Author: staceymeeker

  • Deus sive natura

    for Pierre Whalon

    God, or rather, nature. This Spinozan formula suggests that the sharp distinction between a personlike God and an impersonal Nature governed by “chance” is but an illusion. Just as Darwin demonstrated the capacity of living creatures to evolve toward greater efficiency and to adapt to their surroundings, given that what lasts has given proof of its durability, so the same processes are bound to exist in nature as a whole. Hence over time, all phenomena and the beings that manifest them will tend to evolve toward greater stability and greater reproducibility, be they atoms or stars. In this context, reproduction in the manner of living beings is but a specialized version of a universal process that allows improvements to accelerate and accumulate. The human gift of deferral and intentionality permits a still higher level of these processes.

    This negentropic evolution will presumably eventually exhaust the energy of the system, since overall entropy always increases. But one could simply say that if that law were absolute, there would never have been anything in the first place. Where it all “came from,” we are clearly ever more distant from understanding, or rather, we understand ever more clearly that there can be no “rational” explanation of how the universe in the broadest sense came into existence. The “big bang,” as I think by now everyone agrees, cannot be described as the definitively first appearance of what minimally defines a/the “universe,” whether space or time or matter or energy.

    However science depends on facts and measurements, the questions it examines reflect the needs and limitations of the beings that ask them. It cannot be irrelevant to point out that the “Standard Theory” of which physicists are so proud applies only to 5% of the matter/energy detected in the universe, a humbling discovery indeed—and one that strongly suggests that future discoveries that may improve the theory will lead us at the same time to a still greater awareness of our relative ignorance.


    I can understand the excitement of today’s physicists impatiently awaiting the construction of ever more powerful colliders and telescopes, and whose least worry is having to weep like Alexander for a lack of worlds to conquer. But from the layman’s perspective, one cannot fail to experience a sense of disillusionment. After decades of reading general science periodicals, from Scientific American to the British New Scientist (which has a better sense of humor), it is hard to avoid the cliché: the more I learn the less I know. By now what physicists call a particle is so far from a useful metaphor that, ironically, it is no clearer in the imagination than the wave with which it alternates.

    This is far from a reason to stop funding fundamental science. But the idea that the evolution of this science is going to make our understanding of the world clearer in the simplest sense of the term—rendering more efficient the principle of Ockham’s razor—seems by now to be no more worthy of “rational faith” than the beliefs of the earliest religions.

    Which is only to say that for the past few decades, the nonspecialized mind has had no reason to seek to reach the point at which it can understand the equations of modern physics as we understand the multiplication table. Despite the increasing frequency of news of faked results, scientists’ affirmations can still generally be trusted. But, at least for the foreseeable future, the idea of an “understandable” universe is no longer entertainable.


    Spinoza’s reduction of God to Nature was conceived as a simplification: rather than imagine a divine mind whose actions we would understand in quasi-human terms, as in the Bible or Coran or Upanishads, we need merely to take the orderliness of nature, which in the 17th century was becoming far better understood than in antiquity, as a preferable substitute for a humanlike will. And thinking of God as essentially providential, we should understand Nature as urging us to imitate its regularities, as setting us an example that human disorder and violence would contradict.

    This parallel made sense in the apparent simplicity of the Newtonian universe. But the revolutionary ideas of Einsteinian relativity and the quantum theory would seem to have demonstrated that the clarity of the principles of human morality, which we learn as children and whose applications to real-world situations are in all but rare cases intuitively evident, bears no similarity to that of the “laws of nature.” For even were we to freeze physical theory at its present stage and declare the Standard Theory sufficiently accurate to put in the place of the Newtonian universe, no 21st century poet would dream of composing a parallel piece to Alexander Pope’s epitaph for Isaac Newton:

    Nature and Nature’s laws lay hid in night :
    God said, “Let Newton be!” and all was light.

    Newton’s laws of motion can be understood by the average high-school student, and they are presented as sufficient unto themselves, while the Standard Theory, with its dozens of particles and no apparent raison d’être, by its own admission leaves out 95% of the matter-energy of the universe.

    But more important even than this is the fact that the theory’s very complexity seems to guarantee that any improvement to it would make it not simpler but still more complex. And as a physicist colleague with whom I have discussed the matter agrees, there is little reason to think that any level of complexity will lead to a reversal of the process of complexification. Indeed, the progress of AI suggests that the “laws of nature” are incompatible with human comprehension in the normal sense, and that only AI can begin to approximate their ultimate complexity, which we may well assume is not only infinite but uncountably infinite.

    We cannot bring Spinoza back to ask him what he would make of this situation, but he would certainly have to agree that equating God with Nature under these circumstances is hardly compatible with Pope’s metaphorical sunburst.


    Which is to say that to the extent that God might be understood by analogy to Nature, the latter would be not Newtonian but Pascalian, infinite beyond any possibility of comprehension.

    And this is very much the message of God’s words to Moses at the burning bush: Ehyeh asher ehyeh, I am what/that I am. This phrase demonstrates both that God is unknowable in himself, and that he nevertheless communicates with humans in their own language, thus providing us with the sense of the sacred, the name I have given to the quality that we attribute to what we otherwise call “the voice of conscience,” or what Freud called the Superego, the first instance of which, according to the originary hypothesis, calls for the deferral of the gesture of appropriation made toward the central food source in the originary event. That this sense was at that moment “providential” can be demonstrated from its result: the peaceful sharing of the food rather than the disorder that had come to attend the previous system of serial distribution.

    The above is not a “proof of the existence of God”: it does not demonstrate the existence of a Being that created the world and humanity and instilled in us the “sense of the sacred.” But it makes clear that the survival of a human community depends on its ability to share a unanimous sense of sacred interdiction of mimetic conflict, a sense that is analogous to obedience to a will that is external to every member of the community yet not in potential conflict with any of them.

    And this makes understandable that, whether God be conceived as a being or a heuristic, it is our responsibility as heirs of this originary community to do our best to follow the will of this providential sacred to insure that our community will be preserved. And since attributing this will to “Nature” based on our intuitive grasp of the Newtonian laws of motion is no longer in accordance with today’s more sophisticated understanding of the laws of the universe—as Pascal’s reflections on infinity show that he had in his own way already intuited—we can hardly do better than to learn from the religious texts that have accompanied our history the wisdom—the logos—concerning not the source of the sacred will, but its imperative content.

  • The 2024 Election

    Our Current Malaise

    Victimary thinking, the vicarious espousal by the privileged of the righteous resentment of ascriptive minorities, can be seen as a perversion of what most distinguishes American culture within Western Judeo-Christian civilization: its radical Protestant or Puritan origin, with its obsession with “virtue-signaling” to set an example that will humiliate those of lesser moral worth.

    The current Wokism is a caricatural Left-wing version of Puritanism intent on denouncing less inborn human sinfulness than preestablished White Guilt. This newer mode treats our fallen state as the inheritance not of Adam’s sin but of a more recent historical phenomenon: the Western invention of modernity, which led to Europe’s subjugation of peoples of other continents, as well as the renewal, borrowed from Islam, of the institution of chattel slavery.

    In either case—for this can serve as a critique of Puritanism in general—the inherent guilt for original sin is one for which the individual as such is not fully responsible, ultimately making him guilty only on the surface, just as White Guilt reflects skin color rather than any personal misdeeds. Whence the air of hypocrisy that attends these ostentatious attempts to relieve ourselves of a stigma that never really requires us to seek its roots in our individual soul.

    The victimary society is one in which each “intersectional” minority is motivated to define itself less by its inherent uniqueness than by its real and/or imagined grievances, whose recognition by the society as a whole provides the group’s most anti-social elements with a guarantee that their crimes will be dealt with leniently if at all, and assures the remainder that no one will dare dismiss as unreasonable even their most far-fetched complaints.

    Whereas Islam even today has no compunctions about treating non-Muslims as ontologically inferior, modern slavery was never truly compatible with Christianity, as its near-universal 19th-century abolition demonstrates. The idea that contemporary American whites must continue to repent for the benefits of slavery, whether through mere lip-service, like the new tradition of “land acknowledgements” to native tribes, or via improbable schemes of reparations to those of African heritage, is less a condemnation of one’s long-dead ancestors than of today’s white “deplorables” who fail to recognize its moral necessity.

    On the one hand, the political usefulness of this so-called “cultural Marxism” is clear: to use Charles Murray’s categories in Coming Apart, it supplies the inhabitants of Belmont with a conviction of moral superiority to those of Fishtown, while assuring itself of the votes of racial minorities and intimidating those in the middle, always fearful of déclassement. This is in the spirit of an elite globalism that feels no compunction about dismissing the traditions of the US and of Western Civilization in general as expressions of parochial narrowness, of which racism is the exemplary form, linked to all the other modes of victimization by which the white majority affirms its privileges, including over those they unfeelingly classify as criminals—whence the recent spate of globalist support for the election of public officials marked by a supposedly Christlike refusal to punish the latter’s misdeeds save in the most extreme circumstances.

    But on the other, it is difficult not to see Wokism as an expression of a Western death-wish whose most ominous correlate is Western-style nations’ abandonment of the reproductive process, such that Europe, and eventually North America as well, will almost certainly before the end of the present century be populated dominantly by ethnic groups originating in the Southern Hemisphere.

    Meanwhile, the persistent thrust of Islamism undeterred by the dominance of Western technology is founded on a cultural self-confidence that the West is far from able to match. Trump’s MAGA slogan asserting our duty to assert ourselves as a community is decried as “fascist,” whereas Islamic aggression, even when opposed, is treated with respect, less for the inherent worth of the values that subtend it than for the enthusiasm of its adherents, as illustrated by the number of young people who are willing to die for it. Michel Houellebecq’s Soumission, in many respects his best and most “realistic” novel, describes a not implausible future in which Islam becomes France’s national religion. The most timid attempt to affirm the anteriority of the Bible to the Koran, most of which is derived from it, would be both dangerous and pointless at a time when nations debate outlawing the burning of the latter without any concern for the former.

    But on the Other Hand…

    The US need not submit to Europe’s post-colonial malaise. The American melting-pot may not be a post-national vision of the human community, but it is definitely a post-ethnic one. In this respect we can even try to sympathize with Nancy Pelosi’s kneeling to the spirit of George Floyd as a gesture of reconciliation among the races, but only if understood as pointing toward acknowledgement of the death of racial prejudice rather than as an avowal of original and eternal sin.

    In this perspective, let me express my hope for the 2024 election. I have previously affirmed my support for Ron DeSantis, whose remarkable success in Florida provides the object lesson of an executive branch effectively repulsing the Wokist elite that should be of great value to a future Republican president. DeSantis would surely make an excellent chief executive. But to take office next year would oblige him to interrupt his exemplary governorship before having brought his transformation of Florida to its conclusion. There will surely be future opportunities.

    After observing the results of the recent debate, I feel confirmed in my original intuition that the best candidate is Nikki Haley. As an experienced governor and a very effective U N Representative, she is at just the stage of her career where she can contribute her poise and leadership talent to bringing us back to the self-confident America that we knew before 9/11. A gracious personality, neither vindictive nor resentful like the 2020 presidential candidates, Haley strikes me as embodying the competence and confident authority so necessary in this most powerful of all executive positions.

    Nor need we pass over in silence the fact that her election would symbolize the addition to the American melting-pot of the ethnic groups of the global South that had in the recent past been colonized by Europeans. Whatever our judgment of our recent African-American president, the current Woke obsession with racism is a clear enough demonstration that the long-term effect of his presidency, while at the time surely a point of pride for our black population, was rather to cast doubt on the unifying effect of the American melting pot. Ms. Haley’s election would, on the contrary, influence it in the opposite direction. Her accession to the presidency would be a step toward a multi-racial and multi-religious America that could renew its promise as an example to the world, not of overcoming “white supremacy” and/or “colonial exploitation,” but of the harmonious interaction of people of diverse extraction in a single nation: e pluribus unum.

    The hope that the rise of the global South to world prominence can take place without renewing the murderous conflicts of the last century could not be better exemplified than by the choice of a lady whose ancestors came from the land of Gandhi to lead our nation currently governed by a party twisting state and federal laws in an unprecedented fashion to serve its will to power. The US cannot afford another administration like the present one.

    And GA?

    The perspective of generative anthropology is incompatible with deterministic theories of history; nor should we conceive its task as providing a new political model by means of which to maintain the exemplarity of our civilization. On the contrary, the very notion of world civilization is a Western idea, and its implementation is predicated not on the West’s Spenglerian Untergang but on the interactive globalization of the political structures that it originated. Just as Christianity has at last chosen to reconcile itself with its Jewish “older brothers,” so the non-West will in time be able to put away its resentment of the West’s “colonial” anteriority.

    With respect to alternatives, leaving aside the world’s many démocratures, the choice is between the many times discredited model of communism—which, even in its Chinese implementation, has yet to show, despite considerable achievements, signs of being able to maintain the long-term efficiency, let alone the individual freedoms, that humanity must require from a world civilization—and the only other active model of world civilization, which is that of Islam.

    Soumission may indeed be the future of much of Europe, but it is surely not that of the world. On the contrary, there are clear indications that Islam, which is by no means synonymous with Islamism, can learn to live with the other Abrahamic religions, and with the others as well. The Obama-Biden soft spot for Iran with its religious extremism, in contrast with Trump’s Abraham Accords, has had most unfortunate consequences for peace in the Middle East and the world; but these can be corrected, as Biden’s recent overtures to Saudi Arabia suggest. The proper role of the US in the community of nations is not that of a repentant colonial power, but of an ex-colony demonstrating its leadership within a world of independent states.


    GA is not a political doctrine, but its understanding of morality has much in common with that of Judeo-Christianity. What the originary event taught emergent humanity was that the intuition I have called the “sense of the sacred,” by deferring each individual’s appetitive urge to satisfy his hunger, not only allowed the entire community to benefit from a source of nourishment, but replaced the conflictive nature of serial distribution with an act of egalitarian sharing in which the community not only obtains nourishment but celebrates its solidarity.

    We cannot deny the reality of mimetic rivalry, but our continued existence demonstrates that the deferral that inaugurates human culture permits the conquest of rivalry by communal reciprocity. And we must understand the course of human history, with all its horrors, as embodying this conquest. Human love is founded on the originary faith that deferral of individual desire is the prologue to a communal feast.

    I believe that there is still time for us to put away, without unnecessary vindictiveness, the victimary excesses that, although they have inflicted much damage throughout our society, from the academic to the military to the worlds of culture and business, yet have not profoundly damaged the fundamental cordiality that reigns among people in everyday circumstances.


    To return to the 2024 election, I well understand both that Donald Trump’s unconscionable lawfare martyrdom deserves to be compensated, and that Ron DeSantis’ record as governor of Florida makes him more than qualified for the presidency. But there are roles other than the presidency that could compensate Trump for his travails, and DeSantis will remain a viable candidate for many years in the future. Whereas it seems to me that for the reasons I have given above, Nikki Haley is the candidate most likely not only to put an end to our recent banana-republic excesses, but to exemplify a step toward the inclusion of the global South in the world of modernity hitherto dominated by the West—while at the same time becoming our first female president.

    Ms. Haley exemplifies the world that exists beyond the US’s never fully-healed racial dichotomy. Her example should do much to allow us to free ourselves from the unhealthy categorizing of the DEI era, and to treat each other not as intersectional grievants but as fellow members of a national, and incipiently international, human community. Which is finally only to apply a bit more to our mutual interactions the lesson of love learned in the event that made us human.

  • On Providence

    In its core meaning, providence defines an essential quality of the sacred/God that provides for humanity, such that obedience to the imperatives of the sacred is understood as aiding us to survive and prosper. But once the term is discussed in a theological context, it becomes necessary to offer explanations as to why an omnipotent God subjects us to unprovidential acts of nature or humanity such as the Lisbon earthquake of 1755 or the Holocaust.

    GA allows us to give the notion of providence a clear meaning that includes its necessary limitations, without the embarrassment of having to explain why God allows earthquakes or genocidal massacres.

    In the context of the originary hypothesis, the sacred is an intuition of interdiction that defers an act of appropriation. This “sense of the sacred” thereby thematizes our “cultural” separation from a given appetitive object, which we can then speak of as desired—a separation whose necessity stems from fear of mimetic violence. It is this separation, this différance, which constitutes the experience as taking place on a scene, a context in which human cultural communication whether through language or other means takes priority over “natural” or prehuman interactions.

    In our hypothesis, this originary intuition of interdiction is providential because it makes possible a new egalitarian procedure for distributing food and other necessary items that averts the danger of conflict. Once providence is understood as exemplified by this function of the sacred, its failure to prevent deadly natural disasters really needs no further explanation. As for the evils of “man’s inhumanity to man,” they can be understood as dependent on the limitations of each separate human community, which, however it may conceive itself as potentially universal, as in the Muslim conception of the Umma, cannot be presumed to be so, whence the permanent possibility of human conflict that sheds doubt on a unified conception of Providence.

    In this latter context, pre-Axial humanity’s understanding, as we can reconstruct it, was that the different human communities were each ruled by their own gods, and that in cases of inter-communal conflict, the stronger gods would defeat the lesser, providential power being relative to communal physical force. During the Axial era, in which a number of empires with sophisticated technology and writing systems had emerged and coexisted long enough to trade among each other, the idea of a super-communal deity became conceivable through a kind of informal Ockham’s razor. Just as a local God could not prevent disputes within a single community without for that reason ceasing to be understood as the source of sacred power and celebrated with the appropriate rites, so it became possible to conceive of the God of one’s community as in fact ruling over the entire human world. Such rule would not be contradicted by this God’s people’s defeat in battle, which would come rather to be understood as a punishment inflicted on them for their sins, that is, ultimately “for their own good.” The Old Testament narrative presents this perspective throughout. In this same context, even events such as earthquakes may be understood as punishment for sins, which are needless to say never absent.


    The deferral of appropriation in the originary scene is providential because it makes possible (we need not say “intends”) the eventual “equal” division of the object that would otherwise have provided an occasion for conflict. What the scene adds to deferral’s extra time for reflection is the reinforcing collective performance of the sign that defines a community, linked not just fortuitously but permanently through its presence in memory.

