number of hits at our site continues to increase. The great virtue of electronic journals, aside from being essentially cost-free–UCLA allots me a yearly Anthropoetics budget of $0– is that every issue from first to last remains fully accessible, far more so than even the latest number of a print journal. Old articles continue to attract as many readers as recent ones; even old Chronicles are constantly being read.


    Our impact on the intellectual scene is more difficult to gauge. The last decade or so has witnessed the decline of the French style of humanistic theorizing whose influence had once spread to the social sciences. If Derridean deconstruction, Foucaultian “discourse analysis,” and Lacanian psycho-semantics were the last highly visible modes of “French theory,” Generative Anthropology may well be the last doctrine of potential intellectual significance to emerge from this tradition.

    The creativity of the humanities depends on the credibility of the humanist’s claim that literature (and, mutatis mutandis, the other arts) is a privileged source of anthropological revelation. The high point of literary anthropology, or at least of its ambitions, was reached in the romantic and post-romantic eras, notably in the work of English and German romantic and French symbolist poets as well as of several generations of novelists from Balzac and Dickens to Dostoevsky and Flaubert to Proust and Joyce. Mallarmé’s poetry was an authentic act of research into the foundations of language and culture, as in a more sensational vein was Rimbaud’s dedication to le raisonné dérèglement de tous les sens.

    As the twentieth century wore on, the literary world became increasingly dominated by theoreticians rather than creators. Valéry, Blanchot, Bataille, Sartre are littérateurs, not great literary writers. What came to be called critical theory depended increasingly less on contemporary literary practice. Yet the era of “French theory” that reached its apogee in 1968 continued to feed at least nominally off the last important French literary movement, that of the nouveau roman. Although the theorists of the Barthes-Foucault-Derrida generation were no longer literary creators at all, their ideas continued to be nourished by literary texts that they still conceived as part of a living tradition.

    A graduate of and professor in American universities, René Girard is neither part of the Parisian literary establishment nor nourished by a direct connection to contemporary literary creation. While figures like Foucault, Barthes, Lacan, Deleuze, Althusser were bringing together the centrifugal presuppositions of “French theory,” Girard was creating, beginning with La violence et le sacré, a more ambitious system of thought than any of them, with the explicit intention of providing a new foundation for the social sciences.  But in transcending the sophisticated yet ultimately parochial cultural politics of the “theorists,” Girard’s ambition overstepped the bounds of the possible influence of humanistic thought on human science. Mimetic desire could at first be deemed, or at least, passed off as, a “literary” concept. This was no longer possible for the scapegoat mechanism and the rest of the vocabulary of Girard’s “fundamental anthropology,” the direct ancestor of GA.

    Humanistic thought stands or falls by the guarantee provided by textual analysis. Once it leaves the shelter of the literary text, it withers and dies in the thin air of the social sciences, where hypotheses may be proposed only by those certified as competent in each field’s methods of systematic data-collection. The era of speculative thinking is no more, not because such thinking is no longer capable of generating useful ideas, but because every area of anthropology has become professionalized. Only victimary status still provides some degree of universal authority, breadth of terrain being counterbalanced by narrowness of focus. And even here, the institutionalization of the various genres of victim studies generates new sets of professional specializations–and a concomitantly less victimary orientation.


    There is no world without resentment. The idea of a universal perspective on human affairs that puts aside our own resentments is illusory. This truth is the most valuable intellectual legacy of Marxism, despite its error in thinking that to enunciate this truth is to transcend its limits. Because human desire is not contingently but essentially in disequilibrium, there can be no well-defined goal on which all can agree. This does not mean, however, that the goal of universal peace is illusory. Although every human situation will provoke resentment, our goal is not the elimination of resentment but the deferral of violence. Where ritual societies purge mimetic tensions through sacrifice, market societies recycle resentment into economic, political, and cultural systems. The most crucial social goal–can we at least agree on this?–is to continue to expand the process of converting the energy of resentment into something exchangeable in one of society’s many marketplaces.

    The several human sciences study the human on the different levels at which this conversion is accomplished. The most concrete is that of the economy, the locus of interaction where by far the most energy is expended. Where the passions that count are those that can be harnessed to drive the market, desire is bounded by objective criteria: whatever its semiotic qualities, a product has to work. Thus economics is the human science that strays the least from the rationality of natural science. It takes its lessons from the most successful economies because they dominate the global marketplace.

    The second level is that of politics. Here popular resentments express themselves through voices/votes rather than marketable goods. Central power reflects and/or dominates this popular will. Even if we accept the “Fukuyama thesis” of the inevitable dissolution of political centralization through expanding market circulation, the non-linear nature of this process and the unpredictability of the resentments it is bound to generate guarantees a future for independent political reflection.

    Finally we come to the sphere of culture, the scholarly domain of the Humanities. In the past, humanists studied the classics, what they considered to be “the best that has been thought and said in the world.” Today, they are more likely to be found examining the recent works of members of the world’s least successful economies–for it is here that the ethical role of culture in human society is most critical. The “amateur” science of Generative Anthropology understands this radical change; it understands as well why the post-colonial world of the humanities has so little interest in sharing its understanding.


    My conclusion is by no means that we should abandon the GA enterprise. To withdraw from the world of the intellect on the pretext that our work is “misunderstood” would be an uncharitable expression of resentment. There are times when making a difference requires that one must defer for an indefinite time the pleasures of market success.

    Resentment is today’s central concept, but very few are willing even to name it, let alone to situate it in the theoretical context it requires. “Injustice” attracts attention and compensation; “resentment” inspires cynicism and repugnance. Yet to recognize the ease with which we translate our resentment into righteous indignation is to accept the need for an anthropology that neither glorifies this emotion nor explains it away. For GA, resentment is not Nietzsche’s ressentiment but the human reaction to a perceived violation of our common humanity, as defined by the reciprocal equality of language.

    We should not be tempted by the thought that more charismatic personalities and a shrewder marketing strategy might have succeeded better in promulgating this new way of thinking. A world in which a small band of humanists could single-handedly redefine the human sciences would be a far more dangerous one than ours. We can only hope that the ethical and cognitive value of GA will be demonstrated over the years through its further development by others. We must have faith in the continued existence of brave souls willing to cast off the tired metaphysical vocabulary of the “history of ideas” and engage in originary anthropological thinking.


     

  • Levels of Intentionality

    Intentionality is characteristic of “systems” like ourselves that have intentions, which we may define as internal models of future states. Intentionality is complicated by the way in which intentional systems deal with other intentional systems. If I tell you, “Please open the window,” at first glance my order merely seeks to bring about a preferred state: having the window open. But this would be a complete analysis only for an order to a robot. Speaking to another person requires that I operate at a second intentional level: by making my request, I intend that you act intentionally to open the window. Yet even this analysis does not suffice. I intend not merely that you do so but that you do so specifically in response to my request, that is, I intend that you know that I wish that you act so as to open the window. Thus a typical speech act involves four levels, or two double levels, of intentionality.

    There is a problem with this kind of reasoning, however: it leads to infinite regress. This would not be possible if I had to explicitly think out each level, which would rapidly become impossible. But such explicitness is not necessary. After all, when I ask you to open the window, I am not thinking explicitly in four intentional layers; they form the implicit structure of my speech act. But since you implicitly know this as well as I do, your own understanding of my request may be said to add another layer: you know that I intend that you know that I wish… And since I know this as well as you do, I may be said to know that you know that I intend… Since this “knowledge” has no obvious effect on the speech situation itself, the number of levels is for all practical purposes indeterminate. This poses a problem for those who would use the number of intentional levels as a measure of “Machiavellian” intelligence, as is currently the trend in primate studies. (See Raymond Swing’s “Comments on GA” in Anthropoetics V, 2.)

    Behaviorists had such fears long ago. Hence they rejected “mentalism,” grounded on unverifiable subjective constructions, preferring instead to understand animal behavior, including our own, “behavioristically,” that is, at the zero level of intentionality. In this view, my speech act may be explained simply as a result of operant conditioning: I have learned that when I am hot and there is another person (and a closed window) present I can gain relief by saying “Please open the window.” However few or many degrees of intentionality I may lay claim to, behaviorist parsimony demanded they be ignored.

    Today the pendulum has swung the other way, and scientists consider themselves obliged, and able, to deal with “intentional systems.” For behaviorism and mentalism are not mutually exclusive. As the operations of the brain become clearer, the mental increasingly becomes just another category of behavior. Suppose what we call “having an intention” can be understood as the XYZ configuration of such and such complexes of neurons. At this point, the behaviorist can simply replace the mentalist notion of “intention” with the scientific term XYZ. Instead of “I intend to bring about situation S,” we would say something like “Gans’s brain is in XYZ configuration with content S.” To be complete, we would have to convert to behavioral terms the notion of “implicit intentional level” that seems indispensable to the analysis of human speech acts. The XYZ configuration would have to include, not necessarily at the level of conscious awareness, a hierarchy of intentional representations. Thus empirical research might conceivably confirm the four-level analysis given above–or, of course, it might do just the opposite.

    Clearly we want to distinguish between those organisms that act “instinctively,” those that can formulate intentions, those that can recognize such formulations in others, those that can recognize that others can recognize their own such formulations, and so on. One way to do this is to seek evidence of deception. Deception is the commonest indicator of intentional level because it provides explicit proof that I have a “theory of mind”–that I am concerned with your mental state–proof that is rarely obtainable when I merely communicate what is true. But even assuming that the accounts of deception among higher primates in the literature are accurate, as Daniel Dennett laments after his experience with vervet monkeys, there is no clear way to assign intentional levels to them (see Richard Byrne & Andrew Whiten, Machiavellian Intelligence, Oxford, 1988, ch. 14). It is clear enough that chimpanzees are more skilled than lower animals at manipulating others and predicting their reactions; what is not clear is how to correlate this intellectual superiority with intentional level.