    The key question, one that has properly speaking never been posed in clear terms, is what precisely is the anthropological purpose of the sacred? What allows us to speak of the transcendental status of a sacred command, which at the origin communicated itself throughout the community through the sign, but which cannot be said to have been originally intended by the signers, having originated as an aborted gesture, drawing attention by pointing to its object as a demonstration of the signers’ renunciation of it as an object of appropriation?

    The core element of this process is the constitution of the scene itself, which is in the simplest terms a zone of cultural deferral. In cultural scenes during which the participants interact and consume food, for example, or even execute other human beings or immolate themselves, these acts exist in relation to the scene as a whole and are not therefore violations of sacred deferral.

    Rituals are scenes, but the originary scene is not (yet) a ritual, and it is its constitution as such that provides us with the originary model of the sacred as the “intention” of the deferral of appropriation, which from the perspective of the participants cannot have been at first the object of a human intention, since no prior model of the ultimate scenic configuration existed. But to consider the scene (which will become the basis of a ritual in which its unfolding is intended from the outset) as providential in itself is to view it as the intentional object of the sacred, hence to attribute to the sacred the quality of intentionality by which we define the human. Intentionality is not simply will, but the will to produce a certain effect, not out of “instinct” but as an at least potentially thematized reality.

    But we cannot assume that the deferral originally effected by the “sense of the sacred” was performed in anticipation of the constitution of the human community that our hypothesis proposes as its result. Merely abstaining from appropriation is not in itself a solution to the problem of distribution. What deferral of the originally “instinctive” act of appropriation permits is the emergence of a mode of distribution that avoids mimetic conflict by delaying this act until all the participants can simultaneously take an “equal” share. This procedure can become a ritualized routine undertaken by a conscious collective intention only once the solution is found, which almost certainly would not have resulted the first time one participant’s intuition of sacred interdiction led him to abort his appropriative gesture.

    Thus the original providential gift was the “free space” of deferral in which to work out the solution, which would also have extended to the entire group the realization that the aborted gesture could be considered the sign of this deferral of action in reference to the central object of contention—in a word, the imposition of a sacred/scenic/cultural/non-instinctive deferral within which inter-human conflict was excluded.

    It is only once this new procedure became codified as a preestablished routine that the members of the group would all expect to perform, that this primary function of the sign would become the property of the community as a whole. At this point we should not hesitate to speak of this function as the sacralization of the referent of the sign, confirming our notion that the sacred and the significant are originally identical, so that the “profane” scenes of everyday life all derive in the first place from the originary sacred scene, since they all ultimately concern matters of significance to the community as a whole.

    Once we de-banalize the scene of representation and understand it as originally a new, specifically human phenomenon, we have no difficulty understanding the communal salience of the exchange of signs among the group and its consequent lending itself to symmetry-enhancing esthetic effects such as rhythm and simultaneous repetition, as well as vocalization to enhance the imperative nature of the signifying gesture that had come to communicate its referent’s interdicted status.


    All the discussions of the emergence of language that I have seen fail to take into account the emergent presence of the scene of representation whose participants tacitly agree not to act in any way that might destroy the unity of the scene. The “carnival” scenes that so interested Bakhtin and even those to which Girard referred as le rite qui tourne mal, where the scene’s deferral of worldly action breaks down in chaos and/or violence, are derivatives of the original constitution of the scene as a new form of specifically human behavior, one that we so take for granted that anthropologists are no longer concerned, or able, to recognize its specificity.

    If we understand the new egalitarian distribution procedure, a model that exists to this day in hunter-gatherer cultures as well as in meals of all kinds shared in common, to be the originary scene of human culture, we can grasp not only the coeval relationship between the sacred and language but also the impossibility of representing this relationship itself within a cultural scene, that is, as other than a self-contradicting paradox.


    The sense of the sacred, the intuition that is experienced as an interdiction and that aborts the original appropriative gestures of the participants, can thus be understood as ultimately motivated by a fear of violent conflict. Is this still the case when two hands reach for that last canapé? One’s withdrawal feels “instinctive,” like a reflex, but clearly it is not comparable to the reflexes tested by the doctor’s little hammer. For although seemingly automatic, it takes into account the scenic situation, in which the party guests replay the originary event before the plate of hors d’oeuvres.

    We may call this sense of interdiction our originary intuition or “sense” of the sacred. The originary participants could know this only upon the success of the new procedure and its subsequent ritualization. But once the original deferral of appropriation has been confirmed by having led to a successful egalitarian distribution scheme, one that remains throughout human history the default mode for human groups not bound by social or other hierarchy, the sacred as a will-to-interdiction has every reason to be considered providential.

    That this does not imply protection against earthquakes nor the impossibility of interhuman violence is something that theologians must deal with when discussing Providence, for it is at this point that the sacred’s intentionality becomes a subject of speculation. The emergence of the sacred is not a product of Darwinian evolution, regulated by the “survival of the fittest” through gene-selection, but a new behavior motivated in the first place by an intuition of the necessity of deferral, or of, to use the terminology of L’être et le néant, the addition to the worldly en-soi of a new, néant-filled pour-soi. The sacred as a “transcendent” influencer of our intention enters so to speak into dialogue with us as a figure of authority, and however this begins, its establishment through ritual makes the tension between the sacred “will” and our own the constituent factor of the scene itself, which the repetition of the sign reinforces.


    One cannot of course imagine that the first participants in such scenes would have had any idea of the limitations of the Providence that the sacred/scenic/signifying human universe provides. Certainly the system of human culture makes us in the long run more capable of defending ourselves even against earthquakes than other creatures, whose experience of them is not frequent enough to permit the evolution of biological remedies other perhaps than flight from zones of frequent seismic activity. Yet is this enough to explain how God can permit such death and destruction?

    It is because the first task of the sacred is to defer mimetic violence within a given community and in so doing create that community that its providential quality with respect to humankind as a whole must remain enigmatic. Each human shares equally in the scenic totality of culture, and in the first place of language. His internalization of the ethic of his society generally offers him the best chance of survival, but when faced with a given worldly decision, he cannot always rely on his sense of the sacred to provide the answer, despite his fundamental belief in its transcendent providentiality.

    It is for this reason that what we call religions as publicly shared sets of beliefs require of their believers an act of faith that affirms the extrapolation of this divine providence to the overall welfare of the human community, however conceived, despite our knowledge that we can never have definite proof of this providential protection.

  • Qui perd gagne: Antisemitism and the Victimary

    For Adam Katz

    “Who loses, wins.” This little paradox was the theme of L’idiot de la famille, Sartre’s three-volume work on Gustave Flaubert, father of the modern novel. Girard might have called it a “romantic” slogan, appropriate to the heroes of Flaubert’s youthful tales—the subject of my doctoral dissertation, which sought to show that this series of stories taught young Gustave the superficiality of the mensonge romantique, as Emma Bovary would later discover to her misfortune.

    What slogan could be a more appropriate description of the present state of decadence into which Western civilization has been falling since its apparent triumph in 1991 with the breakup of the Soviet Union and the Warsaw Pact? The Left is no longer driven by the Marxist dream of a “new man” liberated from the chains of capitalism. Indeed, the Left no longer has a positive dream; it is wholly dominated by the phenomenon I call victimary, a translation of the French victimaire. I know some readers of these Chronicles find this subject tiresome, but next to the victimary, no other reality occupies a comparable portion of today’s political/cultural scene. The Left is wholly taken with it, and conservatives, aside from the few attracted by a “far right” version of victimary paranoia, have little else as a program than attempting to defend the traditional values of justice, meritocracy, parental and what the French call régalien authority, which is to say, the fundamental structures of civil society, against the Left’s self-righteous victimary assaults.

    It is no doubt tiresome to repeat this complaint about our era without providing a suggestion for its resolution other than an anthropological hypothesis ignored by the vast majority of academic anthropologists. Yet it is not coincidental that the recent vote of the American Anthropological Association to boycott Israeli universities not only tells us all we need to know about this “vast majority,” but provides a key insight into the nature of the victimary. For antisemitism, the “socialism of fools,” is the ancestor of the victimary impulse of the Western world. That Pope John Paul II called the Jews “our elder brothers” is a wonderful thing, but sadly it was only after the Holocaust that Christianity was able to rid itself of resentment of its precursor.

    The category of the victimary includes virtually every nuance of progressive political thinking, which in turn is that of virtually the entire sphere of the public media, the Democratic Party, and the great majority of the educated class, particularly in the university and the cyberworld. It would be difficult to find a single political position enunciated by the current Administration on any subject that is without victimary content. When President Biden praises the LGBT community—as opposed to firefighters, or soldiers, or (perish the thought) police officers—as “some of the bravest and most inspiring people I know” he is simply doing what has become natural in today’s society, and different nuances of the same victimary phenomenon explain the policies of shutting down pipelines, restricting mining and oil drilling, seeking to ban gas stoves and gasoline motors… Whether the “victims” are  racial/sexual/ethnic/physically disadvantaged human groups or elements of nature that Western technology has modified for human benefit, the mindset is the same: my indignation and its consequences are not expressions of selfish resentment, but of the virtuous defense of victims, be they human, animal, vegetable, or mineral—and whether or not these victimized groups themselves are capable of defending their own interests, the burden of guilt falls on the non-victimary majority that fails to protect them.


    The parables and incidents of the New Testament that display the Christian conception of love for one’s fellow man all assume a well-defined social ethic. Jesus discourages the elders from stoning the adulteress, but he leaves her with “go and sin no more.” Christianity softens the Jewish Law but does not abolish it. Once the very notion of sin is denied, human community is no more. As we clearly see today, when crimes such as “petty” theft that no legal code ever thought to exonerate are simply not prosecuted. And when such behavior is affirmed, however carelessly, by voters in elections for District Attorney or Mayor, the very notion of a political community becomes problematic.

    Why then is victimary morality considered incontestable among wide swaths of the population, for whom it is an altruistic gift to the members of victim categories that condemns those members of the non-victimary majority who fail to participate in it as complicit in racism and/or various “phobias”?

    The current return in strength of antisemitism under the guise of anticolonial hostility to Israel, affirming Palestinian terrorism as a revolt against Israeli “apartheid,” is a precious indication of the resentment that underlies this self-styled virtuous sentiment. For antisemitism, the resentment of Jewish firstness, must be seen as the original sin of Western Civilization. The Left’s increasing hostility to Israel all the while proclaiming its “anti-fascist” stance is an a priori demonstration of the resentful basis of its victimary virtue.  Nor is it surprising that the partisans of victimary thinking largely disavow any connection to traditional Christianity—whose attitudes toward moral questions are generally rejected on the left as associated with “prejudice” against victimary groups such as homosexuals. For now that Christianity has essentially transcended antisemitism, the latter has formed a partnership with those for whom Christianity too must be rejected as a “colonial” or “white” religion.


    At first glance, treating anti-colonialism as analogous to antisemitism might seem blasphemous. After the Holocaust demonstrated antisemitism to be history’s most evil doctrine, the idea that Edward Said’s Orientalism, which denounces the West’s attitude toward Near-Eastern cultures as itself akin to antisemitism, actually has more in common with antisemitism itself than the denunciation of it might seem a mere perversity. Yet as Adam Katz and I attempted to show in our The First Shall Be the Last: Rethinking Antisemitism (Leiden: Brill, 2015), the key to antisemitism is not the assertion of Jewish inferiority but rather the resentment of Jewish firstness. That antisemitism—which is never included in the intersectional lineup of discriminatory practices—has very little in common with everyday racism is demonstrated by its frequent inclusion as an ingredient in Black radicalism: today that of Louis Farrakhan, or in the past, that of Marcus Garvey or, as pointed out in our book, of W. E. B. Dubois, who in his The Souls of Black Folk singles out “Russian Jews” for particular opprobrium as exploiters of blacks.

    Resentment of firstness as the foundation of antisemitism, which was barely acknowledged by the organization that published our book, let alone by the various Jewish organizations, many of which are unwilling even to affirm Israel’s originary status in its ancient homeland, should be considered the “original sin” of Western or Judeo-Christian civilization, a sin that only now, after the Holocaust, we can begin to face directly. The identification of the Jews with the “canary in the coal mine” is demeaning rather than insightful. The Nazis may have exterminated Gypsies and homosexuals, but they were not the point of the Final Solution. That Israel remains the pariah of the UN, and increasingly, of the Democratic Party that something like 75% of American Jews still vote for, is not just “regrettable,” but follows directly from our book’s basic thesis, which is that antisemitism is the model, if not of the epistemology of resentment per se, then of its historical manifestation in Western Civilization.

    The example of Marx himself is worthy of mention, and not only because of his nasty little book on the Judenfrage. His idyllic picture of communist society (“hunt in the morning, fish in the afternoon”) is surely facetious, but the joyful naturalness that it exudes is at least sub-consciously conceived as the antithesis of the Judaic anti-nature of dietary restrictions and distancing from the life of the soil, and above all of his claim that the focus of the Jewish sacred is der Schacher (huckstering), that is, unproductive market manipulation, in contrast with the exploitation of nature for human benefit. Ilhan Omar’s well-known association of Jews with “the Benjamins” is but an updated version of this familiar trope.

    What is in question here is less resentment itself than its justification. Although the tiers état‘s justification of the sans-culottes’ resentment allowed the Revolution to proceed, it cannot be said to have initiated it, and the caste system of the Old Regime clearly conferred privileges that were no longer justified by the nobles’ contribution to the social order—a qualification that Hannah Arendt likewise attributes to the “court Jews” in the declining period of the Old Regime. Such was not the case in such simple terms, for example, for the general run of European colonization; the Congo “heart of darkness” was the exception rather than the rule. While we can easily understand the resentment of the former colonials, it is a Rousseauian illusion to deny the positive contributions of the European powers to the large majority of their colonies. France’s recent failures in the Sahel, culminating in their loss of influence in Niger, reflect this understandable but most often unproductive residual resentment against the former colonial power.

    It is only in the postwar era, with the emergence of Israel as a power in the Middle East, that the parallel between post-colonial resentment and antisemitism has become clear, and with it, the never-deracinated status of antisemitism itself. The horror of the Holocaust reflects its diabolical “heroism”—as reflected in Himmler’s famous exhortation to the SS—in attempting to eliminate the “first” people altogether in order to install the Volk in its place—a position that Heidegger, for one, refused to denounce. That the ghost of Neo-Nazism continues to attract fringe groups throughout the West reflects the same kind of millenarian hope that animates the troops of jihadism, whose persecutions of Christians and Hindus are, today at least, clearly secondary to the passionate desire to destroy Israel and the Jews.


    How does drawing this parallel between victimary Wokism and antisemitism help clarify the West’s current cultural malaise? Wokism can well be called the reductio ad absurdum of the rejection of firstness that is at the root of both phenomena. That teachers are instructed not to be critical of students who get the wrong answer to math problems, misspell words, or fail to learn historical facts is a direct albeit imbecilic extension of the principle enunciated in the Sermon on the Mount that “the first shall be the last.”

    When Dostoevsky’s Underground Man suggested that 2+2=5 was an attractive idea, he didn’t mean to imply that it depended on being unaware that 2+2=4. The overall loss of public authority reflects the same phenomenon; refusing to prosecute shoplifters is not motivated by Christ-like pity for Jean Valjean’s need for a loaf of bread, but by a savage denial of the first order of civil society—the hypocrisy of which on the part of judges and prosecutors personally untouched by this tolerance of theft is too obvious to mention. We can consider in the same light the tolerance of unconscionable conditions in our cities, of which San Francisco and Portland are egregious examples. The society’s refusal to “punish” drug addicts and mentally ill homeless by taking them off the streets and putting them in institutions (rather than commandeered apartments or hotel suites which they inevitably trash) must be understood as a victimary attack on the firstness of civic order itself, regardless of the original intentions of the deinstitutionalization movement.

    So long as the wealthy can afford to distance themselves from the garbage and the feces they can feel themselves forgiven for the “privilege” that sets them above these fallen humans by their refusal to judge them. No doubt the 1980s closing of the mental hospitals stimulated by the Supreme Court’s striking down of vagrancy laws (initiated with Papachristou v. Jacksonville: 405 U.S. 156; 1972) can be viewed today as key preliminary steps in this direction.

    No doubt these behaviors are not directly associated with antisemitism. But they are very much products of the antinomian perspective of “the first shall be the last.” The trivial powers that rules about “preferred pronouns” place in the hands of teachers and in some cases employers are, like every aspect of the victimary, ultimately attacks on the Burkean world that was “there first” and that has become for that very reason suspect.

    Need I point out that the originary contrast between Jews and Christians was in the latter’s liberation from the infinitely detailed “law” of the Old Testament—which the Haredim still seek to obey in all its particulars? But I very much doubt that Jesus would have looked with favor on those of today who so distort his efforts to transcend resentment through love.

  • Giorgio Agamben’s “What is Philosophy?

    Like most writers, I tend to refer back to those who were active when I was developing my own ideas, whence my frequent references to Girard and Derrida, or to earlier writers such as Durkheim and Lévi-Strauss (whom I do remember hearing speak at Johns Hopkins). Now that the era of “French theory” is over, I have found few newer writers of interest, and having had little contact with the international intellectual scene in recent decades, I have focused on developing GA largely to the exclusion of following the work of my contemporaries.

    The last time I saw my much regretted friend and mentor Michel Deguy in Paris in 2019, he recommended to me a little book, scarcely a hundred pages long, by Giorgio Agamben, What is philosophy? / Che cos’è la filosofia? (tr Lorenzo Chiesa, Stanford, 2018), originally published in 2016. I have had this book out from the UCLA library for some time and have leafed through it, intrigued by its focus on language, but I finally thought that I owed it to Michel, who was after all not only a poet but a professor of philosophy, to read it through.

    On opening it I learned that Agamben was born in 1942: a fellow octogenarian. Reading through it, I was struck in the first place by the total absence of the kind of political considerations that have generally turned me away from the writers of this generation, as from the later Derrida. This is truly a work of philosophy, of metaphysics in its most serious sense: based on the idea that language is something that comes to man from without rather than being invented by him as the solution to a practical problem. And although his little book cites medieval and modern philosophers, Agamben retains throughout a classical perspective on philosophy; while not unaware of the various paradoxes raised by this perspective, he sees no reason for rejecting it for a truly anthropological one—one which, as I hope to have shown, owes more, in the broader scheme of things, to the Judeo-Christian than to the Greek element of Western Civilization.