    The human use of language, on the contrary, implies reciprocal recognition of intentionality. I express my intention to you in the context of your understanding not only the intention itself but its intentional status. The question of additional intentional levels arises because language allows us to create and test sentences like “I know that you know that I know that…” But language cannot have originated as a metaphysical parlor game. Can the originary hypothesis clarify the matter of intentional level?


    Let us begin, as language itself must have begun, with the ostensive. When my gesture of appropriation becomes a re-presentation of its object, it expresses my intention that my interlocutor recognize my intention not to appropriate the object. Thus the originary sign does not merely have a referent, but having it as a referent is understood as opposed to having an appetitive intention to appropriate it. The metaphysical notion of intentionality ignores this distinction between the intention to appropriate and the intention not to appropriate that for GA defines human language. This does not mean that I cannot use language to announce my intention to appropriate an object. But when I do so, my language is not a pointing-to-what-I-want, but a reference to an object in the first place independent of my desire, toward which I then contingently express this desire. I use the same representational means to request the object that I originally employed to renounce it.

    This implies that the theory of mind I attribute to another human who requests, say, a banana, is qualitatively different from the theory of mind by which chimp A attributes to chimp B a desire for a banana (which A may thereupon hide, pretend to be unaware of, etc.). The fourth-level intentionality implicit in any use of language is not an automatic consequence of the substitution of a sign for a referent. What distinguishes language from simple substitution is precisely its mediation through an originary human collectivity. My telling you X implies I want you to know I’m telling you because language was from the origin a way of informing one’s interlocutor not simply of the presence of the sacred object but of the speaker’s intentional relationship to it. While pointing to the center, I inform my fellow participants that I will not appropriate it and that I want them to know that.

    We cannot explain the limitation to the human species of what Thomas Suddendorf (Michael Corballis & Stephen Lea, The Descent of Mind, Oxford 1999, ch. 12) calls metamind, the ability to consider representations as representations, simply as a result of our “greater intelligence.” None of the current social-science explanations of the human mind fully account for representation as a cultural rather than a biological phenomenon. As we saw in Chronicle 195, Durkheim understood that the sacred cannot be derived from the natural without the mediation of the social; in other words, the cultural cannot be derived from the biological without the mediation of the communal. Representations, whether linguistic or ritual-esthetic, are not merely artifacts of “intelligence” but products of a new level of interaction that could only have emerged in a collective context. This explains why our ability to construct recursive chains such as “I know that you know that I know…” is irrelevant to the intentional level implicit in language.

    Suppose I come out of a movie theater and tell you, “I liked the film.” As we have seen, I am telling you (1) I liked the film, and (2) I want you to know/think I liked the film. But (2), as well as (1), is a possible locus of deception: I may want you to think something that is not true. Because you know this as well as I, you may interpret my statement as a lie. And since I know this, I may be perpetrating a third-level deception: (3) I want you to think that I want you to think I liked the film. That is, that you will think: “he wants me to think he liked the film (but he really didn’t)” when I really did like the film.

    The same analysis leads us to level 4. Suppose I want you to think that I want you to think that I want you to think I liked the film, that is, that you think, “he wants me to think he wants me to think ‘he liked the film (but he really didn’t)’ when he did like the film” when I really didn’t.  But because you can anticipate this strategy as well, I may anticipate this anticipation and perpetrate a fifth-level deception. This analysis leads to the conclusion that there is no end in principle to intentional levels, even if they reach a practical cut-off point.

    But this conclusion is not justified. Beyond level 3, the analysis of layers of deceit is purely academic; it corresponds to no concrete behavior. I can either say “I liked the film” in such a way as to sound sincere, or in such a way as to appear to be insincere. But the way in which you interpret my words, the number of layers of deceit you think me capable of, is not a function of the speech-situation itself. You can only choose between believing that I’m trying to make you believe A or believing that I’m trying to make you believe not-A. The situation is homologous to that in the game of morra or “choosing,” where each of two adversaries takes “odd” or “even” and then extends either one or two fingers, the total of which determines the victor. In principle I will extend the number of fingers that I anticipate you will not expect. You will anticipate that I will anticipate this, and so on. One usually plays two out of three. Let us say I played “1” last time; the second time, you may expect me to change to “2,” so I play “1” again. But you may anticipate this move as well, so I play “2.” But… However long the analysis goes on, there are still the same two possibilities, and it is absurd to continue to attribute to the players ever higher levels of intentionality, let alone of intelligence.

    Similarly, the number of “moves” we may wish to count in the deception game is independent of the communication structure itself. This does not prevent us from constructing representational models with indefinite numbers of layers, where A thinks (knows, wants…) that B thinks that C thinks that D thinks that E … thinks X. But such chains are merely formal constructions that fail to correspond to any specific human behavior. I would stress that I do not attribute this failure to the limits of our mental capacity–limits which, incidentally, are not shared by the computers we use to help us think–but to the fact that human language as originarily constituted operates on two doubled levels of intentionality. A tells B about C, but in such a way that B is made aware that A is sharing the sign for C with him. B’s attention is drawn to C, but he is simultaneously connected socially with A. This is explained by the originary hypothesis, but not by theories that see language merely as a formal system that substitutes signs for things.


  • Language Origin in History IX: Durkheim and Sacred Representation (I)

    Chronicle 192 mentioned Emile Durkheim’s refutation of Max Müller’s “naturist” theory of religion, which boils down to the denial that the radical otherness of the sacred can be derived from human reaction to nature, even the unusual in nature. As we observed in passing, Durkheim’s far more sophisticated theory of the sacred as an ideal projection of society nonetheless fails to explain how this projection is to be generated. In gaining his understanding of the place of religion in the social order, Durkheim abandons Müller’s most valuable intuitions: that the sacred is the product of a memorable event, and that the most concrete and durable trace of this event is to be found not in ritual but in language.

    This having been said, Durkheim comes qualitatively closer to a generative conception of religion and culture than anyone before Girard. His insight into the sacred might be more appreciated today had he not made the unforeseeable marketing error of describing primitive religion in terms of “totemism.” (The neglect of Freud’s Totem and Taboo, another proto-generative work, springs no doubt in part from the same source.) The idea that totemism is a constant feature of “elementary” religion has been generally discredited. Claude Lévi-Strauss’s Le totémisme aujourd’hui (1962) reduces totemism, to the extent that it may be said to exist at all, to a classificatory system disassociated from sacrificial ritual; the totem is, as Lévi-Strauss puts it, “good to think” rather than good to eat.

    The rejection in principle of Durkheim’s search for a universal model of religion is one more case of the empirical trees overgrowing the theoretical forest. It is important to study the facts in their diversity, but it is equally important to formulate models that parsimoniously explain these facts. Such models have not been forthcoming in this area for a long time. The fact that the elements of totemic systems are better to think than to eat does not discredit the hypothesis that the totem was originally a sacrificial animal, any more than the arbitrariness of a given signifier discredits the hypothesis that this signifier was originally motivated. To reduce the sacred to a product of our classifying intellect is to ignore its role in the genesis of the human–more specifically, in bridging the gap between animal and human communication systems. Contemporary research into the origin of language has revived interest in this gap, but the neuroscientists and paleoanatomists who conduct this research are not professionally inclined to take an interest in the sacred.


    The strength of Durkheim’s understanding of religion lies in his uncompromising insistence on the separateness of the sacred from the profane. This makes Durkheim a “dualist” in a sense far more anthropologically significant than that defined by the incommensurability of mind and brain (see Chronicle 193). Although he never discusses the origin of language, it is a small extrapolation from statements like the following to the more fundamental hypothesis that sacred difference (if not precisely the sacred-profane distinction) is the origin of meaning itself.

    Religious forces . . . are moral powers because they are made up entirely of the impressions this moral being, the group, arouses in those other moral beings, its individual members . . . Their authority is only one form of the moral ascendancy of society over its members. But, on the other hand, since they are conceived of under material forms, they could not fail to be regarded as closely related to material things. Therefore they dominate the two worlds. . . . It is this double nature which has enabled religion to be like the womb from which come all the leading germs of human civilization. Since it has been made to embrace all of reality . . . the forces that move bodies as well as those that move minds have been conceived in a religious form. That is how the most diverse methods and practices, both those that make possible the continuation of the moral life (law morals, beaux-arts) and those serving the material life (the natural, technical and practical sciences), are either directly or indirectly derived from religion.
        The Elementary Forms of the Religious Life (tr. J. W. Swain), Book 2, Ch. 7, sec. 3, p 254-55)

    All that is lacking here is consideration of the relation of religion to language. Religion is the “womb” or matrix of culture because it “dominate[s] the two worlds.” The notion of “religious forces” as “conceived of under material forms” is a reference to totemism, but what is at stake is the more general point that what is sacred and therefore the basis for significance manifests itself at the same time in the material world of appetite. The meaning, Idea, or signified can only be grasped by being attached to a material referent whose mortality demonstrates the formal separation of words and things, the ideal and the real.

    Durkheim rejects “naturism” because, as he puts it, “The impressions produced in us by the physical world can, by definition, contain nothing that surpasses this world” (2.7.4, p. 256). A worldly reality can be elevated into a totem only through the mediation of the group or clan. The sole element lacking in Durkheim’s model is an explanation of how the clan comes to be “represented” by the totem. The originary hypothesis generates this representational relation, which is precisely that of language, from the concentration of the group’s mimetic desire on the object. In the light of this hypothesis, Durkheim’s tentative insights into the origin of the totemic representation of the clan may be applied, more radically, to that of language itself.

    Durkheim’s explanation of the clan’s attachment to its totem as a symbol of itself is a petitio principi:

    We have shown how the clan, by the manner in which it acts upon its members, awakens within them the idea of external forces which dominate them and exalt them; but we must still demand how it happens that these forces are thought of under the form of totems, that is to say, in the shape of an animal or plant.