    On finishing this little volume I realized that I could find no more useful example of a modernized yet untroubled metaphysical perspective against which to measure the ideas of GA. Agamben studied with Heidegger and takes him seriously, but his analyses are far more centered on Plato and Aristotle and their Hellenic followers such as the Stoics that on their Existentialist critics, and he remains faithful to their world-view to the point of entering into their disputes over terminology—limiting himself to Greek and Latin while ignoring Heidegger’s attempts to “ontologize” German as the Ursprache.

    It is no secret that I see GA as a way of getting beyond the problems of metaphysics, as in his own way did Girard, by recognizing the greater anthropological profundity of the Judeo-Christian component of Western thought. But my aim here in discussing this material is not to “deconstruct” it, but rather to show how GA’s originary perspective helps to demystify a vision that is founded on the idea that language is something that humanity encounters rather than invents. In this perspective, the fact that our religious tradition attributes the creation of language to God need not be considered to be in contradiction with our hypothesis, because we understand the sacred, as embodied in God, as coeval with human language. Thus it was as a student of Girard and not of Derrida that I was able to apply the latter’s notion of différance to the human genesis of language.


    Near the end of the first chapter of What is Philosophy? entitled “Experimentum vocis,” we find what might be called a tentative metaphysical version of the originary hypothesis. I will for the purpose of this discussion divide this passage into two parts:

    [1] . . . we can advance a hypothesis on the origin of language that is not more mythical than others . . . . Like all animals, the primate that was going to develop into Homo sapiens was always endowed with a language, which was certainly different but perhaps not so dissimilar from the one we know. What happened was that at a certain point—coinciding with anthropogenesis—the primate of the genus homo became aware of having a language [lingua], that is, he separated it from himself and exteriorized it out of himself as an object, and then began to consider, analyze, and elaborate it in an incessant process—in which philosophy, grammar, logic, psychology, and computer science followed one another . . . —a process that has perhaps not yet been accomplished. . . .

    This means that language is neither a human invention nor a divine gift, but a middle term between them, which is located in a zone of indifference between nature and culture, endosomatic and exosomatic . . .

    [2] What is now happening before our eyes is that language, which was exteriorized as the thing [cosa]—that is . . . the “cause”—par excellence of humanity, seems to have accomplished its anthropogenetic itinerary and want to go back to the nature from which it comes. The exhaustion of the project of comparative grammar . . . was in fact followed by the emergence of generative grammar, in other words, of a conception of language [lingua] whose horizon is no longer historical and exosomatic, but, ultimately, biological and innatist. And the promotion of the historical potentiality of language [lingua] seems to be replaced by the project of a computerization of human language that fixes it as a communicative code that rather recalls that of animal languages. (12-13)

    1.

    We may take the first part of the passage as the outline of a theory of the origin of language composed by a thinker who, very different from Derrida, does not treat the paradoxicality of language as an instrument of political criticism/deconstruction, but simply as inherent to metaphysics. Thus language in the human sense (as opposed to the one with which homo “was always endowed”) emerges at the moment in which our proto-human “become[s] aware of having a language.”

    The metaphysical flavor of this text is above all reflected in the prior attribution of language to the genus homo, such that this primate became human when it became aware of having a language simultaneously as an individual and as a species. There is nothing here that corresponds to Derrida’s différance or deferral, which situates this discovery in the context of a specific linguistic performance, or for that matter, of an act of posterior reflection. The “becoming aware” is an instantaneous event of pure (self)-consciousness whose motivation not only need not concern us, but can properly not be spoken of, since the revelation embodied in this new awareness is of a “transcendental” nature that from a metaphysical perspective could not be motivated by any worldly phenomenon. That the mind is, if not independent of the body, at any rate fully capable of taking action on its own, is central to the metaphysical ontology that treats language proper as extra-natural, nuanced in Agamben’s case by his use of language in a prehuman sense to refer to animal signals.

    Thus there is no need to explain the passage from nature to culture, or the necessity of their separation, other than as the product of a tacit Hegelian dialectic in which the mind, already having “natural” language, proceeds to take it as a thesis, and by thus exteriorizing it as an object makes it the basis of culture.

    Although Agamben uses the term anthropogenesis, he need not concern himself with the worldly needs of this proto-human primate and certainly not feel bound to explain its externalization of language in terms of its material relationship to the world, let alone to his fellow primates who are, in the true spirit of metaphysics, implicitly absent from the scene. For there is no scene, no scenario that displays a living primate in a worldly situation where something like an “externalized” language as a new medium of communication might become necessary because his original “language” has become inadequate. Indeed, the element of communication, which had presumably been the purpose of prehuman “language,” is altogether absent from the entire exposition. Whatever gave rise to the mind’s revelations, there is no indication that it was either a pragmatic worldly situation or an interactive one. Indeed, the idea of seeking to construct such a scene or scenario is rejected from the outset as a “mythical” activity. Thus the lack of any indication of worldly causality must be understood not as a lacuna, but rather as a sign of the metaphysical wisdom that sees no need to imitate the mythopoetical “others” mentioned in the opening sentence.

    Yet the fact is that the “externalization” of human language is precisely what makes it a medium of communication in a very different sense than animal “languages,” one that, as Terrence Deacon pointed out in Symbolic Species, is instrumentalized in a different part of the brain from the “language” that our primate shares with his fellow animals. But rather than seeing human language as a different kind of phenomenon from animal communication, Agamben finds it sufficient to posit, in a gesture of Hegelian dialectic, its externalization in the mind as the sole significant difference that would lead through the centuries to its elaboration in philosophy, grammar, etc.

    My point here is not to criticize Agamben’s text as though it were a rival theory of language origin. It is rather to point out the inherent blindness of the metaphysical perspective to the very need for a theory of language origin. Clearly, as he suggests (“perhaps not so dissimilar from the one we know”), Agamben as a good Hegelian would prefer that the original “language” that the primate was unable to “externalize” were essentially identical to the externalized one, which would only upon externalization begin to evolve in the direction of philosophy, etc., so that the properly dialectical point of inflection would involve no modification other than coming-to-consciousness itself.


    One can date the origin of the metaphysical way of thinking from Parmenides’ poem that distinguishes between the “way of opinion” and the “way of truth.” Philosophy is the love of true propositions, and its task is to find the means to differentiate these from mere “opinions” that can be presumed to reflect individual desires—typified for the philosophers by the “Sophistical” arguments of rival attorneys. Parmenides’ distinction tacitly recognizes that the expression of these desires, along with the attempt to persuade others of their justification, is prior to the disciplined search for truth that will define the history of philosophy, mathematics, and the natural sciences. From a metaphysical perspective, these practical functions may be elements of human reality but are not language’s true vocation, of which Wittgenstein’s Tractatus logico-philosophicus may be thought of as the ultimate Parmenidean realization. In any case, whether expressions of truth or “opinion,” the purpose of language is to formulate propositions.

    It is important to emphasize at this point that my differences with Agamben are not matters for argument, for we are not seeking the same thing. The reason that the specifically communicative aspect of language is never referred to here is that metaphysics/philosophy takes for granted that the purpose of language is the formulation of propositions, whether to communicate them to one’s fellows or simply to “think” them, and one may even presume that this was always already the purpose of animal language. (Thus Agamben leaves undetermined the question of whether animal language should be considered as itself propositional, as though the fact of externalization were not necessary to the proposition itself, but only to the consciousness of the proposition as embodied in metaphysical thought.)


    Yet reference to the sacred is by no means absent from Agamben’s little book, which refers at length to the sacred or “Museic” nature of language. The last chapter, or “Appendix,” entitled “The Supreme Music. Music and Politics,” begins with the gnomic affirmation: “Philosophy is today possible only as a reformation of music” (97), which is explained in the next sentence by the need to “call music the experience of the Muse,” a familiar association in Classical Greece where the Muses were the goddesses of the arts in general.

    This evocation of the sacred in relation to language, although it makes no attempt at Ockhamist minimality, adds an essential element that the Hegelian exposition of the first paragraph makes no attempt to include. Which leads me to discuss the second passage cited above.

    2.

    Agamben interprets the passage from comparative to generative grammar as a regression from the exosomatic to the endosomatic, as though it were this distinction above all that differentiated man from the animals. But generative grammar as Chomsky conceived it was not meant as a rejection of comparative grammar, but rather sought to establish it on the basis of what he hypothesized as the psycho-physiological underpinnings of modern man’s language capacity. That Chomsky postulates a Language Acquisition Device in the brain of the modern human is hardly a denial of the externality of human language in the sense of its accessibility to consciousness, and more precisely, to the grammatical (meta)language that allows us to refer to it, as of course animals cannot.

    Chomsky’s concept of a “Device” may no doubt be criticized as over-specified. To quote from Chronicle 537,

    The apparent fact that the Pirahᾶ language lacks recursive structures, a discovery of anthropologist Daniel Everett . . ., may be a sign that not all modern languages possess all the features of mature language, but whether or not Chomsky’s Language Acquisition Device has heuristic, let alone biological validity is not something that GA need concern itself with.

    But the presumed discovery that this particular language does not permit indefinite recursion gives us no reason to reject the very idea of such a Device. The fact that, as far as we know, any human taught any language from childhood is capable of becoming its “native speaker” suffices to demonstrate the basic soundness of Chomsky’s idea.

    It seems clear that Agamben’s critique of what he sees as a regression from exosomatism to endosomatism is the result of his metaphysical understanding of the anthropogenetic passage from “internal” animal language to “externalized” human language as consisting merely in the dialectical phenomenon of thematizing language, rather than seeing this “exteriorization” as a mode of deferral, of conscious withdrawal from instinctive appropriation by means of language as a sign of renunciation of appetitive action, as is made explicit in our interpretation of the originary sign as derived from an aborted gesture of appropriation.

    But such visceral considerations appear beneath consideration by metaphysics, for which reference to worldly deferral is unnecessary because the separation of the mind from the practical world is always already a tacit presupposition of the philosopher’s ontological understanding.

    And this brings us back to the fundamental incompatibility between metaphysical and generative-anthropological thinking. Unlike the religious perspective that understands the paradox inherent in Jesus’ need to feed the crowd with a limited number of loaves and fishes, that of the metaphysician, like the mathematician, has no problem with the multiplication of ideal entities. Euclid had no need for a miracle to generate as many circles or triangles as he needed. Which is why we cannot explain the origin of language—or of geometry—on the basis of the “externalization” of the infinitely reproducible signs of language without referring them back to the non-metaphysical worldly realities whose miraculous multiplication can be explained only through the agency of the sacred—or of the humans whose peaceful cooperation the sacred guarantees.

  • Memes and Anti-Memes

    Memes

    On May 12, 2023, René Girard was immortalized in a New York Times crossword puzzle as the theoretician of mimetic desire. Specifically, the clue to 28 across, Philosopher Girard who coined “mimetic desire” demanded the entry René.

    This confirmed the accession of Girard’s most familiar concept to the rank of what we call after Richard Dawkins a meme, a term by which he designated a unit of culture, but which has come in the internet age to designate something rather more specific: a catchword or symbol that, like a successful advertising theme, tends to stick in the memory and is readily transmitted—memetically—from one person to another, usually by means of an electronic device. Which may be said to make of the René Girard/mimetic desire cluster the Ur-meme, given that desire is the uniquely human mode of mimesis, without which language and culture—or the originary hypothesis—would not exist.

    In the same way, we might imagine a crossword in which “Jacques” would be the answer to “Philosopher Derrida, theoretician of deconstruction.” Deconstruction is a philosophical technique intended, in the spirit of cultural Marxism, to demystify the classical metaphysics that had presumably been designed to mask the exploitation exercised by privileged classes over the general population. Marx had reproached philosophers with having wanted to explain the world, claiming that it was necessary to change it; and a similar impatience with metaphysics/philosophy informed all post-Hegelian “Continental” thought from Kierkegaard to Husserl to Nietzsche and the Existentialists. Derrida’s term made a good meme because it gave a catchy name to what many post-war thinkers were already trying to do.

    Yet Girard’s meme, less outwardly sexy than Derrida’s, has endured longer because it is ultimately more powerful, grounded in the same fundamental anthropology as GA. In a real sense mimetic desire is a pleonasm, a redundancy: human desire is mimetic by its very nature. But that is precisely the source of the meme’s power: it makes explicit a fundamental component of desire that we had always taken for granted without thinking about it; it emphasizes, in a word, the specificity of the human.

    A common companion meme to mimetic desire is “mimetic violence.” Here again, specifically human violence is mimetic in a more profound sense than animal violence, to the point where the term violence as used by Girard is really only applicable to humans, most significantly in the title of his groundbreaking anthropological work, La violence et le sacré. Animals imitate each other’s actions, but humans imitate their intentions, which if left unchecked can lead to violence, either as the collective desecration of what had lain under a sacred interdiction, or as its sacrificial transcendence.

    Anti-memes

    What then of GA? Lacking the visibility of Derrida’s meme in the world of philosophy or of Girard’s in the overall context of Judeo-Christian culture, GA operates in a more austere environment. Where the words “mimetic” and “deconstruction” make explicit phenomena of which we were already implicitly aware, the terminology of GA designates elements of anthropology that are normally hidden from view. In this respect, GA’s neologisms are the contrary of memes: they emphasize our insistence that they refer to ideas that we do not “know already.” Hence they are better understood as anti-memes.

    Let us consider two examples of GA terminology: the victimary and the screenic.

    The first term translates the French victimaire; it refers to the mode of judgment that sets above all else, including any objective notion of merit, the interests of ascriptive (objective, involuntary) categories of beings designated as victims. A victimary category is considered to be unjustly deprived of the privilege possessed by the complementary neutral category in a given domain, as defined for example by race (white vs black), sex (male vs female), caste (noble vs commoner), or ability of a given kind (high vs low).

    What we today call wokeness is nothing more than the state of being awakened to the victimary. Whereas civil society tends to deny or at least minimize the victimary stigma, the woke pledge to remain permanently committed to abolishing and compensating it, actions defined as implementations of social justice.

    As I pointed out in Chronicle 763, unlike traditional modalities of the Left, the victimary does not rely for its abolition on the resentment of the victims themselves. In this new mode of the epistemology of resentment, members of the non-victimary “majority” vicariously adopt the resentment of the victimary category, thereby signaling their virtue (the term virtue-signaling dates only from 2013), in implicit contrast with the unenlightened deplorables who shamelessly take their privilege for granted.


    Screenic is a neologism I created for a book on film (see my “The Screenic,” in Mimetic Theory and Film. Ed. Paolo Bubbio and Chris Fleming. New York, Bloomsbury Academic, 2019, 109-21). It designates a phenomenon particularly pertinent in our era of the ubiquitous cell phone that each member of a social group, say in a restaurant, commonly keeps at the ready and often consults, presumably without giving offense to the others. For this hand-held electronic screen is able to display any and all of the forms of human culture, whether a cinematic or textual narrative, a piece of information, an air of music, or an image. Screenicity as a cultural phenomenon may be said to have begun in 1895 with the Lumière brothers’ cinema. In later generations it came to include first the television screen and then that of the personal computer, attaining its current dominance with the cell phone, now often supplemented by a “smart watch” allowing a more intimate presentation of many of the same elements.

    This once realized, we are invited to seek the specific characteristics of the screenic age. In what sense can the other notable features of our era be understood as dependent from a post-Mcluhanesque perspective on what is no longer a mere “medium,” but a device that empowers each individual to possess a personal microcosm of the scene of human culture? The universal dominance of this phenomenon in today’s world is made strikingly clear by the fact that cell phones have become widespread even in countries with few other elements of a modern industrial economy.

    For example, can we not understand the quasi-delirious flight from reality to desire that we witness in the replacement of sex with “gender” to the detriment of parental control over even small children as reflecting the cultural individualism embodied in the screenic, as profusely illustrated by the materials on TikTok? The experience of possessing one’s own culturally mediated window on the world, to which and by means of which one can contribute one’s own tweets and posts and videos, is all too easily projected onto the child, whose immature desires are valorized and encouraged by teachers who have been trained to cultivate each pupil’s individual “learning experience” rather than, as in the past, enrich their minds with culturally validated content such as poems or multiplication tables.

    An example of the cultural importance of the screenic is provided by the power possessed by social media and search engines such as Google to influence political attitudes. And we cannot avoid reflecting on the relevance of the vastly expanded affordances of the screenic age to the decay of traditional common-sense values and communal institutions, as well as to the increasing abandonment by public media of any pretense of political neutrality in supposedly objective news reporting.

    In the screenic world, we are all composers as well as consumers of messages; even Big Brother invites our comments and “likes.” One need only scan a series of Twitter (now “X”) threads on politically sensitive topics to be confronted with a polarized set of prefabricated opinions, less cogently argued than emphatically if not obscenely affirmed.

    The increasing frequency with which public speakers are shouted down rather than politely listened to reflects this individual usurpation of the scenic voice formerly authorized by the nature of a public event (see Chronicle 772). How dare we deny to each individual the right to express, or at the very least to maintain in “safety,” his/her own opinion? How dare to suggest that the screen/scene of each attendee is less worthy of consideration than that of the speaker?

    In this manner, the transition from authorities to influencers, in “democratically” opening up the public mind to a variety of new—and largely victimary—ideas, has often led to exiling traditional values and even language from the sphere of public discourse.

    Yet there is no doubt that the irreversible transformation wrought by the screenic is potentially more a blessing than a curse. Our understanding of originary anthropology provides us with tools that can aid us to integrate it into a renewed social order that preserves the functionality of what can still be called “civil society.” The anti-meme status of screenic provides an indication that, in contrast with mimetic desire, we cannot content ourselves with finding a new name for a phenomenon that we are still struggling to master. But recognizing the screenic phenomenon as a fundamental transformation of human culture is a necessary step toward regaining control of our social order.


    To mention just one critical contribution of the screenic to the breakdown of traditional civil society, the existence of cell phones as facilitators of rapid intercommunication is often cited as an important element of the particular destructiveness of contemporary riots in the age of Antifa and what the French call black blocs, as recently exemplified by the devastation wrought in many French cities following the death of a teenager at the hand of a traffic policeman. The new intensity and organizational sophistication of these riots, like the American riots of 2020, make them qualitatively more dangerous and destructive than the “race riots” of the past, even compared to Los Angeles’ Rodney King riots of 1992, which inaugurated the era of cell-phone “witnessing” of what was in that case a clear act of police brutality.

    The victimary basis of these riots is obvious: whether or not these involuntary killings are truly instances of racial privilege, they provide rallying points for those who are inclined to profit from the assertion of victimary status as justifying revenge on the society of the victimizers, as well as from the concurrent reluctance of the police and above all the courts to enforce the law with requisite severity. The current rise of conservatism in Western Europe reflects the public’s growing impatience with the public disorder resulting from the failure of many nations to integrate the recent generations of ethnic populations that, notably in France, are increasingly tempted to cultivate resentful memories of past colonial domination.


    In refutation of the optimism of the 1991 “end of history,” the dissolution of the USSR has clearly not led to the gradual world-wide adoption of the Western liberal-democratic model. On the contrary, many nations such as Venezuela (Turkey? Mexico? Brazil?) that seemed to be approaching this model have devolved into démocratures, while the intensification of the victimary trend in the remaining democracies, which stems from the same root as all left-wing politics, demonstrates anything but a confirmation of the liberal-democratic system.

    Given that the scene is the locus of human culture, it would not be unreasonable to consider the screenic as a, if not the, fundamental cultural element of this evolution in the modern era. Its contribution to the decline of what the French call the régalien, the role of the state in maintaining order, seems clear enough. Thus we must ask: can the state maintain its authority in the screenic era without becoming dictatorial? Is Orwell’s 1984, with Big Brother spying screenically on every household—an ideal toward which the Chinese government appears to be working—the sole alternative to the gradual breakdown of civil society that is occurring at street level in many cities across the US?

    The most urgent task of liberal-democratic politics today is to find a path back from its current troubled state to a healthy pluralism open to political debate and compromise. In our search for new means to bolster our societies’ collective authority over the victimary individualism for which the screenic provides an important tool, we are once again reminded of the fundamental importance of the scene as the locus of human culture.

  • GA’s Act of Faith

    A hypothesis can only be actualized by a act of faith or “suspension of disbelief” that assumes it true and tests it in the domain in which it can be falsified. This domain is usually the real world, although we can create hypotheses about fictions, which is the business of literary and artistic analysis.

    In either case, we make use of the unique human capacity for scenicity. The act of faith requires us to conceive a hypothetical scene of representation on which the hypothesis is presumed true, whether really, imaginarily, or transcendentally. Animals cannot understand fictions because they are not capable of deferring their appetitive relationship to reality in order to conceive scenes independent of this reality.

    The most familiar use of act of faith concerns neither the real world nor a fictive one, but the expression of belief in a sacred being who transcends the real world. God’s creatorship is not that of a biological parent but of an artist in relation to his oeuvre, whether we think of him as molding us from clay or conjuring us up from his imagination.

    Our act of faith in a hypothesis concerning an existing world, real or fictional, with the understanding that the truth or falsity of the hypothesis can be in principle discovered from the inspection of this world, is necessarily tentative, whereas the act of faith in a being of whom we and the world that surrounds us have been and will be the “work” is not. But in fact, however definitively we affirm this act of faith, its irrevocability is wholly dependent on our continued affirmation of it. Thus the Holocaust made many Jews (and others) “lose their faith” in a loving God, belief in whose providence had been implicit element of it. Similarly, Voltaire referred in Candide and elsewhere to the crisis of faith brought about by the Lisbon earthquake of 1755; how could a loving God do this to us? The same doubt assails non-believers’ faith in humanity’s chances of indefinite survival, whether anticipating the eventual destruction of the earth or the far more immediate danger of an extinction event like that which killed off the dinosaurs 65 million years ago. Such faith might be put in terms of the “anthropic principle”: is the universe ultimately anthropic?


    The originary hypothesis proposes to derive the human world of différance, the pour-soi and the néant that have allowed us to give rise to human culture, from a world without it. Life, however “miraculous,” is natural; creatures that can reproduce themselves and interact in complex ways with their surroundings yet remain incapable of creating scenes in which they represent the world to themselves and others. In the absence of proof of ETI, humans are the only creatures who can construct scenes on which they contemplate objects of desire and share their representations with our fellows.

    The originary hypothesis explains the human tendency to hypothesize one or more sacred beings as creator/master of the human world as deriving from our sense of the sacred. This sense is originally experienced as the deferral, as opposed to the reflexive inhibition, of appropriative activity in a collective event centered on an appetitively attractive object; as a result of the deferral of its appropriation, the object becomes the referent of a mutually communicated human sign in the event that constitutes the first human scene. Although we do not normally think of everyday language as “sacred,” as I have tried to show, the sacred and the significant differ only in intensity: to be significant, the object of a sign, is to have the potential of being contemplated on a scene of representation where appropriation is, for the moment at least, forbidden. The frequent tendency to defile the scene by the use of “bad language” is, paradoxically, perhaps the clearest proof of its sacrality, recalling that to use such language is traditionally referred to in French as sacrer.

    In the context of our hypothesis, the eventual triumph in the “Axial Age” of some 2500-2000 years ago of transcendental over immanentist and monotheistic/atheistic over polytheistic conceptions of the sacred can be explained as the result of the intensified interaction of different human societies. This interaction led to the discrediting of immanent “sacred” objects by revealing the implicit contradiction between their presumably universal powers and their local nature. Similarly, the plurality of gods could not survive the confrontation of the diverse groupings that constituted the pantheons of the ancient empires. Once humans recognized that their societies had at their core analogous institutions, the sacred, which they all shared, came increasingly to be understood as fundamentally the same phenomenon in all of them.

    This did not end the conflict among religions, but narrowed the focus of their differences to what are ultimately historical questions: not which society’s gods are the real ones, but which society’s experiences of revelation of the sacred were the truest. Whence the apparently paradoxical association in the “Axial” religions of a universal sacred being and a historical experience of this being’s worldly revelation—using “being” here in the broadest sense to include, for example, Buddhism’s revelation by Gautama of a sacred which is essentially a-theistic, separating the scenic essence of sacrality from any sense of a master/creator. Similarly, Jesus is believed to have revealed the new Trinitary understanding of divine being by his crucifixion and resurrection in the historical present.


    My purpose here is to emphasize the similarities of these hypothetical modes, and in consequence, the usefulness of considering questions of the “existence of God” and the ontology of the sacred as objects of hypotheses that, whatever their differences, derive from our common human experience. In a word, I hope we can replace the atheist-theist dichotomy by the assumption that we all share a “sense of the sacred” whose ultimate source can be understood as a hypothesis to which we lend our faith, to whatever degree firm, explicit, and intense. This would permit GA to provide a basis for dialogue among religious and non-religious hypotheses concerning the core qualities of human scenicity.

    A point that must be constantly repeated is that the determination of human specificity is pragmatic: our species has evolved the new form of consciousness embodied in the scenic as necessary for survival. Whereas all other creatures, whatever their abilities in given circumstances, can evolve protections against their mimetically self-destructive tendencies only via the process of natural selection, humans have become able to represent to themselves and their fellows the configurations that maximize their chances of survival—and this only because, having reached a certain level of mimetic intelligence, they would not have been able to survive without this ability. Another way to put this is that our species uniquely represents a greater danger to its own survival than does the rest of the universe.

    Greater intelligence implies greater danger, and greater uncertainly. The originary hypothesis is incompatible with the possibility of deducing from it a “dialectic of history.” The original inspiration of GA emerged from the domain of literary analysis and its spill-over into philosophy and semiotics during the Cold War era, when such analysis had become a privileged source of anthropological insight. But insofar as we consider GA a “new way of thinking,” or more simply as a new anthropology, it is our duty to develop its principles in reference to the various domains of human social/scenic activity. It is for those who tentatively accept GA’s hypothesis as the best fundamental explanation of human behavior to devote themselves to the study of various modes of this behavior.

    The overall horizon of this research is in the broadest sense the domain of the sacred. The religious perspective of our post-Axial age continues to define the sacred institutionally, by a set of scriptures and practices understood as the products of revelation, that is, of self-evident truths made known to us by a transcendental source. But institutional definitions of the sacred, whose validity must be affirmed by each religious believer’s act of faith, cannot replace, and are in no way incompatible with, a broader definition of the sacred as the shared basis of all human culture, including language and every other scenic activity.

    Regardless of our personal beliefs, we can come together in our tentative affirmation of faith in the originary hypothesis—a faith that should not prevent us from modifying it whenever necessary. In this context, the specifics of the world’s religions can be understood as supplementary hypotheses that go beyond the minimal one of GA. The survival of religions over centuries and millennia lends credibility to their anthropological content; in the GA context, believers in specific religions can suspend their personal beliefs to evaluate the truths affirmed by religions different from their own.

    I attempted to illustrate this possibility in Chronicles 515516 by a (very limited) comparison between Judeo-Christian/Western and Buddhist/Eastern beliefs—beliefs that many in the West, and perhaps in the East as well, consider as fundamentally compatible elements of an integrated life-style, hence implicitly of an integrated anthropological understanding.

    The future?

    So far, the membership of the Generative Anthropology Society and Conference has barely extended itself beyond its original literary-critical base. And given the negative opinions on GA expressed by René Girard in his later years, it is perhaps not surprising that his followers, those most likely to share with us his conviction that the key human trait is our need to protect ourselves from the excesses of mimetic desire, have nevertheless remained reluctant to consider GA as a logical outgrowth of Girard’s original intuition.

    We can overcome such resistance only by demonstrating that our “way of thinking” provides a superior understanding of human institutions. And this must be done in the context of an academic world which, although during GA’s first few decades very much alive to the issues I was able to raise, is in its present ideological configuration highly resistant to these fundamental questions.

    I can only be grateful for the advantages afforded me by the era during which I was fortunate enough to begin my academic career. Yet the fact that, despite today’s very different circumstances, our little group has somehow survived for over 30 years would seem to suggest, as one of my long-time students said to me recently, that GA “has legs.”

    When I am no longer here, GA will be yours to develop in the directions that you will choose. Some recent essays have explored domains such as economics, which is far from my personal area of competence. The test of such attempts will be their ability to impose their significance within and beyond their field, leading ultimately to the establishment of GA as a field in itself. The originary hypothesis and its immediate consequences are fortunately not confined within a single domain of the human sciences; this is the benefit I and most of you have derived from having chosen—while it still remains a valid option—a humanistic rather than a scientific field of study.

    Literary texts and their philosophical correlates are as empirical as the realities of physics or biology, but at a higher level. In that they deal with the materials of human culture, we may say that they are inhabited by the sacred, that they are scenic and representational rather than worldly. In a word, they are uniquely human: anthropological in the fundamental sense of the term. Just as sacred and significant can be shown to be quasi-synonyms, so the domains of the sacred and the anthropological are fundamentally the same. We often recognize this synonymy in a moral sense in speaking of human life as “sacred.” But we must recognize that human life is more than that of each human individual: it is the life of our species, of what remains in the broadest sense the human community.

    The fundamental truths of GA cannot be said to require a specific political implementation. There is certainly room for political disagreement, and even the idea of a “Left GA” is not implausible so long as we are able to come together in dialogue concerning our core ideas. Thus my analysis of the Left as motivated by the epistemology of resentment is not meant as a denigration but on the contrary, as the revelation of a potentially liberating gesture, one that in the Revolutionary era, to whatever excesses it may have led, overturned the notion that humanity should be understood as composed of castes some of which are intrinsically worthy of dominance over others. To what extent this critique can be said to justify the recent extreme developments of this epistemology is a question we should be happy to debate.

    But to conclude on a positive note: the likely return of the West, and the US in particular, to a more skeptical attitude toward today’s “progressive” ideas seems likely to increase GA’s attractiveness to the academic world. So let us strive to maintain our faith in our hypothesis, not fearing to modify it when necessary—and in its eventual triumph.

  • Benchmarks (Anthropoetics XXVIII, no. 2)

    Andrew Bartlett taught “university writing” and literary analysis at Kwantlen Polytechnic University until his retirement in 2022. He has published reviews in Subterrain, Canadian Literature, COV&R Bulletin, and Mise-en-Scene: The Journal of Film and Visual Narration; and scholarly articles in Southern Literary Journal, Contagion: Journal of Mimesis, Violence, and Culture, and Anthropoetics. He is author of Mad Scientist: Impossible Human: An Essay in Generative Anthropology (Davies Group Publishers, 2014), a study of the Frankenstein myth. He continues to participate when possible at the annual meetings of COV&R (Colloquium on Violence and Religion) and GASC.

    Zack Baker is an investor and independent scholar with a focus on Generative Anthropology. He holds a B.A. in Philosophy from the University of California at Berkeley. Zack is also the chief organizer of the 2023 GA Conference in Palo Alto, California.

    Ian Dennis is a professor of English at the University of Ottawa and Secretary-Treasurer of the Generative Anthropology Society & Conference. He is the author of four published novels, of the Girardian study Nationalism and Desire in Early Historical Fiction (Macmillan 1997), and of Lord Byron and the History of Desire (Delaware 2009), a work of literary criticism making use of both mimetic theory and generative anthropology. He was the chief organiser of the 2009 and 2022 GA conferences in Ottawa, and co-organiser in 2013 at UCLA and in 2019 in New York City. He is currently working on a book of GA theory tentatively titled Varieties of Aesthetic Experience.

    Peter G. Goldman is Professor Emeritus at Westminster College in Utah and former president of the Generative Anthropology Society and Conference. His main areas of research and teaching are Shakespeare and Milton, and he has published on a wide range of topics. A list of his publications can be found here: Goldman Publications

    Adam Katz is the editor of The Originary Hypothesis: A Minimal Proposal for Humanistic Inquiry, a collection of essays on Generative Anthropology, and of new editions of Eric Gans’s Science and Faith and The Origin of Language. He publishes regularly in Anthropoetics, and posts often on the GABlog. He is the author, under the name Dennis Bouvard, of Anthropomorphics, published by Imperium Press. His current writing can be found on Substack, also under the name Dennis Bouvard. He teaches writing at Quinnipiac University in Connecticut.

  • Staging the Emergence of Metadrama in A Midsummer Night’s Dream

    Cultures are most fully expressed in and made conscious of themselves in their ritual and theatrical performances. -Victor Turner

    Authorial figures in Shakespearean drama are much given to apology and self-effacement. In The Tempest, Prospero promises to “break my staff, . . . drown my book,” abjuring “this rough magic” and (in the epilogue) conceding all power to the audience (5.1.54,57,50).[1] Feste, at the end of Twelfth Night, admits failure in all his life’s endeavors, “For the rain it raineth every day”; he humbly promises, nonetheless, “we’ll strive to please you every day” (5.1.404,408). The Prologue to King Henry the Fifth apologizes for the disparity between the vast magnitude of the play’s action and “the flat unraised spirits that hath dared / On this unworthy scaffold to bring forth / So great an object” (Prologue 9-11). And Puck, at the end of A Midsummer Night’s Dream, asks for the audience’s pardon “If we shadows have offended,” promising to “mend” and “restore amends” in return for applause (5.1.418,425,433). We could easily multiply examples from Shakespeare and his contemporaries. The prologue and various interjections made by the craftsmen staging Pyramus and Thisbe belong to the same category of speeches, asking the audience’s indulgence for such “dreadful” things as the appearance of a lion and the slayings by sword, as well as the imaginative difficulties of presenting moonshine and a wall on stage. The mechanicals’ production of Pyramus and Thisbe parodies not only the naiveté of amateur players, it is, in effect, a self-effacing parody of Shakespeare’s own theatrical technique. To publicly parody oneself can be viewed as a form of apology, so it appears that Shakespeare is apologizing for apologizing, and indeed apologies can never go far enough for a resistant audience. The Shakespearean stage evidently suffered from a problem of authority (despite, or perhaps because of, its popularity), which the various devices I’ve mentioned here strive to negotiate, with grace and humor.

    In A Midsummer Night’s Dream, the amateur players’ specific fears are not realistic, of course, but they are still symptomatic of a larger issue, the problematic relationship of Shakespearean drama to its audience. What the staging of Pyramus and Thisbe suggests is that the ascendance of metadrama during the Renaissance was a response to a perceived (and real) resistance among the audience, a resistance of which the well-known attacks on theater were only one symptom.

    Many critics have discussed the multifarious controversies surrounding theater in Renaissance England. Louis Montrose proposes that Shakespeare responded by asserting a “reciprocal relationship between his work and the world,” by presenting “a dramatistic view of human life” and thereby holding “the mirror up to nature,” that is, sixteenth-century London society (52-3).[2] What Montrose fails to recognize is that reciprocity is actually the problem, to which metadrama is the answer, which responds not simply by holding the mirror up to nature but rather by staging, exploring, and defusing the potential for rivalry. An emergent market economy and the weakening of any divine sanction for traditional hierarchy were liberating for competition and social change. The demand for reciprocity (fair exchange in social relations) appears when individuals perceive themselves as equals, which, ironically, stimulates offense at any perception of disparity.[3] Sir John Cheke, tutor to Prince Edward (future King Edward VI), argued that pursuing “equalitie in the common-wealth” must needs be a violent rebellion against the ordained social order (990). Reciprocity is an ideal that is rarely achieved in practice; the failure of its perfect realization facilitates an iconoclastic skepticism that always proves corrosive to all public, ceremonial authorities: political, religious, and theatrical. Such rivalry was not limited to the opponents of theater but was also found within the London amphitheaters and private playhouses.