    It is because this animal or plant has given its name to the clan and serves it as emblem. In fact, it is a well-known law that the sentiments aroused in us by something spontaneously attach themselves to the symbol which represents them. . . . This transference of sentiments comes simply from the fact that the idea of a thing and the idea of its symbol are closely united in our minds; the result is that the emotions provoked by the one extend contagiously to the other.

    At this point, we still have not learned why the specific totem is chosen as this “emblem.” The word “contagiously” refers ostensibly to a relation of signs in the mind, but its more fundamental referent is the group itself.

    Durkheim continues:

    For we are unable to consider an abstract entity, which we can represent only laboriously and confusedly, [as] the source of the strong sentiments which we feel. We cannot explain them to ourselves except by connecting them to some concrete object of whose reality we are vividly aware. [my emphasis] Then if the [abstract entity] itself does not fulfil this condition, it cannot serve as the accepted basis of the sentiments felt, even though it may be what really aroused them. Then some sign takes it[s] place; it is to this that we connect the emotions it excites. . . . The soldier who dies for his flag, dies for his country . . .

    Now the totem is the flag of the clan. . . . It is therefore natural that the impressions aroused by the clan in individual minds–impressions of dependence and of increased vitality–should fix themselves to the idea of the totem rather than that of the clan; for the clan is too complex a reality to be represented clearly in all its complex unity by such rudimentary intelligences. More than that, the primitive does not even see that these impressions come to him from the group. He does not know that the coming together of a number of men associated in the same life results in disengaging new energies, which transform each of them. . . . However, he must connect these sensations to some external object as their cause. Now what does he see about him? On every side those things which appeal to his senses and strike his imagination are the numerous images of the totem. . . . Placed thus in the centre of the scene, it becomes representative. The sentiments experienced fix themselves upon it, for it is the only concrete object upon which they can fix themselves. It continues to bring them to mind and to evoke them even after the assembly has dissolved, for it survives the assembly, being carved upon the instruments of the cult . . . It is still more natural to attribute them to it for, since they are common to the group, they can be associated only with something that is equally common to all. Now the totemic emblem is the only thing satisfying this condition. By definition, it is common to all. During the ceremony, it is the centre of all regards. (2.7.3, p.251-52)

    I have quoted this passage at length in order to demonstrate both how close Durkheim comes to the originary hypothesis and how effectively this hypothesis resolves the residual obscurities of his text. As we see, the specific reason why this object is the totem of this clan is never given. On the level of individual psychology, the association is explained in the italicized phrase by the individual’s vivid awareness of a concrete reality. In what follows, the totem is presented as such a reality in the context of a preexisting totemic ceremony. Yet although the origin of the ceremony itself is not given, the centrality of the object and its “vivid” presence to each individual participant are precisely the conditions for the arousal of mimetic desire in the scene postulated by the originary hypothesis.


    Durkheim is truly the founder of modern religious anthropology. We can only regret that, despite all the attention his work continues to receive, his most fundamental contribution to human science has been put aside by his empirically minded successors. It would be comforting to attribute this neglect to Durkheim’s failure to grasp the connection between mimetic desire, potential violence, and representation, but my own experience suggests that had he made this connection, the neglect would have been still more radical.

    Durkheim’s thought on religion is far too rich to be treated in a single column. In a later installment I will deal in greater detail with his notion of the sacred not merely as a functional one for preserving the solidarity of the group, but as the basis of representation, which is, in the first place, language.


  • Body and Soul

    Rodney Cotterill‘s No Ghost in the Machine (London, 1989) is a scientist’s attempt to prove that there is no such thing as a soul. I often wonder exactly what people who write this way think they are arguing about. These Enlightenment arguments resemble like a photographic negative the claims of believers as to the existence of supernatural domains like Heaven and Hell. First, an “immaterial,” “supernatural,” “transcendental” form of being (or Being) is described; then it is said (not) to “exist.” But arguments about existence all wind up referring to something like the material conditions by which we recognize existence in our own world. Thus the soul is said to be immaterial, but to inhabit the body and leave it at death, which is to say, to behave just like a physical body (e.g., the breath-psyche). Heaven is said to be supernatural, yet we conceive it as a place where the blessed reside.

    GA avoids this kind of language by explaining it and offering an alternative to it. The model for all transcendental entities is the linguistic sign, which does not “exist” in the spatio-temporal world. Words are not mortal, but they do not “inhabit” their speakers and need no Elysian fields on which to disport themselves. Nor is this linguistic reference merely a more sophisticated version of the Enlightenment denial of the spiritual. Language is not merely a cognitive operation of our brains; it is a source of sacralization that arises in order to defer mimetic violence. To represent by means of a sign is to cut off from worldly action. The supernatural quality of what is designated by the sign does not arise from the formal reality of the sign’s existence in a different world from that of things; it is rather this formal difference that arises from the the human community’s “absolute” need of putting the desired object beyond the reach of its potentially contentious members.

    Thus the first word is the name-of-God that both designates the object of desire and at the same time does not signify merely this mortal object but a sacred Being that will subsist after the object has been destroyed (in the simplest scenario, divided up and eaten by the group). The animal that the word designated is no more, but the word and its peace-bringing power remains, and God, or the sacred, is what it means. The word’s “immortality” contrasts with the worldly mortality we depend on to support our appetites.


    The major bugbear of Cotterill’s book is “dualism,” understood as the Cartesian doctrine that mind is separate from body–in particular, the brain. But this way of stating the problem merely perpetuates misunderstanding. Mind as “the ghost in the machine” has no possible material referent, yet is derided for lacking one. The image conjured up in the reader’s mind is of some kind of preternatural ectoplasm, that is, once more, a “supernatural” substance that is not of this world yet manifests itself in it. It is easy enough to dismiss such concepts as obscurantist holdovers from primitive times.

    But if we think of dualism as the doctrine that signs are not things (not even “one thing substituted for another”), then these objections vanish. A word is not a thing, but neither is it some kind of ghostly emanation. It is an atemporal form, not some kind of immortal substance. Nor does it “exist” in my brain. This is a point that deserves some clarification.

    Recent research into the workings of the brain, some of which has been remarked on in these Chronicles, has gone far toward understanding how language functions in the individual language-user. But the fact that the word “tree” in my brain is instantiated by a set or “node” of neurons connected on the one hand to mental images of trees and on the other to the sounds [t], [r]… and the letters T, R… does not mean that the word is a “thing” in my brain. The very nature of the circuitry makes the word more a “disposition” than a thing; but the crucial point is that a sign cannot be understood as existing à la Herder in a single mind. As soon as its existence is thus defined, it becomes no more (pace Chomsky) than a Skinnerian association. What makes language more than a reflex is that it exists as a mode of communication among separate individuals. On this point, I am happy to cite a prominent theoretician of mimesis and language origin–one who, sad to say, seems unaware of GA:

    The integration of morphophonological addresses [i.e., sound patterns] into a larger descriptive [i.e., lexical] system is an inherently social activity, and one is tempted to predict that this process could not be confined within the isolated brain; that is, one should not expect to find the ‘language acquisition device’ that Chomsky predicted entirely inside the individual brain. Rather, the emergence of language depends on a community of brains in interaction.
    (Merlin Donald, “Preconditions for the Evolution of Protolanguages,” in The Descent of Mind, Michael Corballis and Stephen Lea, eds., Oxford UP, 1999), p. 150)

    To the extent that the word “tree” “exists,” it does so not in my brain but within the collectivity of English speakers. Any private associations I may develop with the word can become part of the word’s meaning only if they are communicated to and repeated by others. There is no simple limit to what a word communicates; even the most rigorously defined meanings are “fuzzy.” That is the result of the way signs exist: changes of meaning in one mind do not instantly propagate themselves to other minds. For this reason, Locke warned of the danger of assuming that others use words with the same meaning as ourselves. But the point of language is not to arrive at absolute transparency but to defer violence; the originary sign designates not a rigorous concept but the sacred source of this deferral.


    Materialists are likely to tax this conception with mysticism. There is, they claim, no such thing as “the word ‘tree,’” only individual sounds and marks–and trees. That a group of people associate a set of these sounds or marks with mental images of trees is no different from Pavlov’s dog associating the bell’s ring with dinner.

    What is my answer to these objections? That ontologies–monist, dualist, or what have you–are not determined objectively on the ground; they reflect whatever distinctions the ontologist considers essential to his model of the world. Just as human beings are “just” collections of quarks, so words are “just” sounds. But the materialist dismissal of dualism jettisons, along with the ghostly soul, the specificity of human language and culture. This is less easy to do when one has made the connection between, on the one hand, the soul and the family of ideas associated with the sacred, and, on the other, the phenomena of language and “secular” culture. Just as ideas are now thought to reside in the brain not in specific neurons but in interactions among neurons, so do the signs of language and culture exist not in individual minds but in the interaction among human beings.

    Let me clear up a possible objection. The existence of categories as opposed to individual beings did not begin with language, or even with life. What then is the difference between saying the word “tree” is atemporal, since it does not depend for its existence on any given instantiation, and saying the same thing of the category “proton”? In Saussurian terms, “tree” is part of the langue even if no one speaks or thinks it, but is not the langue itself just a set of nodes in the brain, or in a community of brains? My answer is: yes, but the point is not to show that words are “immortal,” but that they have a different relation to temporality than things, one that is the basis for our concept of immortality. Gods too may be considered mortal in the sense that when their believers are gone, they are no longer “real” gods, but this form of “death” is not directly comparable to the decay of the flesh. An electron can “know” the category “proton,” but not even a chimpanzee can reflect on the non-mortality of the sign, because no sign has ever been necessary to preserve his society from mimetic violence.