    The precise way in which metadrama responds to the problem of authority has not been well understood. What the craftsmen staging Pyramus and Thisbe recognize on some level is that the spectators of their play need to be acknowledged and included in their production. Not only do their metadramatic speeches anticipate and authorize the potential response of the audience, they also provoke a sustained commentary on the action—so much so that the courtly audience has nearly as many lines as the actors during the performance. Theseus, Hippolyta, Lysander, and Demetrius succeed in competing with the craftsmen for the attention of everyone present, on- and off-stage. Since the performers insist on a literal interpretation of the play action (the lion is actually Snug the joiner), the courtly spectators take them at their word and interpret everything even more literally. They hyperbolically imitate the mechanicals in their interpretation of the play, making what is already absurd even more so. The craftsmen are perfectly correct in anticipating a resistant audience, and their strategy for incorporating and containing that resistance works brilliantly. In a similar way, those in the larger theater can identify with the onstage audience in their assumed superiority to the mechanicals, serving to authorize both audience and performers on every level. Because the amateur players are so incompetent (as tragedians, at least), they become supremely worthy of our attention. Pyramus and Thisbe (both in rehearsal and performance) is a highlight of the larger play and Shakespearean comedy overall.

    Spectatorship is one of the most common topoi of Shakespearean drama, by which he explores how centrality—theatrical, political, and social—on a public scene is created, defended, deconstructed, and validated even in its destruction. His plays underline the dependence and vulnerability of centralized figures in relation to an audience. Prospero acknowledges that he is helpless without the mindful attention of his audience (now his fellows)—an important truth not only of theater but also our life as social animals. A Midsummer Night’s Dream presents us with a parable of how and why metadrama becomes a leading element of English Renaissance theater.

    In his book A Theater of Envy René Girard finds mimetic rivalry driving all of the conflicts of A Midsummer Night’s Dream: between Hermia and Helena, Demetrius and Lysander, Oberon and Titania. Likewise, the rivalry among the artisan players, according to Girard, motivates their absurd dramatic inventions including the uncanny half-man, half-lion to be presented by Snug. Girard notes that Quince first suggests the danger of frightening the ladies in order to discourage Bottom’s desire to play the role of the lion (and all the roles) in addition to Pyramus (Theater 58): “And you should do it [roar] too terribly, you would fright the Duchess and the ladies, that they would shriek; and that were enough to hang us all” (1.2.68-70). The addition of the various framing devices begins with Bottom’s desire to monopolize the stage. Bottom enters into rivalry with Quince by finding ever more things that might frighten (or puzzle) the audience, and he begins another competition of adding metadramatic speeches to address these supposed dangers. Girard argues,

    All devices intended as precautions against the supposed panic of the ladies are actual symptoms of the real panic brewing among the craftsmen themselves. They all exhibit their hysterical symptoms to one another and imitate them most compulsively. They are projecting their own fears upon the weaker sex . . . . (Theater 60)

    Girard sees the supernatural “translation” of Bottom as a dramatic metaphor for the transformations created by a mimetic crisis. For Girard, however, the fear of conflict with the audience is purely imaginary on the part of the mechanicals, a projection of their own internal hysteria. It’s true that the mechanicals’ fears, as they express them, are not realistic, but the potential for rivalry with the audience is real and important. As we’ll see, Bottom’s competition with the other players for the attention of their audience is paradigmatic for the London theaters. The issue addressed by the staging of Pyramus and Thisbe is not so much a sacrificial crisis, as Girard proposes, but rather a crisis of authority—including the authority of the theater and the plays presented there, an increasing resistance to figures who dominate the collective scene of representation. Antitheatricalists, in several cases, were not opposed to the private reading of plays; it was only their public performance to which they objected.[4] What is at stake here is the larger issue of public authority in Renaissance England.

    Background and Context

    Before the advent of the London amphitheaters, most of the existing drama had significant religious associations that gave it considerable authority for its audience. Medieval drama and ancient Greek tragedy were largely religious or mythic in subject matter, and their productions shared many formal features with religious ritual, including scripted speech and action, poetry, song, dance, personation, and mimetic, symbolic actions.[5] The relationship of celebrants and laity during certain rituals bears comparison to that of the actors and audience in theater.

    Ritual is the prototypical form of human symbolic activity, as evidenced by paleolithic burial practices and cave paintings, which are generally agreed to have religious/magical functions.[6] Historically, religion has been the typical basis of human social order, affirming communal solidarity and the subordination of humans to the gods (although such subordination can take a great variety of forms).[7] Marshall Sahlins observes that nominally egalitarian hunting-gathering tribes perceived themselves as governed by larger supernatural forces and agents.[8]  Ancient and medieval religions gave supernatural sanction and authority to the social distinctions that serve to structure human interactions and prevent conflict. Medieval drama included certain tensions between the representations of rulers and those governed, as I’ll discuss, but relatively speaking, the authority of medieval drama was not particularly problematic due to its religious content and the sanction of religious/political authorities. Jonas Barish writes,

    Despite the abundance and energy of mediaeval theatrical culture no sustained body of antitheatrical writing survives from the Middle Ages. Drama forms proliferated freely, in mimetic processions, paternoster plays, liturgical plays, scriptural cycle plays, and morality plays, but left behind no corresponding body of condemnatory theory. . . . The key to this forbearance lies of course in the fact that the theater this time had sprung not from an alien, hostile religion [as with Roman plays from the perspective of Christians] but from Christianity. It had originated in the church, and it maintained close links with the church. It took its subject matter from the central truths of religion. It reenacted the mysteries of the faith, and it made the very altars the stage, and it involved massive participation of the clergy. (66-67)

    As the English Reformation gained strength, concerns about papist associations led to the demise of the Mystery plays, but the Protestant (usually anti-papal) drama that emerged (for a time) enjoyed considerable support from religious and political authorities.[9] In contrast, the drama presented at the London amphitheaters was notably lacking in any express religious sanction. The emergence of a relatively novel dramatic tradition with the largest ambitions and available to all Londoners made metadrama a necessary development. It’s significant that “Attacks on the theater, the well-documented anti-theatrical prejudice, did not begin until the opening of the public theaters in 1576” (Falco 252).

    We should note that the self-referential elements we find in Renaissance and modern drama are foreign to ancient Greek tragedy.[10] Classical scholar Oliver Taplin views metatheatricality in terms of “the relation of the world of the play to the world of the audience” (164). In the case of fifth-century tragedy, there was a strict separation between these two worlds. The chorus “always remains within the world of the play, never stepping outside it”; the chorus is typically the “all but helpless spectator” of events, required “to divert its frustrated urge to action into lyric expression” (Taplin 173). In a similar way, “however moved the tragic audience may be, whether by pity towards giving help or by anger towards revenge, or whatever, it knows it must sit quiet” (Taplin 173). Along the same lines, Nietzsche notes with approval Friedrich Schiller’s view of “the chorus as a living wall that [Greek] tragedy pulls around itself to close itself off entirely from the real world and maintain its ideal ground and its poetic freedom” (Nietzsche 37).[11]

    In contrast, spectatorship in Shakespearean drama plays an essential role in the dramatic action on every level. The craftsmen substantially modify Pyramus and Thisbe in anticipation to what they imagine (rightly or wrongly) will be the response of the audience, and the audience plays an active role during the actual performance. Self-reference is not a completely novel development, but it emerges as a dominant theatrical topos during Shakespeare’s lifetime.

    In the same vein as Taplin, Eric Gans writes, “The [ancient Greek] chorus itself has a naturalizing function opposite to that of the neoclassical play-within-a-play: it makes the esthetic scene itself appear as a communally rather than formally privileged locus” (Originary Thinking 132). Classical protagonists “are conscious of being observed by the world, not self-conscious of being watched by an audience” (Gans 133). They enjoy “a legendary or historical guarantee for centrality” (Gans 149). Their worthiness for the spectators’ attention is a given. “Esthetic representation is their due, it depends on them, not they on it” (Gans 133). The lives of the heroic figures of ancient tragedy play out on a plane of reality hierarchically above everyday experience. But when the audience perceives themselves as “the potential equals in triumph and in suffering as the participants of the agon,” due to the influence of Christianity, neoclassical drama finds it necessary to supplement its own authority by staging the theatrical scene within the work itself (Gans 148).

    The emergence of metadrama reflects the larger problem of social order, which depends on the culture as a whole and all of its parts, not just the government, legal system, and economy. The religious and political institutions of medieval society were supported by an ideal of cosmic order, which was still promulgated during Shakespeare’s lifetime.[12] The idea of a cosmic order is as old as social hierarchy itself; it attempts to graft the power of God or the gods onto the ruling class, along with the attendant religious feelings of awe, fear, wonder, and social belonging. The cosmic order is rooted in the ceremonies that play such an important role in medieval society. As a specific doctrine, it prescribes a hierarchy of estates and degrees, and it could take a variety of forms, some more authoritarian, as with the divine right of kings, and some emphasizing mutual obligations and duties, as with the metaphor of the commonwealth as a body. It tries to discourage social mobility, but everyone knew that individuals, by various means, could raise (or lose) their class status in Shakespeare’s England.[13] Moreover, rulers could be resisted and overthrown without any intention of challenging the principle of cosmic order.[14] The Elizabethan Homilies on Obedience and Against Disobedience, classic statements of divine hierarchy, practically undermine their own argument by dwelling so insistently on the problem of an evil ruler, who are so common in the Bible.

    Shakespeare was able to draw on the Elizabethan ceremonial order to motivate the content and aesthetics of his drama in powerful ways. Shakespearean drama has a certain natural affinity with political and religious ceremonies, by means of its form, elevated language, reference to divine hierarchy, sense of communal belonging (within the plays and among the audience, at the denouement), and the felt power of larger forces such as fate or Providence.[15]

    Political discourse in sixteenth-century England made frequent reference to the concept of the commonwealth as a natural body, with the parts ordered hierarchically.[16] The divine sanction for monarchy and aristocracy is a very common refrain in Shakespearean drama. Claudius’s claim, “There’s such divinity doth hedge a king / That treason can but peep to what it would, / Acts little of his will” (Hamlet 4.5.127-129), is no doubt informed by multiple ironies, but the power of such conceptions effectively served a variety of dramatic purposes for Shakespeare. The “root conditions of Elizabethan theater” were the deeply ceremonial culture—religious, popular, civic, and state—of Shakespeare’s youth (Greenblatt, “Shakespeare’s Life” 52). Greenblatt observes, “the theater drew significant energy from the liturgy and rituals of the late medieval church” (“Shakespeare’s Life” 55). The representation of divine hierarchy, whether it is affirmed, undermined, or mourned for its loss, functions to authorize Shakespeare’s plays as worthy of attention then and now. An individual’s thoughts and actions acquire dignity, dramatic power, and a depth of meaning by their relationship to the cosmos, whether Greek, Christian, or some combination thereof. Shakespeare lived during a crucial transitional period. The feudal order was still very important, but its foundations were being questioned and undermined by powerful socio-political developments. His drama emerged as “a mimetic civilisation of image and myth, symbol and ritual, gave way to a more patently moralistic culture of the printed and authoritatively pronounced word” (Collinson 226), not an easy or always peaceful transition. The Reformation introduced radical changes that made possible the English Civil War, following which Hobbes and Locke formulated new theories of political order that do not rely on any divine sanction. Plays such as Richard II and King Lear take the demise of the feudal order as their subject matter, nostalgically mourning its loss while recognizing the weakness and corruption of its leading figures and their ceremonial status.[17]

    Leading Protestant reformers generally affirmed the authority of godly rulers (which could be opposed to papal authority); their challenge was primarily directed to religious reforms.[18] But Christian egalitarianism and Protestant iconoclasm were simply too powerful to be limited to specific ecclesiastical reforms. The iconoclastic perspective was inevitably extended to virtually all existing political and religious authorities, leading to “the reforming of Reformation itself,” to borrow a phrase from John Milton (Areopagitica 957).[19]

    Robert Weimann’s work on Shakespeare is relevant to our line of inquiry here. He is fundamentally concerned with the connections between folk mimetic traditions, Christian rituals, Christian drama, and Shakespearean drama. The continuities and discontinuities are equally important for him, although he emphasizes Shakespeare’s debt to the popular tradition in the theater.[20] The question is, what authorizes these various dramatic traditions for their contemporary audience? He finds “a fundamental contradiction” between Christian ritual and Christian drama, “a shift from similitudo to imitatio, from the ritual incarnation of the Christian mass to the mimetic representation of biblical myth in terms of late medieval reality and sensibility”: the former bodies forth a miraculous episode while the latter is representational and more engaged with the world of the audience (Shakespeare 57-8). Ritual relied on traditional ecclesiastical authorities, but medieval drama was largely an expression of the local people of all ranks and it included representations of their everyday lives.

    Medieval drama was authorized by its religious content and by its connection to the lives of the ordinary people by whom it was performed. Virtually the whole community of a town and surrounding countryside was involved in the staging of a Mystery cycle. The potential for conflict between traditional authorities and the townspeople was actually included in medieval drama; it found expression in the physical staging, the distinction between the platea—the margin of the performance area, near the audience—and the locus, a platform or wagon representing specific locations in the dramatic action (Weimann, Shakespeare 73-85). The figures of the locus remain in the world of play, while figures on the platea often address the audience directly, more or less in their own person, and they speak to the concerns of the spectators (although this is not a stable opposition, and locus figures sometimes address the audience directly too). The shepherds from the Wakefield Master’s The Second Shepherds’ Play are on one level characters from the New Testament, but at the same time they speak to and connect with the audience directly about contemporary concerns: bad weather, the travails of marriage and children, and the injustices inflicted by “gentlery men” and their insolent servants (line 18). The shepherds, despite their role, speak to the audience as in effect one of their number.[21]

    Weimann recognizes insightfully that the importance of platea figures meant that medieval drama was divided against itself in terms of its authorization. On the one hand, the content was largely traditional, moral, and religious; it affirmed the Established church, state authorities, and the ideology supporting them. But at the same time, it was authorized by its connection to the people of the audience, those who were governed and had an alternative perspective.

    Weimann argues persuasively that the platea-locus opposition informs the staging and content of Shakespearean drama in important ways (Shakespeare 208-260). In the banquet scene of Timon of Athens, for example, Apemantus sits on the platea and, in his asides to the audience, comments critically on the figures of the locus, Timons and his hypocritical followers (1.2). Hamlet stands at the margin of the stage during Claudius’s coronation/marriage speech, pointedly dressed in black, and, in the subsequent dialogue, cryptically attacks his stepfather and mother (Hamlet 1.2.1-128). Paulina, in The Winter’s Tale, openly challenges King Leontes and his grossly mistaken judgment of his wife, Hermione. After Hermione’s apparent death, Paulina succeeds in dominating the Sicilian court while retaining an oppositional perspective. Although Leontes heatedly rejects her viewpoint, initially, she becomes a strong rival to the King, orchestrating the “resurrection” of Hermione in the final “statue scene” of the play. Such platea figures are legion in Shakespearean drama, and they are of central importance to the plot, themes, and aesthetic of the plays.

    Weimann notes that Renaissance drama is still attached to traditional forms of authority. He writes,

    Let me say without the usual qualification that in the Shakespearean theatre dramatic representations of juridical, political, and ecclesiastical authority could be made to carry great weight and meaning—”meaning” in the sense that, with considerable efficacy, the audience was made to accept impressive moments of illusion and significations effecting the already-given closure between what was represented and what was representing. (“Bifold Authority” 410)

    But the foregrounding of marginal figures and perspectives means that Shakespeare’s drama is inhabited by what Weimann calls “bifold authority” (a term he borrows from Shakespeare’s Troilus and Cressida), the division between platea and locus first of all. Weimann comments,

    However, if the locus-centered authority of what was represented could be amply confirmed, that same authority could also be deeply and profoundly challenged, and such challenge was, more often than not, geared to whatever platea-dimension Shakespeare’s stage tended to retain or, sometimes, revitalize. (“Bifold Authority” 410)

    According to Troilus, the “the bonds of heaven are slipped, dissolved, and loosed” by what he perceives as Cressida’s betrayal (Troilus and Cressida 5.2.160), forcing him to lament,

     . . . Oh, madness of discourse
    That cause sets up with and against itself!
    Bifold authority, where reason can revolt
    Without perdition, and loss assume all reason
    Without revolt! This is and is not Cressid. (5.2.146-150)[22]

    Cressida is presented as morally weak, but no more so than Troilus and the other warriors. Cressida’s perspective is given an authority equal to (and for some critics, greater than) Troilus’s. Thersites, a platea figure, provides a devastating critique of the rhetoric of chivalric honor, thus calling into question Troilus’s character and the whole project of the war, for both Trojans and Greeks.

    Bifold authority, for Weimann, can be expressed in a variety of ways: ritual mimesis vs. dramatic representation, actor vs. role, “the represented locus of authority, and the process of authorization on the platform stage” (“Bifold Authority” 402). These different expressions of bifold authority are all rooted in the larger crisis of authority in Elizabethan England—a real conflict between various factions seeking power—but also expressing some long-term socio-political movements, the most important of which was the Protestant Reformation. Weimann does an excellent job describing, analyzing, and documenting this multifarious crisis of authority, which involved a shift from the public, ceremonial authority of monarchy and church to the discursive authority appropriated and internalized by individuals by means of various religious practices, including reading, interpreting, and in effect mastering the Bible, which Protestants believed was the ultimate religious authority and path to salvation.[23] Weimann shows how Shakespearean drama challenges the authority of public figures and traditional ideologies. The result of this crisis of authority, I argue, is that the central figures need the supplement of metadrama—an onstage audience that serves to explore and negotiate the issue of legitimacy in various ways, while functioning ultimately to authorize Shakespearean drama and its figures.