    It is only after explaining why human communities have a stake in the existence of the signs of language and culture that one can explain why these communities create the idea of the soul, of God, the sacred, mana, karma, and so on. I wonder how long will we have to wait before the dialogue des sourds between science and faith gives way to an anthropological science fully cognizant of the specificity of its human subject-matter.


  • Culture vs. Exchange

    Since these Chronicles often refer favorably to the market exchange system and less so to cultural phenomena hostile to it, people sometimes wonder what relevance the modern market might have to a hypothesis concerning the origin of language and culture. Why should a theory of human origin be concerned with defending our political economy against its cultural assailants?

    The beginning of the answer is that the interactions that define us as human are best understood as processes of exchange. In scenic terms, speech (which may of course be gestural) is an exchange of information on the periphery of the circle; ritual sacrifice is an exchange between the sacred center and the profane periphery. We must trace the tension between the modern market and its culture back to its originary roots in order to understand the apparent paradox that, although this tension has always existed, it is only with the emergence of the first social order overtly based on economic rather than ritual exchange that it is expressed as overt hostility.

    Meaning or significance is created in the center of the scene; subsequently, meaningful representations and objects are exchanged on the periphery. The attachment of sacred meaningfulness to objects of economic value maintains peace in the community while permitting the consumption of these objects. Meaningfulness adds nothing directly to our material satisfaction; it can only have arisen as a means to prevent conflict–the originary hypothesis.

    In the originary scene, the tension between the creation of meaning at the center (“culture”) and its circulation on the periphery (“exchange”) emerges as that between the designation of the central object by a sign and its distribution to the participants. At the first moment, the object is whole and the sign is shared by all. The community adds meaning to the object through–in exchange for–the deferral of its members’ appetitive satisfaction. In the second, this satisfaction is obtained, but at the cost of destroying the object that was the source of meaning. Significance remains attached to the sign, but it is no longer reinforced by the presence of the object of desire; it is at this point that we may truly speak of the sacred or of God as possessing a Being transcending that of worldly objects. The process of economic exchange, which emerges here in at least virtual form, occupies a moment intermediate between the two others, in which the portions of the victim have been distributed but not yet consumed. At this moment, they are exchangeable with each other, or, in other terms, they are of equal value.

    In order to create these portions of equal value, the original object that is the source of value has been destroyed. Inherent in this process is tension, in the sense of potential instability, between (1) expressing the significance of the object and (2) apportioning the object. If the second phase is carried out too soon, the object will not have had time to generate meaning and the value of its parts will therefore be lacking; if it is carried out too late, the meaning itself will have been dissipated and the desires of the group focused elsewhere. “Culture” is the force that would retain the object whole at the center and “exchange,” the force that would apportion it among the members of the group. At the origin, these two moments would be participated in equally by all members of the community, but, as society becomes more complex, the two functions would come to be divided among different individuals and castes, each of which would have reason to limit the powers of the other.

    How does the tension between culture and exchange generate historical change? On one side, the exchange system tends to evolve in the direction of productive efficiency, helped along by wars that select the more efficient among competing societies. The Marxist model of social evolution through the organization of production is exclusively concerned with this process. What Marx calls “class conflict”–significantly enough, in all but the final, all-important “proletarian” vs “bourgeois” case–is the struggle for power by rival groups involved in this process–in modern Europe, typically the landed nobility and the bourgeoisie. Research in this area, however complex, is not conceptually problematic.

    But on the other side, ritual and esthetic culture, far from being a mere “superstructure” of the economic process, is the original locus of the valuation of goods and services. In all societies prior to the Industrial Revolution, the regeneration of meaning at the ritual center of society had priority over exchange at the periphery as the means of deferring mimetic violence. The paradox that Karl Polanyi confronted in his historical genealogy of the free market is that, although the latter is a minimal structure that one would expect to occur spontaneously whenever exchange is not otherwise constrained, it originated only once in history, in early modern Western Europe. However obvious it may appear to us that value is constituted in the exchange process itself by the interaction of supply and demand, in all premodern societies, value is established not at the periphery, in the process of exchange, but at the center–at first purely ritual, then, in hierarchical societies, at the same time ritual and political. Modern market society is a historical aberration. But its qualitative superiority, political as well as economic, over earlier social systems suggests that its technique of recycling resentment through the exchange system is truer to the ethical potential of the originary scene than the traditional practice of periodically “purging” that resentment via ritual/esthetic culture.


    As we laugh at the tenured Marxists who still speak of “late capitalism,” we should avoid the symmetrical fatuity of speaking of the “mature market system.” Barring catastrophe, the shift of emphasis from center to periphery and from culture to exchange that took place around 1800 will last until the end of human society as we know it; in that context, two hundred years are hardly enough time to permit talk of maturity. Except perhaps for Moore’s law that predicts the doubling of microchip speed every 18 months, there are no steady states at any level of the market system. Yet since we have now begun a new millennium, I beg the reader’s indulgence in predicting the course of the system’s evolution in the near term.

    The early years of the market system were dominated by the opposition of Right and Left inherited from the French Revolution. The failed revolutions of 1848 marked the passage of the “liberal” bourgeoisie from the Left to the Right side of the spectrum, generating a postromantic or premodernist culture that prepared the cultural and political revolutions of the twentieth century.

    We know the horrors unleashed by the various socialisms that these revolutions ushered in. Following their demise, the political arena today appears to be increasingly configured by a de facto alliance of the antimarket forces of Right and Left against the market-oriented center, as exemplified by the farcical reenactment of the Hitler-Stalin pact in the recent embrace between Pat Buchanan and Leonora Fulani. The traditional Right-Left opposition survives in reduced form between neo-liberals and neo-conservatives that differ far more in their constituencies than their policies.  While this narrowed debate fine-tunes the liberal-democratic system, the antimarket opposition increasingly reverts to sacrificial religious modes. The liberal center has become so dominant a force that it brings together the opposition from both sides.

    The space left unoccupied in today’s ideological debate is that of what might be called the protomarket, consisting of those societies that have not acquired the human capital to compete in a global economy. Not long ago, these societies put their faith in nebulous ethnic “socialisms.” Today, their resentment against the West can be channeled neither into a clear-cut oppositional policy, however illusory, nor into economic production.  Despite the obvious virtues of the market system, there is still no clear answer to the question of what system works best in “developing” nations. What seems probable, however, is that despite the efforts of cultural nationalists, the popular culture of the West will increasingly articulate the resentments of their populations. Hence it seems probable that the successful negotiation of the rocky road to “globalization” will take place first in the cultural domain. Integration into the market system will begin with the adoption of the Western mode of alienation from its own market system. We may have to endure a lot of rap music before it is accomplished.


    The surplus-free exchange system of primitive society derives directly from the egalitarian exchange of signs and portions in the originary scene. This system endured perhaps hundreds of thousands of years. But it was ultimately unstable because it could not survive the production of an economic surplus. The hierarchical societies that followed subordinated the distribution of this surplus to the necessities of the cultural order rather than to economic rationality or even the defense of “class interests.” The modern exchange system is the first to emancipate exchange from sacred authority; the political order has the last word, but only in enforcing exceptions to the general rule of free exchange.

    Why do we need an originary hypothesis to understand these developments? Because without one, we can explain the universal human intuition of moral reciprocity that drives the whole process only by the concept of “natural law,” which is about as useful as Molière’s dormitive virtue of opium. Democracy’s open political debate permits us to tolerate great differences in material wealth; the reciprocity of words has always been more fundamental than the reciprocity of things. A cat may look at a king, but because a human being can speak to him, the king eventually gives way to an elected president. One of the highest priorities of any GA research program should be to study the evolution of political, economic, and cultural institutions in terms of the originary dichotomy between central meaning and peripheral exchange.


     

     

  • Language Origin in History VIII: Max Müller’s Originary Sunrise

    Max Müller, editor of the Vedas, was the most important Sanskritist of the nineteenth century and arguably its major figure in the study of religion as well. Despite the naivety of his ideas about religion and his failure to formulate a clear thesis of language origin, Müller was the first to conceive an originary anthropology that gives language and religion equal weight. Both his achievement and his limitations are encapsulated in the sentence (from the 1861 Lectures on the Science of Language) for which he is best remembered today: “Mythology is a disease of language.”

    Although Durkheim decisively refuted Müller’s “naturistic” theory of the origin of religion in his Elementary Forms of the Religious Life (1912), his own theory of the sacred as a projection of the social never comes to grips with the problem of origin. This helps explain why even today something like Müller’s theory remains the typical common-sense explanation for religious belief. How did humans come to believe in god(s)? Through their awe at the wonders of nature. At the first sound of a thunderclap, they bowed down in fear and prayed to the thunder god to spare them, etc., etc. This scenario deviates only slightly from Müller’s in its focus on a concrete event. Sacrificing the specificity of the isolated event for the sake of universal visibility, Müller prefers to conceive the original object of worship as the sun in its daily phases, particularly its emergence at dawn:

    One of the earliest objects that would strike and stir the mind of man and for which a sign or a name would soon be wanted is surely the Sun. It is very hard for us to realize the feelings with which the first dwellers on the earth looked upon the sun . . . But think of man at the very dawn of time: forget for a moment, if you can, after having read the fascinating pages of Mr. Darwin, forget what man is supposed to have been before he was man; forget it, because it does not concern us here whether his bodily form and frame were developed once for all in the mind of a Creator, or gradually in the creation itself . . . think of him only as man (and man means the thinker), with his mind yet lying fallow . . . think of the Sun awakening the eyes of man from sleep, and his mind from slumber! . . .

    Few nations only have preserved in their ancient poetry some remnants of the natural awe with which the earliest dwellers on the earth saw that brilliant being slowly rising from out the darkness of the night, raising itself by its own might higher and higher, till it stood triumphant on the arch of heaven . . .

    For so prominent an object in the primeval picture-gallery of the human mind, a sign or a name must have been wanted at a very early period. But how was this to be achieved? As a mere sign, a circle would have been sufficient . . . if such a sign was fixed upon, we have a beginning of language in the widest sense of the word . . . With such definite signs, mythology has little chance . . .
            Introduction to the Science of Religion (London, 1871): 366-70

    Müller then proceeds to note that a “real,” that is, spoken, name is required and that such a name could be derived only from a primitive verbal root signifying one of the sun’s effects:

    If the sun itself was to be named, it might be called the brilliant, the awakener, the runner, the ruler, the father, the giver of warmth . . . but there was no possibility of naming it, except by laying hold of one of its characteristic features, and expressing that feature by means of one of the conceptual or predicative roots. (ibid. 373)

    The reference to Darwin is most significant. We see in Müller’s exposition the last remnants of a pre-evolutionary mindset that cannot quite fathom the transformation wrought by Darwin’s theory on the science of human origins. It was easy for Durkheim to show that even the earliest men would look at the sun as a pure banality, for if indeed humans evolved from prehuman ancestors, there was no inaugural moment at which “man” and the sun came in contact for the first time. Contra Müller, it does indeed “concern us here whether his bodily form and frame were developed once for all in the mind of a Creator, or gradually in the creation itself,” since in the latter case, the phrase “man at the very dawn of time” becomes meaningless.

    Yet Müller’s hymn to the sun proposes, however implausibly, an event of language origin founded on the concentration of human desire on a central object. That this “object” is central to desire but not to the topography of the scene is not without relation to the fact that “man” is presented here, still in Enlightenment fashion, as indifferently singular and plural. If we consider “man” more concretely as the originary protohuman community, then it becomes clearer that what is essential in Müller’s scene is not the celestial primacy of the sun but the unanimous nature of the desire directed at it. A specific group of not-yet-men would be more likely to come to blows over a desirable beast of prey than over the sun, but “man” can only unanimously desire something all humans can see. Yet whatever the failings of Müller’s conception, his intuition that the sacred and language both spring from the human community’s inaugural contact with an external and unanimously shared object of desire supplies an element lacking in Durkheim’s otherwise far more mature anthropology.

    As a scholar of the oldest extant corpus of religious literature written in Sanskrit, the language that the pioneering Indo-Europeanists of his day considered the closest thing to an Ursprache, Müller saw language and religion as fundamentally interrelated and coeval with the human. This would no longer be the case in the following generation. Tylor, Frazer, Durkheim et al. would focus their attention on religious “representations” (Durkheim’s term) but not on language as such, which they took for granted as a human a priori; conversely, linguists like Meillet and Saussure would no longer concern themselves with the names and tales of gods.


    In the passage quoted above, Müller suggests an originary “sign” for the sun that is not spoken or even gestural, but graphic. Derrida would be happy to know that the quintessential nineteenth-century philologist not only put written before spoken language but did so for fear that the pure inscription would be corrupted by sonorous speech. In a language limited to this simple sign, “mythology would have little chance”: the “infantile disease” would not yet threaten because the mere circle would lack anthropomorphic possibilities–although Müller suggests that if the circle “reminded the people of an eye,” “the germs of mythology would spring up” (370).

    Circle or word, the idea that the first sign is also the name of the first sacred object is a powerful one indeed, a clear advance beyond Herder’s sheep. But Müller does not stop to develop this intuition because, although he sees religion as the sign’s first cause, he cannot conceive of words originating as ostensives. Hence, passing over the “mere sign,” Müller has recourse to the “primitive roots” of language among which the sun’s first names are presumed to be found. But because these roots express basic human actions and qualities, their attribution as names to the sun makes inevitable our fall into the disease of anthropomorphic mythology. Once the sun is no mere circle, it fatally becomes the awakener, the father, the giver of warmth…

    Whence come these roots that pre-exist man’s awe of the sunrise? Here is Müller’s explanation:

    The 400 or 500 roots which remain as the constituent elements in different families of language are not interjections, nor are they imitations. They are phonetic types produced by a power inherent in human nature. . . . Man, in his primitive and perfect state, was not only endowed, like the brute, with the power of expressing his sensations by interjections, and his perceptions by onomatopoeia. He possessed likewise the faculty of giving more articulate expression to the rational conceptions of his mind. That faculty was not of his own making. It was an instinct . . . Man loses his instincts as he ceases to want them. . . . Thus the creative faculty which gave to each conception, as it thrilled for the first time through the brain, a phonetic expression, became extinct when its object was fulfilled. The number of these phonetic types must have been almost infinite in the beginning, and it was only through the same process of natural elimination which we observed in the early history of words, that clusters of roots, more or less synonymous, were gradually reduced to one definite type.
            Lectures on the Science of Language (New York: Scribner’s, 1862): 385

    In this quasi-evolutionary depiction (composed less than five years after the appearance of Darwin’s Origin of Species in 1856), articulate speech is a human instinct irreducible either to Condillac’s “interjections” or to Herder’s “onomatopoeia.” In failing to provide an explanation of the origin of this “instinct,” Müller seems to have abandoned Herder for the latter’s bête noire Süssmilch’s explanation of language as a product of divine will. But Müller reintroduces an evolutionary element in the struggle for life that reduces the “almost infinite” roots of earliest humanity to a few hundred. In the beginning, the language instinct was young and word-creation unbridled; with the decline of its creative powers, the roots had to fight for survival and were drastically reduced in number. In none of this discussion of the earliest phases of human language is there any question of awe before nature, religion, or even mythology, which Müller would nonetheless describe as the “childhood disease” of language.

    Müller’s roots are verbs and adjectives designating simple actions or qualities rather than nouns. The nominal is, in Müller’s eyes, a late development, one closely associated with the mythological; in its pure state, the lexicon is not so contaminated. But this picture of “healthy” language as composed of a small number of basic roots is the result, we learn from the above, of the hecatomb of countless other words of less general and therefore less useful scope. Should we not assume that these redundant forms were essentially nominal, even ostensive? Müller’s theory of lexical proliferation appears to echo a notion that goes back (at least) to Locke and that was often expressed in the eighteenth century, notably by Rousseau and Maupertuis: that early in the development of language, each thing would receive an individual name, and that general names would arise only gradually, through our learning from experience that tree A has a great deal in common with tree B. Müller’s new wrinkle, based on his philological studies but hardly demonstrated by them, is that the end product of the evolutionary struggle was not words like “tree” but like “grow” or “green.” But to account for the original proliferation, we must assume that for Müller as for Maupertuis, words were first attached to individual objects and only subsequently became generalized and de-nominalized into verbs and adjectives. What “instinct” could justify this proliferation of names in the communal context in which their struggle for survival would later take place?

    If we put together Müller’s theory of language origin and his theory of religious origin, we observe that he describes the origin of nouns in two moments: a God-given “instinctive” moment and a God-creating mythological moment. The only thing lacking for these two moments to dissolve into one is a plausible motivation common to both religious worship and language. Müller comes close to suggesting this for the sun. If naming the sun were the model for the first exercise of our language “instinct,” there would be no proliferation of words beyond the limited plurality of divinities–each with its own “root”–and the struggle for life between words for tree A and tree B would take place only in the context of conflict between gods.

    Müller chooses the sun as his model divinity precisely because it is the most undoubtedly unique of referents. But despite his lyricism, Müller presents our attribution of root-names to the sun as a gratuitous act of mythological enfantillage rather than a practical act of language use. What is missing in Müller is what Durkheim would supply, a social purpose for religion. But what is lost in the latter’s conception of religion as the representation of the social ideal is the relationship, whether as disease or as motivation, of religious representations to the signs of language and their origin.


     

     

  • Language Origin in History VII: Herder’s Bleating Sheep

    Johann Gottfried Herder’s prize Essay on the Origin of Language (1772) is the definitive rejection of Condillac’s Enlightenment model that seeks to derive human language from natural signs. This rejection obliges Herder to reject as well the interactional basis for language, reasoning that if animals could communicate adequately through the very natural signs that he has shown language not to be, communication cannot be language’s raison d’être. In this, Herder anticipates the cognitivist position of Chomsky and his school, who see language as an epiphenomenon of the evolution of the brain.

    Man, placed in the state of reflection which is peculiar to him, with this reflection for the first time given full freedom of action, did invent language….

    Man manifests reflection when the force of his soul acts in such freedom that, in the vast ocean of sensations which permeates it through all the channels of the senses, it can … single out one wave, arrest it, concentrate its attention on it, and be conscious of being attentive. He manifests reflection when, confronted with the vast hovering dream of images which pass by his senses, he can collect himself into a moment of wakefulness and dwell at will on one image … and can select in it distinguishing marks for himself so that he will know that this object is this and not another. He thus manifests reflection if he is able not only to recognize all characteristics vividly or clearly but if he can also recognize and acknowledge to himself one or several of them as distinguishing characteristics. The first act of this acknowledgment results in a clear concept; it is the first judgment of the soul–and through what did this acknowledgment occur? Through a distinguishing mark which he had to single out and which … struck him clearly…

    Let that lamb there, as an image, pass by under his eyes; it is to him, as it is to no other animal. Not as it would appear to the hungry, scenting wolf!… Not as it appears to the rutting ram which feels it only as the object of its pleasure… Not as it appears to any other animal to which the sheep is indifferent and which therefore lets it … pass by because its instinct makes it turn toward something else–Not so with man! As soon as he feels the need to come to know the sheep, no instinct gets in his way; no one sense of his pulls him too close to it or too far away from it…. White, soft, woolly–his soul in reflective exercise seeks a distinguishing mark–the sheep bleats! His soul has found the distinguishing mark…. This bleating, which makes upon man’s soul the strongest impression, which broke away from all the other qualities of vision and of touch, which sprang out and penetrated most deeply, the soul retains it. (Section 2)

    This view of language as a product of the human freedom from animal determinations of appetite and action is closer to the originary hypothesis than to the cognitivists’ evolutionary determinism. Herder’s exposition suggests, albeit in the context of the lone Enlightenment individual rather than the group, the free-floating mimetic interaction by which humans replace these animal determinations. For Herder, as for Sartrean Existentialism, human freedom is a primary category, defined in negative terms but inexplicable merely on the basis of what it negates. The effect of this absence of determination is an otherwise unexplained desire to imitate, not other persons in their similarity to us, but other beings insofar as they force themselves upon one’s consciousness. Whence the “bleating sheep,” the best remembered passage in the Essay.