    As Erich Auerbach has pointed out, the Christian Bible was revolutionary in granting working-class people the dignity of serious literary representation (41-49). Jesus’s disciples were conspicuously lacking in any special social status, and the “dregs” of society featured prominently among his followers. The resurrected Christ appeared first to his most loyal women followers. During the sixteenth century, The New Testament was translated into vernacular English and made widely available in mass-produced, affordable editions. Among its revolutionary themes was Christ’s ferocious attack on hypocrisy among the Jewish religious leadership, a critique rooted in the prophetic tradition and, ultimately, the Mosaic rejection of idolatry.[24] In sermons, tracts, and literature, Protestants all over Europe applied Christ’s censure of priestly corruption to the Catholic authorities. At the same time, the Old Testament concept of idolatry was directed to Catholic artworks and ritual. Bishop Stephen Gardiner, in 1547, explicitly links religious images to political authority, claiming, “the destruction of images, containeth an enterprise to subvert religion, and the state of the world with it, and especially the nobility” (qtd. in Foxe 27). While reformers might have desired to limit their critique to Catholicism (and its ecclesiastical remnants), Protestant skepticism was inevitably extended to virtually all public, institutional authorities, with considerable justification in many cases.[25] Political and religious radicals authorized their agendas by appeal to the Geneva Bible.[26] State authorities and the established church were prominent targets, and the London theaters were hardly exempt. Antitheatrical polemics in England made frequent reference to the Bible.

    So we find, on the one hand, the New Testament extension of personal dignity to all individuals, notably exemplified by a new emphasis on a conversion experience in sermons, books, and personal narratives—including the ballad of “Bottom’s Dream,” about which Bottom says, riffing on First Corinthians, “The eye of man hath not heard, the ear of man hath not seen, man’s hand is not able to taste, his tongue to conceive, nor his heart to report, what my dream was” (4.1.209-212). On the other hand, Protestantism fueled a widespread distrust of public authorities, political and religious. Together, these two powerful dynamics led to the breakdown of the feudal order. While the English monarchy was consolidating power, and nationalism was becoming a prominent element of English culture; the authority of public figures, and the foundation of the social structure in the principle of divine hierarchy, were being called into question, in ways that went far beyond the dynamics of the late medieval period.[27] These larger social-political changes were bound to have profound effects on English popular culture. An increase in social mobility and an active professional class—merchants, lawyers, actors, and authors—helped make possible the success of dedicated theaters in London. The prevalence of apologetic prologues and epilogues was one symptom of the developments I’ve described here. Edmund Spenser recognized that literary protagonists are vulnerable to resentment; in his “Letter to Raleigh” (which serves, in effect, as an “apology” for his epic masterpiece) he wrote that he “chose the historye of king Arthure” (among other reasons) for being “furthest from the daunger of envy, and suspition of present time” (205).

    The speeches from the platea are metatheatrical insofar as the actor recognizes the audience as such and speaks to them as one of their community. Platea figures express the importance of the ordinary people in Christianity and in popular culture, including their resistance to traditional authorities. The authors and players of the Mystery cycles found it natural to include anachronistic references to the everyday life of the audience. But it’s fair to say that Shakespeare and his contemporaries take metadrama to a new level. We still have platea figures and framing devices, but we also find other expressions of metatheater including the many references to acting and theater including the theatrum mundi metaphor, playwright figures, the themes of spectatorship and eavesdropping, and of course the play-within-a-play.

    S. L. Bethell accounts for the unrealistic elements of metadrama by recourse to his concept of “multi-consciousness” (29). He writes, “The mixture of conventionalism and naturalism demands a dual mode of attention. Awareness of the play as play implies the dual awareness of play-world and real world” (27). Renaissance audiences had no problem holding two disparate levels of meaning in their minds at the same time, and they had no knowledge of modern standards of dramatic realism. In my view, Bethell provides a valuable antidote to those who would apply anachronistic standards of naturalism to Shakespearean drama. The limits of Bethell are that he doesn’t take into account the larger social and political developments that inform Renaissance metadrama, including the contradictory social imperatives and the problem of authority.

    In many of Shakespeare’s plays, the relationship of central figures (theatrical and political) to their on- and off-stage audience becomes virtually the main subject matter of the play. Centrality on a public stage is a problem that Renaissance drama addresses explicitly in multifaceted ways.

    Weimann’s work on the early modern crisis of authority and its expression in Shakespearean drama is of crucial importance for any discussion of metadrama in this time period. I agree with Weimann that Renaissance drama is fundamentally split against itself, but I would articulate this contradiction in somewhat different terms. On the one hand, Shakespeare drew on Elizabethan ceremonial culture (popular, political, and religious) to make the central figures and their fate dramatically compelling. On the other hand, Renaissance drama needed to authorize the audience, that is, to ameliorate their potential rivalry with and resistance to centralized figures traditionally sanctioned by their divine or historical status. Theatricality becomes a dominant theme to address these contradictory imperatives.

    Stephen Greenblatt describes in some detail the ceremonial culture of Shakespeare’s youth and concludes,

    The young Shakespeare, whether as believer or skeptic or something in between, might have carried away from such [various contemporary] ceremonies several impressions: an intimation of immense cosmic forces that may impinge upon human life; a heightened understanding of the power of language to form and exalt the spirit; an awareness of intense, even murderous competition and rivalry among competing rituals; and perhaps a sense of the longing to believe that may be awakened and shaped in large crowds. I have placed Shakespeare himself in each of these scenes—which together sketch the root conditions of the Elizabethan theater. (“Shakespeare’s Life” 52)

    On one hand, we find the “intimation of immense cosmic forces,” the sense of belonging to a larger whole, and inspired, elevated language—working together to create the compelling experience of Shakespearean drama. On the other hand, “intense, even murderous competition and rivalry among competing rituals.” Greenblatt lumps all these together as “the root conditions of the Elizabethan theater” without noticing the sharp contradiction between them. The “rivalry among competing rituals” was essentially iconoclastic (even while each faction maintained its own rituals) and thus directly opposed to the traditional ceremonial culture of Shakespeare’s youth. Shakespeare’s drama was inhabited by deeply contradictory imperatives. His response, essentially, was to make precisely this contradiction a major subject matter of his plays. Shakespeare was able to appropriate both sides of the conflict as sources of dramatic power.

    The London Theaters

    The authority of the London theaters was problematic not only because of larger historical developments but also as a result of theater’s unique identity among English institutions. The lack of religious sanction was just one element of their controversial status. On the larger crisis of authority, James Bednarz writes,

    During the 1590s Elizabethans began to sense with a new urgency the disintegration of an inherited sociocultural, economic, and political order. In a climate of intellectual turbulence, the grounding of legitimacy became a prime subject of debate. (230)

    This debate found expression in the controversies surrounding and within the London theaters, including the rivalry between the various playing companies. There was intense competition for paying spectators, and different amphitheaters specialized in distinct theatrical genres. Acting companies and theaters came into and went out of business on a regular basis. The repertoire of the boys’ companies at the indoor theaters appealed to a different class of spectators than that presented by the adult companies in the public theaters. This was not only a competition between rival traditions but an intensely personal “Poet’s War” between Jonson, Marston, Dekker, and Shakespeare, expressed in plays in which they caustically satirized each other.[28] In Hamlet, Shakespeare presents an adult company forced to tour the provinces because “an aerie of children” have so berattled the “common stages” that “many wearing rapiers are afraid of goose quills and dare scarce come thither” (2.2.339-344). Shakespeare exaggerates the success of the children’s company, but his mention of the controversy testifies to its potency.

    Ben Jonson’s rivalry with Shakespeare was in part a conflict of poet-scholars with a classical education (like Robert Greene and Thomas Nashe) and player-playwrights like Shakespeare, who lacked any University education. Everyone is familiar with Greene’s attack on Shakespeare for borrowing his poetic authority from the so-called University wits. Greene (or someone writing in his name) calls Shakespeare and his fellows, “those Puppets (I mean) that speak from our mouths, those Antics garnished in our colours” (34). Greene continues,

    there is an upstart Crow, beautified with our feathers, that with his Tiger’s heart wrapped in a Players hide, supposes he is as well able to bombast out a blank verse as the best of you: and being an absolute Iohannes fac totum, is in his own conceit the only Shake-scene in a country. (34)

    Shakespeare has “beautified [himself] with our feathers,” that is, he has plagiarized the poet-scholars, or at least he is riding on their coattails, and in his pride presuming an expertise that he actually lacks. Greene’s attack is symptomatic of not just his sense of injured merit but also the larger atmosphere of intense rivalry among playwrights and acting companies.[29]

    The audience was also involved in the competition for attention. In Thomas Dekker’s “The Gull’s Horn Book,” he sarcastically advises young gallants on how to behave in London in order to dramatize themselves as fools and gulls. In the theaters, they are recommended to sit on stage with a purchased stool and call attention to themselves with obnoxious behavior:

    It shall crown you with rich commendation to laugh aloud in the midst of the most serious and saddest scene of the terriblest tragedy, and to let that clapper (your tongue) be tossed so high that all the house may ring of it. (210)

    The gull will take it as an honor to be abused by the rest of spectators:

    on the very rushes where the comedy is to dance . . . must our feathered ostrich, like a piece of ordinance, be planted valiantly (because impudently), beating down the mews and hisses of the opposed rascality. . . . By sitting on stage, you have a signed patent to engross the whole commodity of censure. (208)

    Dekker continues,

    Neither are you to be hunted from thence, though the scarecrows in the yard hoot at you, hiss at you, spit at you, yea, throw dirt even in your teeth. ‘Tis most gentlemanlike patience to endure all this, and to laugh at the silly animals . . . (209)

    The gallant can likewise expect abuse from the players and playwright: “Their poet cries perhaps a pox go with you” (211). The more scorn the young gentleman attracts, the more he has succeeded in monopolizing the attention of everyone present. A character in Jonson’s Every Man Out of his Humour gives similar advice on how to behave like a gentleman at plays: “when you come to Plays, be humorous, look with a good starched face, and ruffle your brow like a new book; laugh at nothing but your own jests, or else as the noblemen laugh” (1.2.61-64). In Dekker and Jonson’s portrayal, the theater is essentially a place for individuals to display themselves, competing for the everyone’s (mutually contemptuous) attention, and the stage play is merely the occasion for the rivalry among spectators, players, and poet. No doubt Dekker exaggerates for satirical effect, but what he describes had an underlying basis in reality. Unlike a modern theatrical performance, where the audience is usually quiet and passive, London spectators competed for attention with each other and with the players.  Audiences were known to be quite vocal in their disapproval of what they perceived as inferior plays. All this is the essential context for the staging of spectatorship in Shakespeare’s plays.

    Francis Beaumont’s The Knight of the Burning Pestle (1607) ridicules the ignorance of citizen spectators and the typical repertoire of the theaters, both public and private. The grocer’s active presence on stage is no sign of refined taste. The grocer and his wife insist on their servant playing a leading role in a play of their own devising. They view themselves as having more dramatic skill (or at least better taste) than the author or players. The conflict about what genre of play to perform exemplifies the competing repertoires of private and public theaters, as well as the direct involvement of the audience in such rivalries.

    Ben Jonson was typically contemptuous of his audience for failing to appreciate his genius, and he was not shy about expressing his scorn. The prologue to Jonson’s The Poetaster describes itself as “Armed,” because

    . . . ’tis a dangerous age:
    Wherein, who writes, had need present his Scenes
    Forty-fold proof against the conjuring means
    Of base detractors, and illiterate apes,
    That fill up rooms in fair and formal shapes. (Induction 66-71)

    Jonson appeals to the more educated spectators, who are invited to share the author’s contempt for those with less refined tastes:

    Here now, put case that our author should, once more,
    Swear that his play were good; he doth implore,
    You would not argue him of arrogance:
    How ere that common spawn of ignorance,
    Our fry of writers, may beslime his fame,
    And give his action that adulterate name. (Induction 76-81)

    Jonson claims that envious competitors, “Our fry of writers,” are responsible for attacking his reputation, while the present audience will presumably appreciate him, sharing in his superiority to the “common spawn of ignorance.” Somewhat like Shakespeare’s Coriolanus, Jonson resisted his dependence on his audience, yet the evident anxiety about his reception testifies to his need for approval. The more he proclaims his independence the more he shows himself reliant on them.

    Many scholars have noted that the public theaters were in certain respects leveling, in that anyone with a penny could attend, and, while seating was divided by price, there was still mingling of all classes together in the theater. The audience is, in one sense, equal in their status as spectators in relation to the play. The Chorus to Henry V courteously addresses the audience as “gentles all” (Prologue 8), as does Puck in the epilogue to A Midsummer Night’s Dream (5.1.424), and the Prologue to Henry VIII (Prologue 17). While the well-to-do could afford better seating, everyone could and did interact in the theater. Merchants mingled with aristocrats in the higher-priced seats. The Merchants Taylors school, in 1574, took the drastic step of forbidding the public showing of plays by their boys in their Common Hall because they allowed the lower classes to claim equality to their social superiors:

    Everye lewd persone thinketh himself (for his penny) worthye of the chiefe and most commodious place without respecte of any other either for age or estimacion of the comon weale, which bringeth the youth to such an impudente famyliaritie with their betters that often tymes greite contempt of maisters, parents, and magistrates followeth therefore. (qtd. in Chambers, 2:75)

    Stephen Gosson, in his Plays Confuted in Five Actions (1582), found it threatening that players personated gentlemen in performance, which he thought might lead to the breakdown of the social distinctions that maintained social order. Actors violated the biblical principle, “We are commanded by God to abide in the same calling wherein we were called” (110). The players, in his view, were in competition with gentlemen for the rightful recognition of the community:

    If private men be suffered to forsake their calling because they desire to walk gentlemanlike in satin and velvet, with a buckler at their heels, proportion is so broken, unity dissolved, harmony confounded, that the whole body must be dismembered, and the prince or the head can not choose but sicken. (110)

    The audience of a play, on one level, is a crowd, which were often despised by elites and widely feared by authorities for their disruptive potential. Antitheatrical literature was deeply concerned with the uncontrollable nature of audience response, and, indeed, conflicts and riotous behavior were not uncommon at the London theaters. Shakespeare, especially in the Roman plays Julius Caesar and Coriolanus, shows the specifically mimetic dangers of a popular audience. Antony’s oration at Caesar’s funeral turns the crowd’s adulation of Brutus into irrational rage (Julius Caesar 3.2.75-231). The fact that the crowd targets the wrong Cinna for lynching (even after being informed of their error) illustrates the irrepressible nature of the crowd’s anger, and the detail that Cinna is a poet is not accidental. We don’t know whether Shakespeare shared the classical distrust of democracy, but he was able to make effective dramatic use of the proverbially mimetic nature of the “multi-headed multitude” (Coriolanus 2.3.16). One reason for the suppression of late medieval guild plays and folk festivals was that they could lead to riots and revolts.[30] In London, “The city fathers saw plays as threatening civic order by promoting unruly gatherings and by taking people from work and worship” (Janet Hill 110). Their fears may have been somewhat paranoid, but their existence is significant. We don’t have much sympathy today for such attempts to suppress dramatic performances, but it’s true that crowds can be unruly, and disruptive behavior is contagious.

    Some Quarto editions of Shakespeare’s Troilus and Cressida (1609) include an epistle to the reader by an anonymous author who claims that the play was “never clapper-clawed with the palms of the vulgar” or “sullied with the smoky breath of the multitude.” Robert Ormsby sees this passage as demonstrating the vulnerability of a play to the audience’s physical response (25-26), but I would suggest it also implies a rivalry among the audience members, whether as readers or spectators. Readers are assured of their superiority to the “vulgar” and the “multitude.”

    Hamlet is comparable to A Midsummer Night’s Dream in its obsession with the rivalry/resistance of spectators and players. Both Hamlet and Polonius view themselves as aficionados of acting and theater. Hamlet is captivated (but also horrified) by Aeneas’s tale to Dido as performed by the First Player, and he praises the players as “the abstract and brief chronicles of the time” (2.2.524). But his love of theater also finds expression in his contempt for typical playgoers and players. He finds the play featuring Aeneas to be “an excellent play, well digested in the scenes, set down with as much modesty as cunning” (2.2.439-40); but it “pleased not the million; ’twas caviar to the general” (2.2.436-437). Hamlet’s identity as “The courtier’s, soldier’s, scholar’s, eye, tongue, sword, / . . . /  The glass of fashion and the mold of form, / Th’ observed of all observers” (3.1.154-157) depends upon his assumed superiority to those who lack his refined taste. By the same token, the fact that Aeneas’s speech (as well as The Murder of Gonzago) is pointedly old-fashioned and cumbersome in style allows Shakespeare’s audience to see themselves as superior to Hamlet, Polonius, and the First Player. In his discourse to the players, Hamlet insists on specifying how they should pronounce the speech he has added to the play, and he criticizes the typical practices of actors and clowns who play to the worst elements of the audience, “the groundlings, who for the most part are capable of nothing but inexplicable dumb shows and noise” (3.2.11-12). Hamlet’s speech has been dissected for any clues to Shakespeare’s own dramatic philosophy, but for our purposes it testifies above all to the implicit competition among spectators and players. Shakespeare is not just holding the mirror up to the fact of rivalry in the theater, he is responding to it in a sophisticated way, thereby authorizing his own theatrical practice.

    During the First Player’s speech, Polonius positions himself as a rival for attention by complaining about the length of the speech, whereupon Hamlet enters into rivalry with Polonius by contemptuously dismissing his complaint as ignorant and unsophisticated. During the performance of The Murder of Gonzago, he supplies a scathing commentary on their old-fashioned dramaturgy, successfully competing with the players for the attention of the courtly audience. Claudius’s reception of the play is of course a major focus of this scene; he asks, “Is there no offense in it?” (3.2.230-1). Hamlet briefly describes the action of the play, and pointedly suggests that only those guilty of or complicit with such a murder would find it offensive: “Let the galled jade wince, our withers are unwrung” (3.2.240-241). The performance of The Murder of Gonzago puts everyone present into ethical conflict with each other. Ultimately, the legitimacy of the king himself is at stake here. The role of the players, we should note, is secondary to the importance of the audience. The representation of theatrical reception in Hamlet supports my point that the London theaters (public and private) were full of mimetic tensions among the audience and the players; and it also exemplifies my larger thesis, that Shakespeare’s representation of spectatorship serves to address such tensions, at the same time exploring the larger import of such competitive rivalry as a driving force of modernity.