    Herder’s sheep, the very symbol of innocuousness, is diametrically opposed to Rousseau’s giants. Herder exemplifies human disinterest by the least fearsome creature, in opposition to both Rousseau and Condillac, for whom language originates in the “unfree” need to communicate one’s distress. Yet there is a subtle contradiction between the choice of the lamb, innocent victim and symbol of Christ, and the postulated disinterest of the human speaker in its edibility; the Lamb of God is a direct descendant of the eminently comestible Paschal lamb of the Hebrews. Herder in his Enlightenment optimism ignores the fact that it is precisely this lack of fearsomeness that makes the lamb the ideal sacrificial victim and, as a consequence, the symbol of the sacred in the religion that most clearly reveals the mimetic nature of the sacrificial.

    Herder’s arguments against Condillac’s derivation of language from natural cries are more destructive than constructive. His own originary scene suggests the sacrality of language only by reductio ad absurdum: if man has no appetitive interest in the sheep, why should he “[feel] the need to come to know” it? In order to find an anthropological basis for what Herder sees as a purely gratuitous interest, we must situate it on a different level from appetitive interest, which is to say, as the interest we have in the significant, in the sacred.

    Why is it the bleating of the sheep that “makes upon man’s soul the strongest impression”? Clearly the “bow-wow” theory here presented takes for granted not only the sonorous but the mimetic nature of speech. We cannot ourselves become white, soft, and woolly in imitation of the sheep, but we are able to mimic his cry. As opposed to Condillac who derives language from our own involuntary “calls,” Herder finds its source in the deliberate imitation of those of another creature. The obvious objection that many objects and actions, let alone grammatical words, are not associated with a sound suffices to refute the bow-wow theory as an overall explanation of the lexicon, but it is not entirely on the mark with respect to Herder’s originary scene. The choice of the sheep, a higher animal and the prototypical sacrificial victim to boot, allows us to construe this scene more generously. As the hypothetical referent of the first word, the sheep is an object of both desire and imitation.  Despite Herder’s Enlightenment atomism, the only way to connect desire and imitation is through the desire of the human community: we all desire (to eat) the sheep, it acquires being as a result of its desirability, we all share that being by representing/imitating the sheep through its cry. Hence to emit the sign is both to represent the object as desired and to take on the being of the object represented. Although this is not a useful explanation of the origin of most of our vocabulary, it highlights language’s doubly mimetic structure.


    It is fitting that the Enlightenment’s definitive statement on the origin of language should on the one hand evacuate Condillac’s model of continuity with nature that Rousseau had problematized but not really overcome and on the other reduce the scene of language origin to the confrontation between a meaningless nature and a single free human spirit. Of these two operations, the first redefines the problem in all its paradox for all future students of the question. (To quote Alexander Gode, the author of the 1966 Frederic Ungar Press translation of the Essay, “Can we today, armed as we are with an infinitely more vast array of documented primary data than Herder, excel over Herder in his ultimate insight into the nature and the mystery of language? The answer, I fear, can only be in the negative.”) The second, in renouncing the Enlightenment ambition to reconstitute the community from an aggregate of individuals, looks forward to the Romantic blurring of boundaries between individual and collective. The two operations are inseparable; in the Enlightenment perspective, to be cut off from nature and its instincts is to be without any “natural” need for communication with a fellow creature.

    Herder’s elimination from the language situation of the human other and its mimetic relationship with the self focuses our attention on the “vertical” mimetic relation between speaker and referent that in previous models, such as that of Condillac, was merely an element of the “horizontal” appetitive décor. The trajectory of this movement away from the mediating other/rival and toward the sacred central object is that of the hypothetical originary event itself. Herder is right to give primary emphasis to the individual’s free choice to represent the central being. But there remains to reestablish the relation with the human other on the basis of this mediating representation, a gesture beyond the capacity of Enlightenment thought.


    Thus Herder’s solipsistic model of language origin, however indispensable to future progress, is a closure of the problem rather than a solution to it. This closure foreshadows and continues to lend credence even today to the Société Linguistique de Paris‘s infamous 1866 ban on theories of language origin. Herder’s model can be completed only once the absolute difference between free human speech and le cri de la nature can be understood as resulting from an event of separation that inaugurates a radically new form of communication. This, as my reader will recognize, is what GA achieves with the originary hypothesis.


  • Does God Exist?

    Perhaps the deepest motivation for Generative Anthropology is the need to raise the level of our discourse about the existence of God, which habitually begin by defining “God” and then go on to examine the evidence for his/her/its existence… These mind-numbing exercises persist, and not only among the intellectually unsophisticated. The other day I read a review of a book about Albert Camus that went on at length about Camus’ inversion of Christian belief into a faith in the non-existence of God. Is the world “absurd”? If so, does its absurdity prove the non-existence of God? This kind of ratiocination is about as helpful as counting angels on pinheads.

    But this does not mean that we should simply dismiss the whole debate, in good Enlightenment fashion, as a survival from the dark ages of the soul. If we declared the question of God’s existence meaningless, as the logical positivists thought they could do, all religious questions would be expelled from rational discourse. On the contrary: it is the very importance of religious questions that makes the usual terms in which they are debated so frustrating.

    I sometimes wonder about the helpfulness of the originary hypothesis for analyzing literary texts, but I have no doubt whatsoever that it evacuates the old clichés of Western philosophy about the existence of God. We need a new way of thinking that provides a qualitatively more neutral language in which to speak of religious matters. And because humans do not live in hermetically sealed universes of discourse, the creation and dissemination (which are not the same thing!) of such a language are bound to transform religious discourse and, as a consequence, the reality of religion itself. I believe GA as it stands today is the beginning of such a language, although I cannot tell when or even whether people will begin to speak it.


    Generative Anthropology is about the origin of the human, defined as the origin of language. We have heard enough recently about the sacralization of language. But those who treat language as a transcendent force beyond our control not only fail to reconstruct its source, they deny that such a source is conceivable. The point of the originary hypothesis is to minimize the scandal of conceiving the moment of the origin of language, which is the moment of passage between the non-human and the human.

    No one claims that animals, who do not possess representation, know God. What we claim to know of God is known only through representation, that is, through language in its broadest sense. We know we have language, then, and we claim to have knowledge of God. To what extent is the first knowledge tantamount to, or even equivalent to, the second?

    Language helps us to understand God because it provides us with a model of transcendence and its “mystery.” The linguistic sign cannot be understood simply as one thing substituted for another, aliquid stat pro aliquo. It belongs to a different “world,” in Karl Popper’s terminology, one that shares the quality generally attributed to God of existing outside time and space. The representational sign is “immortal”; even when it falls into disuse, it retains the virtual being of a God that is no longer worshiped rather than dissolving into its elements like a dead animal. In the same vein, the immortality of our soul is analogous to that of a linguistic text. A book can decay, but the words that compose it do not die a material death even when they disappear; the same may be said of our thoughts.

    We cannot explain these analogies by claiming that the sacred itself is merely an epiphenomenon or, as Max Müller (the subject of an upcoming Chronicle) put it in his famous dictum, a “disease” of language. Thus because the sun (to use Müller’s own favorite example) is the subject of the verb in “the sun rises,” it comes to be understood as having the other attributes of human subjectivity. This understanding of the sacred as an anthropomorphic construction of natural reality is limited to grammatical relations, which lack any analogy to transcendence. Because it relies on the natural, it cannot take into account the deeper analogy contained in the other-worldly ontology of the sign itself.

    In the common-sense view that Müller shares, language is part of the everyday world whereas God is veiled in mystery. But treating sacred mystery as disease and desacralized language as healthy will not explain the origin of either language or the sacred. The mystery of the sacred belongs to the domain of language as well. It is the conjunction of language and the sacred that is the defining feature of our species; the purpose of the originary hypothesis is to explain the origin of this conjunction.

    To think of the origin of language is to think of a mystery to which God’s existence offers a preemptive solution. This existence is both the central article of all religious faith and a category error. To the extent that God (i.e., for the atheist) is no more than the signified or meaning of the originary sign, he cannot be said to exist any more than the word-form “tree” exists; his immortality depends precisely on his not possessing the existence of a real, mortal tree. But to the extent that God (i.e., for the believer) is not merely a sign but solves the mystery of the sign, his “existence” is altogether different from that of a tree and cannot therefore be understood under the same concept. Saint Anselm’s ontological proof claims that God, as the most perfect being, must exist because existence is a “perfection.” But aside from the question-begging nature of the argument, it is not proved even in its own terms. Why not claim the exact opposite? As Keats put it, “Heard melodies are sweet, but those unheard / Are sweeter.” We would understand each other better if instead of arguing over whether God exists, we reflected on what it means to say that he is.