    The London theaters were infused by mimesis on every level; this is one important reason why they were so feared in Renaissance England. The theater stimulates our mimetic tendencies in order to discharge and defuse them. But it does so by means of mimesis, so containment is inherently ambivalent, since by evoking these human tendencies (newly empowered by socio-political developments in England) there is always the danger of their escape into real world expression.[31] Theater has always been a controversial institution, and Jonas Barish has shown that the antitheatrical prejudice is as old and enduring as theater itself.[32]

    Antitheatricalists recognized that plays competed with church services for the time of the people. John Northbrooke complains, “Many can tarry at a vain play two or three hours, when they will abide scarce one hour at a sermon” (8). The Mystery, morality, and miracle plays of Shakespeare’s youth offered religious and moral lessons that complemented church teachings but were nevertheless seen as competing for the public’s attention. Greenblatt notes, “in attacking the stage, ministers often seemed to regard the professional players as dangerous rivals” (“The Playing Field” 34). The opponents of the stage never tired of pointing out that playgoing detracted from the new possibilities for advancement in Shakespeare’s England: personal, social, religious, and economic. Russell Fraser sums up the antitheatrical position on this point, “In the sixteenth century the proper use of time is the prosecuting of virtuous business, which one will gloss as his bias directs him” (55).

     Ideally, the relationship of the audience to a play is a perfectly reciprocal free market transaction. The audience has freely chosen to give their money for an entertaining spectacle, and the players willingly perform in exchange. Both parties are free to enter or leave this arrangement at any time. But the players are not completely unrestricted in their performance. They are obliged to provide what spectators will pay for, placing them in dependence upon a sometimes fickle audience. Prospero finds himself forced to beg for the “good hands” and “Gentle breath” of the audience, without which he is imprisoned by the “spell” of the audience (Epilogue 8, 10, 11). The audience has become a magician who places a spell on the playwright and player, reversing the conventional metaphor. Furthermore, the need for patronage made the players into servants; the London playing companies were liveried servants of a lord or member of the royal family. Without patronage, players would be viewed by the law as vagabonds and in danger of punishment. And they were subject, of course, to government censorship. At the London theaters, on one level, the audience is in control; they have paid the actors to perform for them; they can leave at any time, and without their paid attendance the acting company would be forced to disband. The existence of a large body of antitheatrical literature (and other evidence we have already considered) shows that audiences sometimes resisted the authority of theatrical performances. At the same time, antitheatricalists feared that audiences would passively imitate what was represented on stage. And so, it is also true that the actors are in control of what is presented, and the audience must submit themselves to the artists’ vision in order to enjoy or just understand the performance. The necessity of submission could spark resistance.

    The relationship of the audience and the play is dialogical in the theater during performance but also in origin and during the whole formative process of creation, as Shakespeare shows in the rehearsals for Pyramus and Thisbe. A play is necessarily formed in response to a particular audience’s concerns and desires, even if the playwright is leading in new directions. An author is well aware of potential resistance since he is a member of the same community and he writes for himself first of all. An ambitious author is typically his own toughest critic. Shakespeare found it necessary to thematize such resistance in order to contain it first of all but also simply to understand it, and he succeeded in making the dialogic nature of staged authority a source of dramatic pleasure and anthropological knowledge. Without the support of religion or traditional social hierarchy, artists must engage with their audience by incorporating them into the subject matter of the play. This strategy functions to authorize a play’s performance and defuse the potential for rivalry and resistance, while serving as an anthropological discovery procedure exploring the complex, protean relationship of centralized figures to their audience.

    Both Plato and Aristotle recognized that the theater is a very mimetic place on every level and that it can serve an important role for social order. They both understood, in different ways, that mimesis is central to our identity as humans. The action on stage, of course, is fundamentally mimetic, as both imitation and representation. Plato and Aristotle also insisted that the audience is mimetic in its relationship to the performance. Aristotle’s account of tragedy is meant to refute Plato’s, but his concept of catharsis as a purification or purging of disruptive emotions represents an inchoate recognition of the danger of mimetic contagion.[33] Pity, we should note, involves the imitation of another’s attention to their sorrow or suffering. The fears of the mechanicals in A Midsummer Night’s Dream are akin to ancient Greek concerns about mimesis. The spectators’ reaction to a ferocious lion or a violent death might be too mimetically powerful, and they might react by having the craftsmen hanged, every mother’s son of them, a cathartic purging of the dangers of mimesis.

    Despite Weimann’s obsession with mimesis and imitation, he neglects the mimetic nature of the relationship of the audience to a theatrical performance, even though both Plato and Aristotle highlighted, in different ways, its importance. Because Weimann fails to understand the precise nature of the problem that metadrama emerges to address, his understanding of metadrama is similarly lacking. The relationship of the audience to public, ceremonial figures, as modeled in the relationship of platea to locus, is always mimetically ambivalent, oscillating between identification and alienation. The foregrounding of “the sense of theatricality” in Elizabethan theater is not merely a response to “the limits of the platform stage vis-á-vis the needs (and vulnerabilities) of historiographic representations” (Weimann, “Representation and Performance” 505). Weimann ignores the role of mimetic rivalry within Shakespeare’s plays, in the theaters, and in the larger culture. The problematic authority of centralized figures in relation to the spectatorship of peripheral characters stands at the very heart of Renaissance drama beginning with Thomas Kyd’s The Spanish Tragedy. This problem reflects larger political and economic developments, but for Shakespeare it is first of all a problem of the theater—and the two levels overlap in significant ways.

    The Anthropology of Mimesis

    Aristotle’s claim that humans are the most mimetic of animals has been confirmed and developed by recent anthropological research, a consideration of which will help us to understand the nature of the mechanicals’ fears and their basis in social reality. Social psychologist Ap Dijksterhuis draws on research showing that humans imitate each other unconsciously and, in our social life, more or less continuously. He writes,

    imitation is of such importance because it can be conceived of as default social behavior. Imitation is not something we only occasionally engage in. Instead, we usually imitate—automatically—and not doing it is the exception. (208)

    Infants, only a few hours after birth, will mimic the facial expressions of adults, and a child’s facility for imitation develops in strength and sophistication. “Our ability to imitate is not something we learn. Although it is certainly true that our ability to imitate evolves over time, the basics are already there when we are born” (Dijksterhuis 208). The gift for mimesis is rooted in the very structure of the brain: “humans have a shared neural system for perceiving and performing an action . . . These mirror neurons discharge both when an action is observed and when it is executed”; humans are literally “wired to imitate” (Dijksterhuis 209). Humans have a strong propensity for sharing the attitudes, emotions, and behaviors of nearby others, such as smiling, laughing, or walking slower. Moods are highly contagious. Susan Hurley and Nick Chater note, summarizing Dijksterhuis, “Just thinking about or perceiving a certain kind of action automatically increases, in ways participants are not aware of, the likelihood of engaging in that general type of behavior oneself” (36). Dijksterhuis argues that our mimetic tendencies are a strong “social glue” that holds together human communities. Such imitation can be found on two main levels. There is the direct imitation of moods and behavior, which facilitates group cohesion in obvious ways. Dijksterhuis argues that there is also a “high road” of imitation, by which we mimetically anticipate the behavior of others, by means of “trait inferences” based on observed behavior, appearances, and social stereotypes (214). For Dijksterhuis, the basic motivation is to be liked by others. Therefore we adjust our behavior in anticipation of the beliefs and intentions of others, in order to make our social interactions more pleasant and productive.

    Dijksterhuis argues that imitation facilitates social cohesion, but he recognizes that imitation can lead to conflict; for example, when individuals imitate the “hostile or aggressive behavior” of others, or when social stereotypes are crude and inaccurate (218, 220). In terms of the high road of imitation, it’s possible that our reading of another’s disposition may be incorrect, based on fantasies about others’ intentions. On the high road, imitation involves the imagination, which may lead us in unhelpful directions. The craftsmen in A Midsummer Night’s Dream are travelling the high road when they modify their performance in accordance with their fantastical stereotype of how aristocrats will behave in certain situations. In his recognition of the harmful forms of imitation, Dijksterhuis supports René Girard’s idea that mimesis can be expressed as destructive rivalry (Girard, Violence 143-168). At least one reason imitation is fundamental to human behavior is that it expresses the biological imperative of competition for limited resources. As cultural animals, we compete for recognition as the basis of identity and a source of authority.

    Michael Tomasello’s recognition that the ability for “shared attention” distinguishes the human species is highly relevant here. Infants (and all animals) are born with the ability to pay attention to people and objects in their environment—a dyadic relationship between self and the object of attention. But beginning at around nine months, infants instinctually begin to “share attention” with others, to imitate the attention of others to objects or people (Tomasello, Cultural Origins 62). A child will look to see what I am pointing at, a behavior not found among our primate cousins. This is a triadic relationship: self, other, and object of attention.

    Attention, Tomasello notes, is intentional—this is what distinguishes it from simple perception—so that we share the intentions of others, thus enabling collaboration. In this sense, we identify with others in our everyday social interactions. Andrew Meltzoff argues that our predisposition to identify with others is rooted in our mimetic tendencies (56). Tomasello emphasizes cognitive and biological  factors (favored by natural selection) in our ability for shared attention, but he still goes so far as to characterize children “from one to three years old” as “virtual ‘imitation machines’ as they seek to appropriate the cultural skills and behaviors of the mature members of their social groups” (Cultural Origins 159).

    Shared intentionality is triadic and therefore scenic, like theater and like language itself. We use gestures and words to direct the attention of others. Shared attention is very basis of language. Our practice of sharing attention with others distinguishes human society. Tomasello writes, “the fundamental social-cognitive ability that underlies human culture is the individual human being’s ability to and tendency to identify with other human beings” (Cultural Origins 90). We can distinguish human intentionality from the agency exercised by all animals in order to survive. And since such intentionality is inherently mimetic and shared, it follows that our attention to the world, as a general rule, is mediated by shared intentions. Tomasello maintains that words and all forms of symbolic communication are intrinsically inhabited by the intentions and perspectives of others (Cultural Origins 8-9). Tomasello cites with approval the work of Mikhail Bakhtin, who argues,

    Language is not a neutral medium that passes freely and easily into the private property of the speaker’s intention; it is populated—overpopulated—with the intentions of others. Expropriating it, forcing it to submit to one’s own intentions and accents, is a difficult and complicated process. (Bakhtin, “Discourse” 294)

    Bakhtin notes the struggle involved in our engagement with language, especially authoritative discourse, in contrast to Tomasello, who is more interested in collaboration. But Tomasello’s research supports Bakhtin’s idea that the discourse of any particular community (large or small) embodies an ideological perspective on the world.

    The work of Tomasello and Meltzoff suggests that shared attention distinguishes human consciousness. Even when we are alone or thinking privately to ourselves, our consciousness is (virtually or imaginatively) inhabited by the intentions of others. Insofar as we are cultural animals, our attention to the world is not just occasionally but essentially mediated by the specific individuals with whom we are in contact, and also, at the same time, our shared language and culture. Attention, we should note, is built upon and includes perception, so that our very experience of the world, on one level, is populated by the intentions of others.[34]  Our intentional perception of our surroundings is to some extent constructed by our shared fears and desires, thus making possible a world like that of A Midsummer Night’s Dream, populated by magical creatures and transformations. For most of human history, the belief in spirits and magic was a dominant mode of understanding the world.

    Human intentionality, as defined by Tomasello, is both public and private at the same time. On the one hand, intentions are expressed in our words and actions, shared, and thus inherently social. We imitate the intentional perceptions of others. At the same time, in a virtual or actual dialogue with others, we can formulate our own personal intentions, which can be shared with others or not. Intentions are thus essentially psychological and internal on one level, even when they are shared. In practice, we must infer the intentions of others (Dijksterhuis 218). In some situations, when a child sees me pointing at a present object, the direction of my attention is perfectly clear. But even in this situation, the child must infer, or I must explain, why I am calling her attention to this object. Tomasello seems to assume that our intentions are transparent to each other. He makes this assumption since he is mainly interested in our ability to cooperate, because that is what gives the human species an evolutionary advantage. Successful collaboration depends upon humans defining a goal and working together for its achievement. This would not be possible if our intentions were not more or less transparently communicated. But the human species does a lot more than just collaborate. We also still compete with each other.[35] In fact, there are many situations when we do not fully share our intentions with each other, either deliberately or because of a failure to communicate. Our personal intentions/goals may conflict with the goals of others, as we’ve seen in our discussion of the rivalry surrounding and within the London theaters. We can see that identification inevitably involves what we call the imagination, one of the central themes of A Midsummer Night’s Dream. When Hippolyta complains during the performance of Pyramus and Thisbe, “This is the silliest stuff that ever I heard,” Theseus responds, “The best in this kind are but shadows, and the worst are no worse, if imagination amend them.” Hippolyta replies, “It must be your imagination then, and not theirs” (5.1.209-212), suggesting that the craftsmen lack imagination, a criticism echoed by some scholars. But in fact, during rehearsal, the mechanicals imaginatively represent the aristocrats to themselves; they envision what will be their reaction to their performance, and they supplement it accordingly. They mimetically imagine themselves in the position of their audience, a uniquely human capacity. Girard proposes that Puck, in deceiving the lovers and transforming Bottom, metaphorically represents the action of the mimetic imagination (Theater 237-239). We can say that imagination is essentially mimetic, because it begins with the imitation of another’s attention, and we must use our imagination (tempered, hopefully, by reason but still inhabited by shared fears and desires) to divine their intention. Our faculty for imagination is rather different from the ability of animals to anticipate the behavior of others, which can be explained most parsimoniously in terms of conditioning.

    Tomasello shows how collaboration involves being able to discern and anticipate the causal relations between people. He notes that our ability in this regard becomes extended to events in the world that are independent of humans. Tomasello writes, “many of the people of the world, when they are in doubt as to the physical cause of an event, often invoke various types of animistic or deistic forces to explain it; perhaps this is the default approach” (Cultural Origins 24). He goes on to say,

    Thus, among the Jalaris peoples of rural India, illnesses and natural disasters are prototypically explained through an interaction of spirits and human misdeeds (Nuckolls, 1991), and the Azande from central Africa attribute many kinds of unfortunate events to witchcraft (Evans-Pritchard, 1937). (Cultural Origins 184)

    Marshall Sahlins observes that “the original political society” of our prehistoric ancestors and aboriginal peoples was characterized by animism, attributing agency to virtually everything in their environment:

    In the animist cosmos, animals and plants, beings and things may all appear as intentional subjects and persons, capable of will, intention, and agency. The primacy of physical causation is replaced by intentional causation and social agency. (Kaj Århem, qtd. in Sahlins 101).

    Modern humans no longer live in an animist cosmos, but our world is still populated by the intentions of others; we use our imagination to discern the intentions of others, and we often mistake others’ intentions. While the fairies of A Midsummer Night’s Dream were not taken seriously by Shakespeare’s audience, belief in magic and witchcraft was still common in Elizabethan England.[36]  Antitheatrical literature explained the popularity of plays as due to the influence of Satan. And today, politicians and commentators are susceptible to paranoid interpretations of their opponents’ intentions, not to mention the many conspiracy theories found in public discourse.

    In terms of my thesis about the emergence of metadrama: the rivalry among the artisan players and their audience was quite real, because it was animated and amplified by the imaginative, mimetic forces that play such a powerful role in the world of the play, in the playhouses themselves, and in the larger culture. The mechanicals’ fears are perfectly conformable to a world in which magical transformations are common, and in which fears and desires can transfigure the world. At the same time, these fears and desires are mimetic and therefore expressive of rivalry, which is why they needed to be (meta)dramatized and vicariously satisfied.

    We reflexively attribute intentionality to people, animals, even inanimate objects, but also to representations themselves. The artisans’ fantasy about how their audience will react to a dramatic enactment is in one sense typical of audiences. We relate to dramatic representations of conscious agents as if they were real people, while reserving knowledge of the fiction. Critics commonly discuss the psychology of fictional characters. For hundreds of years, people have been responding to Hamlet as if he were real person, revering him, resenting him, and even psychoanalyzing him.

    Theseus dismisses the imaginations of “The lunatic, the lover, and the poet” (5.1.7), but in fact imagination is constitutive of our social lives. Our experience of the world is inhabited by the intentions of others, which we must imaginatively infer. Theseus seems unaware that he lives in a world populated by spirits and magic. The world of the play is literally and mimetically animated by the dangerous power of the imagination. If Bottom can be given an ass’s head and made the lover of the Queen of the Fairies at the same time, then the personation of a lion on stage can well be transformed into a real lion. There’s an underlying psychological truth to the mechanicals’ fears, which makes their ameliorative amendments absolutely necessary. What makes the authority of the stage problematic (and compelling) is ultimately its mimetic power.[37]

    Soon after the first performance of A Midsummer Night’s Dream, Miguel Cervantes composed Don Quixote (1605), a realist novel about the power of the imagination. Don Quixote animates the heroic romances he reads in his imagination, and as a result his whole life is transformed into a romantic adventure, with terrible giants, evil enchanters, and ladies in distress. A recent example is David Lynch’s film Inland Empire (2006) about the making of a movie, in which the identity of the actors (who are actors playing actors) gets ominously mixed up with the characters they are playing in the movie-within-a-movie. The mimetic power of fiction is often thematized in popular and serious art. Uncanny literature (including magical realism) and films satisfy our yearnings for magic in a secularized world while serving as an anthropological discovery procedure.

    The theatrum mundi idea in literature is usually interpreted to mean that we each play a role on the larger stage of our social life, and that we are capable of playing different roles, whether by choice or because of external forces.[38] Jaques says, “All the world’s a stage . . . And one man in his time plays many parts” (As You Like It 2.7.138, 141). But if our life is essentially theatrical, then reality itself is fluid and variable, capable of transformations animated by our collective imagination. Actors not only play different roles, they inhabit different fictional worlds in different plays. The play/world changes along with the actor’s role. When Titania wakes up from the spell cast by Oberon, she finds out that her nightmare was true, and she enters into what is, in a sense, another dream. Macbeth realizes that his whole life has been merely a “poor player / That struts and frets his hour upon the stage / And then is heard no more,” a “walking shadow” created by his “vaulting ambition” and haunted by compelling hallucinations (5.5.24-26; 1.7.27). Prospero observes, “We are such stuff / As dreams are made on, and our little life / Is rounded with a sleep” (4.1.156-158).