    GA does not, like God, solve the mystery of the sign through preemption, but it is the first mode of thought to take the solution of this mystery as its methodological challenge. The minimality of the originary hypothesis reduces faith it to its lowest common denominator, abstracted from the historical circumstances in which its revelations were procured. When we speak of analogies between God and the sign, the sign we speak of is not the word or “sememe” of language in its mature state, but the sign in the minimal, originary configuration of language where there are no other signs from which it may be differentiated. In this originary state the Saussurian equation of meaning with difference breaks down; the first sign differentiates not with respect to other signs but by pointing out its referent from its unmarked surroundings. If God can be understood through the sign of language, it is as the Being of what that sign–understood as the “name of God”–designates. God is more than a signified or meaning, an Idea or concept. He is the substance that grounds the possibility of meaning, the sacred being that must be before we can designate some particular thing (the central object of the originary scene of representation) as sacred.

    The originary hypothesis does not require us to believe in God because it does not presuppose the anteriority of the sacred to the human. I would not say with Girard that the sacred is human violence, even with the precision that its emergence requires the proliferation of violence in a “mimetic crisis” that can be resolved only by the concentration of the community’s hostility on a single object. What is sacred is the object of the community’s common desire. This desire need not be generated merely as a means to discharge the mimetic tension of the group; it may simply–I think more parsimoniously–be provoked by a particularly attractive object of consumption. The function of the sacred is the deferral of violence, and this is accomplished through representation, through the generation of the sign.

    From a religious perspective, any object that so concentrates human desire is a divine revelation that the human community can found itself around this concentration of desire. The generation and reproduction of this concentration is not limited to the specific mortal object that on this occasion effects it. The sign that designates the object persists after the object has been destroyed (presumably to be shared as food among the group); its meaning is not exhausted by any specific referent, nor even by the signified to which the referent is related as a token to a type. The sign does not demonstrate God’s existence; it affirms the violence-deferring presence of sacred being.


    However difficult the exposition of these ideas may be–and I apologize to the reader for any obscurity–they seem to me a clear improvement over the usual modes of discourse on the subject of God’s existence. Yet they are generally met with an indifference that is partly a failure of marketing, but cannot be this alone. To say that the world is not yet ready for them is to beg the question of their future value.

    Is Generative Anthropology too much oriented toward solving old problems rather than toward posing new ones? In simplifying our understanding of human reality does it fail to suggest new lines of empirical research to confirm this understanding? Or is this failure caused rather by the disjunction between the motivations and strategies of scientific research and the process of humanistic thinking, which (in this respect like religion) cannot influence scientific research programs without sacrificing its central anthropological insight. Thus even when empirical research corroborates various aspects of the originary hypothesis, as with Terrence Deacon’s The Symbolic Species discussed in Chronicle 168, the conjunction, of interest to us, is without consequence to the empirical researchers themselves.

    My own view is that no research program based on biological categories can explain human language. I understand that cognitive scientists might not be particularly anxious to agree with me on this point. But if we change the word “language” to “religion,” it becomes harder to disagree, whether one is a believer or not. The idea of God makes explicit the mystery implicit in language. To the extent that this making-explicit is the very ground upon which Generative Anthropology rests, GA is more fundamentally a theory of religion than a theory of representation. I don’t think Durkheim would have disapproved of such a definition of the most fundamental human science.


     

     

  • Language Origin in History VI: Rousseau’s Essay on the Origin of Languages

    Rousseau’s Essay on the Origin of Languages is the Urtext of deconstruction. Like many a posthumously published work, it is characteristic of its creator to the point of caricature. Although its history is unclear, it is difficult not to connect its unpublished status with its lack of discipline in the deployment of Rousseau’s trademark nature-culture dichotomy. The more rigorous Discourse on the Origin of Inequality is not only closer to our own minimalist ideal, it is closer to the text of deconstruction itself. But for a doctrine like deconstruction that denies scientific value to metaphysical constructions in any case, the more caricatural the better; concentration on the Essay at the expense of the Discourse makes it easier to overlook their commonality of aims and achievements as proto-scientific texts. To point this out is not to deconstruct the discourse of deconstruction, but rather to suggest that it is itself, à son corps défendant, a discourse of construction–an inadequate one, to be sure, but not so much more than our own, the chief measure of the difference being the underlying mensonge romantique of a discursive practice that claims to turn away from anthropology, from the construction of the human.

    If the author of the Discourse, dixit Lévi-Strauss, is the creator of anthropology as a human science, the author of the Essay would seem to be a purveyor of the pseudo-anthropological myths that lie at the foundation of Western thought, most notably of the myth so precious to Derrida of the speaker’s presence to himself in his voice. The world of the Essay is not the state of nature of the first part of the Discourse but the social condition of the second part. Within this already-corrupt world where language has replaced le cri de la nature, the melodious voice serves as a supplement to man’s lost natural state.

    There is no point in redoing Derrida’s deconstruction of this text. The greater challenge is to find in it, as in the Discourse, a lesson in originary anthropology.


    As noted in Chronicle 185, the primary extrafamilial relationship among humans in the Essay is not determined by pity, as in the Discourse, but by a Hobbesian fear that is, not coincidentally, the first “passion” to be expressed in language. The scene in Chapter 3 expresses the Essay‘s most brilliant anthropological insight:

    Upon meeting others, a savage man will initially be frightened. Because of his fear he will see the others as taller and stronger than himself. He will give them the name of giants.

    But in the context of this language of fear–to which I shall return below–there intervenes the “supplementary” sweetness of the voice that will be shown in Chapter 9 to characterize particularly the melodious, vocalic South in contrast to the harsh, consonantal North. This supplement is expressed primarily not in speech, but in song (Ch. 4). For the Essay is as much a polemic about music as it is a speculation about language.

    Rousseau’s text contains the components of a model of the origin of human representation in two moments: (1) The birth of the sign as the making-sacred of an Other (“giant”) recognized as a potential source of mimetic conflict; (2) the peaceful elaboration of the sign in ritual performance. The jeu du supplément that creates song in compensation for the lost harmoniousness of nature is not a merely metaphysical operation; it reflects the passage from the purely formal emission of the sign to its institutional elaboration in ritual. No doubt Rousseau’s argument appeals not to the equilibrating construction of the musical supplement but to its naturalness, not to the sacrificial nature of ritual but to the erotic virtues of song:

    … In the arid places where one could only obtain water from wells, men had to come together to dig them, or at least to reach agreement on their use. This must have been the origin of societies and languages in warm countries.There the first ties were formed among families; there were the first rendezvous of the two sexes. . . . There the first festivals took place. Feet skipped with joy, eager gestures no longer sufficed, the voice accompanied them with impassioned accents; pleasure and desire mingled and were felt together. There, finally, was the true cradle of nations: from the pure crystal of the fountains flowed the first fires of love. (Ch. 9, emphasis mine)

    The anthropological lesson of Rousseau’s text is subordinated to its polemical intention. But in our proto-scientific reading, Rousseau’s preference for the Natural over the Social is stripped of its rhetorical moralizing to become a postulate of method, one not uncongenial to Durkheim’s sociology of religion: the sociologist focuses on the simplest forms of a given phenomenon because they most clearly reveal that phenomenon’s originary function. What is at issue for human science is not the moral valence of historical progress but its obscuring action for the study of fundamental human reality.

    The contrast between the Essay and the Discourse on this point is instructive. The second Discourse is, like its cruder predecessor, the Discourse on the Sciences and Arts, a paradoxical diatribe against human history, but it is not a polemic as such. Because its attacks on human society serve no cause, its critique is easily translated from the moral to the methodological domain; it suffices to change “good/bad” into “good/bad to study.” The transformation is all the more justified in that the resulting values have practical implications for scholarship, whereas the only way to put the original into practice would be to carry out the desire, purportedly inspired in Voltaire by the Discourse, to walk on all fours. (Or, under the influence of Rousseau’s Social Contract, to seek to realize the “general will” through political action; but that is another story.)

    The Essay, in contrast to the Discourse, is overtly polemical. Its purpose in declaring melody more natural than harmony is to endorse the Italian musical style (which Rousseau himself practiced) over the French style championed by Rameau. The other variants on the nature-culture dichotomy in the text may be read as so many corroborations of this endorsement. The purely speculative preference of the Discourse for the primitive over the civilized is replaced in the Essay by a geographical preference for the South (Italy) over the North (France) and for a public, ritual culture mediated by song over a private, secular culture that communicates (if at all) through writing. To consider this text in methodological terms is not simply to sacrifice its practical implications but to translate it from the musical realm where these implications are operative into that of cultural analysis; when this is done, the Essay’s greater concreteness makes it a more specific guide than the Discourse. Whatever our view of the author’s ethico-musical preference, we can hardly avoid making it our methodological preference, as over a century of ethnology has shown. Even the paradoxical turn of the argument that makes it so apt for deconstruction may be understood in methodological terms. Rousseau’s own use of writing as a supplement to the lost state of nature translates into the literate ethnologist’s analytical insight into the operations of oral cultures that is inaccessible to the participants in these cultures themselves.


    In the concluding chapter (20) of the Essay, entitled “Relationships between Languages and Governments,” Rousseau’s model of ethical origin is given a communal (and political) context; southern societies where a general can address his entire army in public are favorably compared with unfree northern societies where language is  private and might just as well be written as spoken. Combined with the “giant” scenario of Chapter 3, this collective scene becomes a model of the origin of language. As in Condillac, language is generated in that scene by fear of danger rather than positive appetite. But where Condillac understood the linguistic sign as emerging from the increasingly voluntary rationalization of the prehuman “call” elicited by this fear–and where Herder, a generation after Rousseau, will separate the linguistic sign not merely from this cri de la nature but from the danger that motivated it–for Rousseau the danger posed by the “giants” displaces the sign ab ovo from any natural relationship with its referent. The no-longer-natural quality of the context in which the sign emerges is figured by the metaphoric nature of the sign itself. In the absence of a contrasting word for “man,” “giant” can convey no well-defined meaning. But insofar as Rousseau’s scenario is a model of glossogenesis, the same could be said of any first word. What is conveyed by “giant” is not simply greater than normal size but supernaturalness, in other words, sacrality. The Différance with which language begins is not, pace Derrida, Saussurian difference, but the sacred that defers violence.

    The text presents the speaker as isolated before a number of fearsome potential enemies, like Rousseau himself confronting the accord unanime (see Chronicle 183). But the dynamic of the glossogenetic situation implies that it is rather the speaker and his interlocutors who would be the more numerous. In the Hobbesian world of the Essay, it would not even be far-fetched to trace the aggression directed outward at the giant-victims to the mimetic rivalries within the proto-community.

    The danger represented by the Other-as-giant is that constituted in Girard’s model by the scapegoat or emissary victim. Were the “giants” encountered in the concluding chapter of the Essay, the general’s voice would transform his soldiers into a Girardian lynch mob. But the structure of Rousseau’s scene in Chapter 3 is that of GA’s originary hypothesis. Designation of the “giants” is in the first place linguistic representation. The victim is made sacred by the sign before he is made a victim. Whatever one may subsequently do to giants, one first hesitates before their incarnation of supernatural force.


    Rousseau may be deemed the first modern thinker because he is the first whose thought reflects, avant la lettre, the dynamic of bourgeois society. In his writings, the elements of originary anthropology and even of its methodology are all present in implicit form. We are no longer required, as in Hobbes, to solicit them from the structural “unconscious” of his text. But we are still obliged to piece them together; they are not yet combined in an even inchoate synthesis. As a man of the Enlightenment, Rousseau remains committed to regenerating, in opposition to religious tradition, the collective from the individual; he cannot yet conceive their common and interdependent origin. Such a conception, inspired by the maturing of the market system, first emerges unambiguously over a century later, in the work of Durkheim.


     

  • Adorers of Literature Scared of Criticism

    One way of describing the trouble with the Humanities today is that those who are clever are wrong and those who are right are dull. Last year, the appointment of my friend, former student, and Anthropoetics stalwart Tom Bertonneau as Executive Director of the Association of Literary Scholars and Critics (ALSC) inspired in me a moment of optimism about the possibility of an organization’s combining rightness and cleverness. Sadly, my experience of the ALSC annual meeting in New York illustrates the polarization of humanistic thinking, or what is left of it, between a Left inspired by what it imagines to be a flight from the Western tradition and a Right mired in passive worship of this tradition.

    (There is an interesting historical connection between GA and the ALSC. One of the ALSC’s leading lights is Roger Shattuck, now retired after a long and distinguished career as a professor of French. Best known for The Banquet Years, a colorful study of early French modernism, Shattuck is no theoretician. But in reaction to the emergence of deconstruction after 1968, he articulated the ideological position that is the semi-official credo of the ALSC: that literature is grounded in orality and remains so even in our literate culture. I first heard Shattuck enunciate this position in a talk at UCLA in 1980. What I perceived as its intellectually retrograde nature so provoked me that, in Paris the following summer, I wrote the article “Differences” (MLN 96: Spring 1981) that outlined the program of what would become Generative Anthropology.)

    Both Left and Right unknowingly commune in confirming the sterility of Western culture at precisely the moment of its greatest triumph. Today the Western market-system with its ethic of exchange is in the process of integrating within itself–which does not mean swallowing up–the totality of the world’s cultures. The new millennium begins in the dawn of a global civilization. Under such conditions, there is no need either to accept at face value the resentments of the post-colonial world or to circle the wagons around the masterpieces of Western civilization. The West’s victory in the Cold War put an end to the rivalry of the two world-systems; there remains only one, and whatever modifications it acquires from the practices of other lands, nothing can change the fact that it was invented in the Judeo-Christian West.

    Hence there is precious little chance that the cultural masterpieces of the society that created this system will be forgotten. The multicultural excesses that stimulated the formation of the ALSC are already receding. But this does not obviate the need for theorizing both the specific mediations that permit communication among what may already be considered subordinate elements of a world civilization as well as the general anthropological truth revealed by the triumph of the Western ethic: that the human condition is essentially one of meaningful exchange and that the gradient of history corresponds to the acceleration and proliferation of this exchange.


    I regret to say that most of the clichés about the phallogocentric patriarchy are true of the ALSC. It is dominated by a small phalanx of elderly scholars insulated from the general membership, whose suggestions, if the business meeting I attended is any indication, are met with condescension and largely dismissed. Its annual conference deliberately eschews the fragmented Modern Language Association (MLA) format of ten or twenty sessions going on at once in favor of a far smaller number of plenary sessions; the whole is never divided into more than three subgroups. But this praiseworthy unity comes at a price: the few speakers are chosen in advance by the all-powerful program committee rather than, as at the MLA, by independent chairs of the separate sessions. Junior scholars, not to speak of graduate students, need not apply. My own invitation to speak in the Drama subgroup was a product of my relationship with Tom. The original title of my talk was “René Girard’s Theory of Tragedy.” For the first time in my career, I was forced to abandon a title for fear of controversy, I think less because of Girard’s theoretical stance than simply because his stance is theoretical. For the conference emphasis was exclusively on the literary, the maximally literary. Foreign literatures were represented by Goethe and Cervantes. The other two panelists in my drama session spoke about Shakespeare. A session on the question of literacy dealt not with a single mega-author but with all of them together; the panel’s literary component was a description of Columbia College’s Great Books course.

    I found the average level of intellectual sophistication quite a bit lower than at the MLA. Many of the participants seemed to have been drawn to the ALSC less out of scandal at the excesses of multiculturalism than out of fear of literary-critical theorizing of any kind. The vast bulk of postmodern theory, beginning with deconstruction, is, to be sure, on the Left. But the mistrust of Girard shows that the intellectual problem is deeper than the political. Since 1968, English and, to a lesser extent, other literature departments have been roiled by deconstruction, feminism, cultural studies, queer theory, postcolonial theory… Most of this theorizing is indeed victimary thinking, but its most frightening aspect to someone with a traditional literary background is its constant reference to an extraliterary–philosophical, sociological, linguistic, psychoanalytic…–universe of thought not formerly explored in literature departments and not easily absorbed by someone out of graduate school. This situation generates a quite understandable demand for authoritative, not to say authoritarian reassurance that these theoretical discourses, dwarfed by the great literary and philosophical works of the Western tradition, may safely be ignored.

    A sizable group discussed for nearly an hour the relative merits of the literate and the oral without ever mentioning Jacques Derrida, whose attack on the myth of orality in De la grammatologie (1968) put this opposition at the center of the postmodern critical debate. And as though awakening from a twenty-year slumber, I once again heard Shattuck extol the virtues of the oral, declaring that the ultimate purpose of literary analysis in the classroom was to prepare students to read the work aloud. And once again, this Rousseauian profession of faith in the virtues of the unmediated voice made a Derridean of me. Sublimely indifferent to the impracticality of reading aloud in class anything much longer than a sonnet, Shattuck would have public readings of the literary classics take the place of the village festivals in the Letter to D’Alembert on Spectacles as means to reestablish a lost Gemeinschaft.


    My disappointment with the ALSC may best be understood through a brief detour through political analysis. The American political configuration in the post-Cold War era breaks down roughly into three elements:

    1. A traditionalist, moralistic, “paleoconservative” Right, highly suspicious of modernity and of the market system that sustains it. This group’s increasing association with religious fundamentalism is not without analogy to the violently anti-market religio-political movements in less developed countries.

    2. A Left that remains openly hostile to the market and to the free circulation of human desire in general, which it views in victimary terms. Human degradation of the environment being the ultimate proof of the inherent destructiveness of the exchange-system characteristic of our unfortunate species, the “victim” is increasingly found in nature rather than humanity.

    3. A neoconservative Center-Right favorable to the market. This element is particularly suspicious of the victimary thinking of the Left, but it is also uncomfortable with the moralizing of the Right.

    Clear parallels may be drawn between the first two of these positions and the traditionalist vs postmodern dichotomy accepted by both sides as defining today’s critical debate. But there is no third, pro-market position on culture because culture itself, even the most marketable culture, is essentially hostile to the market. Cultural phenomena impose their value in the marketplace by preempting the decision of the market, by opposing their version of the unique sacred to the reciprocity of exchange. To accept the market’s decisions about culture is to renounce any given set of cultural meanings; to take a cultural position in favor of the market is to refuse to take a cultural position in the strong sense of the term. Hence it is really no surprise that, seeking in the ALSC the cultural equivalent of neoconservatism in the political sphere, I found only intellectual paleoconservatism.

    GA, as a minimalist anthropology, a metacultural rather than a cultural theory, is neutral in the debate between traditionalism and multiculturalism. To recognize the historically superior–that is, less sacrificial–ethical aims of high as opposed to popular culture is not to presume that these aims constitute high culture as a transhistorical form–the Great Tradition–that evolves only in its content. There are no guaranteed heirs of the Great Tradition today. Only the marketplace can reveal to us what are henceforth the viable forms of culture, which is not to say that their importance can be measured by this week’s or this year’s receipts.

    There is a clear analogy between this minimalist position and the neoconservative preference to let the market decide. But even if we grant for purpose of argument that a neoconservative cultural politics (for example, skepticism toward the public funding of cultural activities) is implicit in GA, this would still not imply any particular position with regard to which cultural phenomena to consider as significant. GA is culturally neutral because its vision of the human is ethical before it is esthetic. But those who feel strongly that they have a stake in what is taught in literature departments and in how it is taught cannot accept this benign neutrality. They will come down on one side or the other rather than sit back and await the verdict of history, by which we mean nothing more than the process of human exchange.

    I should no doubt have understood all this before the ALSC meeting. But my experience is just one more demonstration that one best learns the value of things, be they goods or ideas, in and from the human exchange-system itself.