    Shakespearean Metadrama

    The functionality of Shakespearean metadrama is more complex than critics have recognized. Let’s go back to Pyramus and Thisbe to address this issue. The framing devices added to Pyramus and Thisbe by the artisans demonstrate that the cognitive function of self-reference can conflict with the aesthetics of the play as a whole. We are reminded that these are merely actors playing roles, not actual people suffering a tragic fate—not that we would think so anyways in the case of Quince and company, even without the metadramatic speeches, but one could say the same about any theatrical performance. Samuel Johnson is correct in writing, “The truth is, that the spectators are always in their senses, and know, from the first act to the last, that the stage is only a stage, and that the players are only players” (Preface to Shakespeare xxvii). But Johnson would agree that the power of any particular performance depends upon our entering imaginatively into the world of the play and sharing in the characters’ fears and desires. Metadramatic speeches can work against our affective immersion.

    The artisans, of course, are not trying to be funny. Just the opposite. Too much imaginative involvement by the audience, they believe, would endanger the entertainment value of the performance (making it frightening and disturbing) as well as the players’ lives. The craftsmen need to ward off this possibility so that their performance will be worthy of the audience’s attention. Yet without any imaginative immersion, their play descends from tragedy to farce. Without any intention to do so, they become authorized by their comic inability to produce tragedy, which is underlined by the prologue and other interjections.

    The production of Pyramus and Thisbe suggests that metadrama is not first of all an aesthetic technique. Its initial motivation is cognitive, directed to our understanding. But it turns into a dominating aesthetic effect whose appeal is irony, an aesthetic of sophistication and difficulty. It requires some thought to appreciate the additional level of meaning introduced by metadrama. To this extent, Renaissance metadrama is quite different from medieval platea speeches, which are not generally intended to be ironic and distancing in this sense.

    Metadrama, by definition, works on two levels simultaneously, bridging the world of the play and the world of the audience. The contradiction between the imperative of including the audience and the necessity of creating dramatic illusion has a larger historical import. Theatrical illusion is associated with magic and the sacred, which in turn were attendant on religious and political ceremony, as The Tempest reminds us. Prospero is a magician, a Duke, and a playwright figure—as such, he exemplifies (and problematizes) the supernatural sanction for political and theatrical authority—while the iconoclasm of metadrama is typically skeptical of any such divine sanction. The Tempest represents Prospero’s voluntary yet in effect forced abdication of his supernatural powers in face of the resistance of Ariel, Miranda, and Ferdinand—and the outright hostility of Caliban, Sebastian, and Antonio—a resistance and hostility symptomatic of larger socio-political changes, as well as theatrical-historical developments.[39]

    In the production of Pyramus and Thisbe, we find metadrama emerging as a supplement to the performance, but, like many such supplements, it quickly becomes the main theme. Pyramus and Thisbe makes the important point that Renaissance tragedy, insofar as it is metadramatic, is split against itself; and this split is rooted in the contradictory imperatives of authorizing the audience (anticipating and ameliorating their potential resistance) and authorizing the performance as compelling illusion. The staging of Pyramus and Thisbe, however, parodies metadrama, exaggerating certain qualities and ignoring others. It highlights the original motivation for metadrama in audience resistance, but it overlooks other functions.

    Metadrama can serve to blur the distinction between the stage and the world. In Pyramus and Thisbe, it’s funny when we are reminded that the actors are playing a role—first, because we already knew this, and, second, because it contradicts the imperative for dramatic illusion. Their representation as actors playing a role, however, is itself an illusion from a larger perspective. Actually, they are actors pretending to be actors playing a role, an insight that is available to us by reflection but not highlighted within the world of the play. In fact, the actors’ comic portrayal of amateur players is entirely convincing, at least as Shakespeare has scripted their portrayal. So even though Pyramus and Thisbe parodies metadrama, A Midsummer Night’s Dream effectively embodies it on other levels. Like Hamlet and other plays, A Midsummer Night’s Dream blurs the distinction between reality and fiction, even while it absolutely depends upon that distinction. The actors are both fictional and real at the same time, and the same could be said of the lover’s adventures in the forest.

    In Shakespeare’s As You Like It, another obsessively metadramatic play, most of the main characters are playing a “dramatic” role, either deliberately, as with Rosalind, Jaques, and Touchstone; or unconsciously, as with Orlando, Silvius, and Phoebe. In the case of Rosalind, sincerity and playing a role are perfectly compatible. We can view the young lovers of A Midsummer Night’s Dream in similar terms. The young lovers in the forest, unlike the artisans, do not understand that they are actors in a play. The lovers are not, initially, who they think they are; they are not independent agents of their sacred and singular desires but subject to powerful mimetic, social forces, allegorically represented by Oberon and Puck. The lovers find themselves playing stereotypical roles in the romantic triangles in which they are involved, the conventional nature of which is highlighted when the roles are so easily switched.[40] Each of the lovers never questions their own transformation, but they are amazed at the mutability of the others. To be self-deceived, as the lovers in comedy so often are, is to be immersed in an illusion and, in a sense, a spectator to oneself. Both Olivia and Orsino, in Twelfth Night, are in love with the roles they are playing, until Viola, knowingly playing a role, helps them to overcome their self-deception.

    When the midsummer night lovers wake up in the morning, they are greeted by the members of the court, to whom they tell their tale, which Theseus finds to be “more strange than true.” Hippolyta, however, comments,

    But all the story of the night told over,
    And all their minds transfigured so together,
    More witnesseth than fancy’s images
    And grows to something of great constancy;
    But, howsoever, strange and admirable. (5.1.23-27)

    We never actually hear what the lovers tell the others about their adventures. We might ask, how is it even possible that Hippolyta finds “something of great constancy” in their combined stories? If each lover simply recounts what happens from his or her own first-person perspective of the night, then it’s hard to see how their tales would cohere, since each of them was immersed in conflicting illusions, unaware of Puck’s interventions. But what is most important is that the lovers, after fighting all night, have achieved a peaceful reconciliation. Hippolyta’s comment suggests that when they wake up in the morning, they have become an audience to their own illusions, and, through mutual reflection, in discussion with each other and the court, they have learned something about love and are better prepared for their marriages—even though they still recount “strange and admirable” wonders that cannot be accounted for in rational terms. Demetrius says, “These things [last night’s events] seem small and indistinguishable, / Like far-off mountains turned into clouds.” Hermia replies, “Methinks I see these things with parted eye, / When everything seems double” (4.1.186-189). In many of Shakespeare’s comedies, unlike Pyramus and Thisbe, metadrama is fully integrated into the plot and serves a constructive purpose for the characters. Social order is threatened in the comedies, but these threats are easily, if unrealistically, resolved. The audience doesn’t have the same expectations for theatrical illusion as with the tragedies and histories. “Bifold authority” is not the same problem in comedy and Romance as it is in tragedy (or satire, in the case of Troilus and Cressida).

    The metadramatic speeches of Pyramus and Thisbe assure the audience that the characters are only actors playing a part. Hamlet, in a speech equally metadramatic, protests that he is not an actor playing a part. When Hamlet gives his speech about “seeming,” “for they are actions that a man might play” (Hamlet 1.2.76-86), the audience may or may not reflect on the fact that Hamlet actually is an actor putting on “the trappings and the suits of woe” (which, to multiply the irony, do not “denote [him] truly”). If the audience does think about the discrepancy between the actor and the character he is playing, then this would seem to work against the tragic pathos of Hamlet’s character; and for some spectators, it well might. But the fact remains that Hamlet, despite calling attention to his status as an actor playing a role, is still theatrically compelling as the prince of Denmark (in contrast to the artisans performing Pyramus and Thisbe, who are compelling for the opposite reason). So the question for us is, how does Hamlet succeed as tragedy using the same strategy by which the artisans fail?

    The metadramatic elements of Hamlet, of course, are motivated in a different way than in the artisans’ play. Hamlet‘s metadrama is fundamental to the tragic plot, unlike the framing devices of Pyramus and Thisbe. Hamlet’s resentment of Claudius is legitimated by events, and it’s also an expression of pure rivalry (and thus central to his character), similar to Hamlet’s rivalry with Polonius and the players. In his speech on “seeming,” Hamlet is protesting his sincerity, which is ironic not only because he is an actor playing a role but also because Gertrude and Claudius have not questioned his sincerity. On one level, he is elliptically accusing his mother and uncle of hypocrisy in their past display of mourning for King Hamlet. Hamlet says, in effect, “I’m genuinely mourning here, unlike some people I could name, who have married so hastily.” Hamlet is justifiably skeptical of the public scene or show of mourning for his father, and, by extension, all such public ceremonies including the coronation speech given by Claudius. By the same token, Catholic ceremonies, in the Protestant view, were mechanical “plays” with rote speeches that contradict the true and loving worship of God found in spontaneous prayer. Hamlet has “that within which passes show,” an interiority so profound as to defy representation; while ceremonial actions and speeches are in effect idolatry, a false sacred, legitimated merely by their display on a public scene and empty tradition. The irony, of course, is that Hamlet’s critique applies also to the play in which he is acting, which itself is a form of ceremony, a scripted spectacle, albeit not religious. His speech apotropaically wards off the accusation of false seeming, which actually defines the theater.

    Hamlet is, in effect, modeling and authorizing the audience’s response to centralized figures, including himself. The central figure becomes mimetically worthy of attention first of all because it has an alert audience. At the same time, the potential for resistance is given expression and legitimated. Iconoclastically attacking Claudius serves to critique the hypocrisy and corruption of courtly ceremony. Furthermore, such an attack authorizes the attacker, with whom we can identify, and the play as a whole, which presents a sustained critique of ceremony—”maimed rites,” as Hamlet calls them (5.1.219)—which have been hollowed out by Machiavellian politics. But the play serves finally to reaffirm the ceremonial order by means of the “fated” death of the protagonist—which occurs, significantly, during a ceremonial duel. We may pity and fear Hamlet’s tragic fate, but his death is (part and parcel of) a necessary purging of an evil that disturbs the cosmos. Hamlet is “sacrificed,” in effect, to the necessity of social order, which, historically, was believed to depend upon divinely-sanctioned ceremony in one form or another.

    The same, of course, could be said of Oedipus’s tragic fate, and it’s true that both Sophocles’ Oedipus Rex and Hamlet rely on the idea of cosmic order to enable the catharsis of the denouement. The difference is that Shakespearean drama is informed by the necessity of including the audience within the performance using various metadramatic techniques—staging the scene of dramatic representation and responding to the early modern crisis of authority, a supplement which questions the imperative of fate. Shakespeare’s later tragedies such as King Lear call the cosmic order into question in a more serious way. King Lear repeatedly invokes the final apocalypse and thus could be said to stage the end of the ceremonial order, making this the very basis of tragedy. Shakespeare’s later tragedies and the Romances represent and respond to (in various ways) the declining respect for divine hierarchy.[41]

    The critical reaction to Hamlet and other Shakespearean protagonists exemplifies the audience resistance that we have found driving the emergence of metadrama. Hamlet’s soliloquies and asides make the audience into secret sharers, but some viewers have resisted this role. Hamlet is in rivalry with Claudius, but the audience may enter into rivalry with Hamlet (and sometimes Shakespeare, as, for example, in T. S. Eliot’s critique of Hamlet). According to G. Wilson Knight, it is not the Danish court that is spiritually sick and morally corrupt but only Hamlet; “Claudius is a good king, and the Ghost but a minor spirit” (45). According to this line of interpretation, the main plot action is Hamlet’s aberrant hostility toward Claudius, and the revenge imperative is merely Hamlet’s self-justification.[42]

    Henry V (in the Henriad tetralogy) wards off the potential for resentment by in effect earning his authority through his time spent with lower-class and/or disreputable characters, his defeat of Hotspur in honorable combat, and his victory over the French in the battle of Agincourt. Henry’s conversation with the common soldiers on the night before the battle (followed by his soliloquy) incorporates and addresses their (and the audience’s) resistance to his authority in sophisticated ways (Henry V 4.1.85-303). In the Henriad tetralogy, the authority of common fellowship, merit, and competence is contrasted with the authority of divine right. Henry V, we should note, is always aware of an audience, and he self-consciously manages his reputation. The fact that Henry is his own public relations agent (among other reasons) makes him an ambivalent (or worse) figure for some critics.

    While the mechanicals’ attempt to authorize their performance of Pyramus and Thisbe works against any tragic pathos, in the case of Hamlet, the self-referential elements serve to intensify the tragedy by means of irony. How is the irony of metadrama different from traditional tragic irony? Tragic irony involves the unintended results of human actions, the divergence between our intentions and the results, while challenging our concepts of identity and justice. The Player King says,

    Our wills and fates do so contrary run,
    That our devices still are overthrown;
    Our thoughts are ours, their ends none of our own. (Hamlet 3.2.209-211)

    Tragic irony highlights the discrepancy between the human and the divine, especially in regard to standards of justice and the requirements of cosmic order. The larger forces that drive tragedy call into question the self-determination of human identity. As Ophelia says, “Lord, we know what we are, but know not what we may be” (Hamlet 4.5.43-44), a pregnant observation that applies to all of Shakespeare’s tragic protagonists. The irony of metadrama is rather different.

    Oedipus learns that he is subject to larger forces, that all his efforts to avoid his fate have ironically contributed to it. With metadrama, the larger forces are human and social, not divine and cosmic. It’s not fate that forces Hamlet to play a role, to put on an “antic disposition” (1.5.181), but because “Something is rotten in the state of Denmark” (1.4.90). Metadrama raises and responds to the question of authority, while the authority of the gods and fate is largely a given in the tragedies of Sophocles and Aeschylus (however inexplicable their judgments). Because we have become skeptical about divine forces such as fate, Renaissance drama finds it necessary to stage the scene of representation, which authorizes the central figure more or less ironically. The central figure’s authority is demystified by showing its dependence upon an audience (even while it proves itself worthy of attention by its self-consciousness), while the audience is authorized, as per the Judeo-Christian tradition, by the peripheral figure’s skeptical iconoclasm. So metadramatic irony is rooted in the discrepancy between the traditional concept of cosmic order and Judeo-Christian iconoclasm, which is on one level a model of oppositional identity. The biblical Hebrews’ identity as God’s chosen people is inseparable from their prophets’ rejection of the priestly polytheism of surrounding nations and their fidelity to the one true God (what Jan Assman calls “the Mosaic distinction”[43]); just as a Protestant’s identity, during the Reformation, was essentially linked to their opposition to Catholicism. By the same token, Hamlet’s identity is defined by his alienation from the Danish court.

    This brings up a related point, the convincing psychological realism of Hamlet’s character, notably developed by his monologues and asides. To be self-conscious is precisely to be conscious of oneself in relation to an audience. A soliloquy is really a dialogue with oneself and thus intrinsically metadramatic, insofar as the speaker is an audience to him or herself. Hamlet is often intensely critical of himself and his attempts at self-justification. He has in effect internalized his audience. Hamlet authorizes himself in his soliloquies by being his own audience. Harold Bloom, a leading proponent of Hamlet’s psychological depth, notes insightfully, “Hamlet can seem an actual person who somehow has been caught inside a play, so that he has to perform even though he doesn’t want to” (401). Bloom, however, doesn’t seem to realize that it is precisely the metadrama of Hamlet’s representation that makes him so persuasive as a character. The dramatic realism of Shakespeare’s protagonists, the illusion of depth and interiority, is essentially metadramatic. Every thought they have (in asides or monologues) is a dialogue with a potentially resistant audience. Even Bottom, a lower-class comic character, is always intensely aware of his audience, so that his character, like Hamlet’s, truly “hath no bottom.” Hamlet’s profound interiority functions as a sacred locus that competes effectively with the ceremonial locus of the public stage, both political and theatrical. Shakespeare’s protagonists are always inhabited by their other, leading to the “inescapable perpetuum mobile of the dialogicized self-consciousness,” to borrow a phrase from Bakhtin (Problems 230).

    Shakespeare’s metadramatic techniques have certainly not been neglected by critics, but their root in the potential resistance of the audience has not been recognized. Shakespeare’s response to this resistance is essentially to stage it, as way of legitimating it and the audience, offering a catharsis of the emotions involved. In Shakespeare’s comedies, metadrama functions to explore the conventional nature of social roles, affirming them but also educating the audience about the imaginative (often destructive) illusions that inform our lives as social animals. In the tragedies metadrama tends to question the imperatives of ceremonial order and dramatic illusion. Shakespeare’s genius was to use metadrama to intensify the pathos of his great tragic protagonists. Hamlet is subject not just to fate but also a fundamentally corrupt court. More broadly, metadrama serves to explore and finally understand the complex interdependence of centralized figures and their audience, compelling our continued fascination with Shakespearean drama.

    Works Cited

    Alasuutari, Pertti. Social Theory and Human Reality. London: Sage, 2004.

    Assman, Jan. Of God and Gods: Egypt, Israel, and the Rise of Monotheism. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 2008.

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    — — —. “‘The reforming of Reformation itself’: Public versus Private Scenes of Representation in Shakespeare’s Measure for Measure.” The Originary Hypothesis: A Minimal Proposal for Humanistic Inquiry. Ed. Adam Katz. Aurora, CO: Davies Group, 2007. 171-211.

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    — — —. “The Winter’s Tale and Antitheatricalism: Shakespeare’s Rehabilitation of the Public Scene.” Anthropoetics: The Journal of Generative Anthropology 17.1 (Fall 2011). https://anthropoetics.org/journal/ap-vol-17/ap1701/1701goldman//.

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    Notes

    [1] William Shakespeare, The Complete Works of Shakespeare, Seventh Edition, ed. David Bevington (Boston: Pearson, 2014); all Shakespeare citations are to this edition.

    [2] In a similar vein, James Bednarz writes, “Shakespeare defended the common stages not by emphasizing the didactive power of poetry to transform its audience or the status of its performers, but by insisting that theatricality was the fundamental condition of human experience” (253).

    [3] On how the belief in equality can stimulate offense, see Eric Gans’s important essay, “Originary Democracy and the Critique of Pure Fairness,” in The Democratic Experience and Political Violence, eds. David C. Rappaport and Leonard Weinberg (London: Frank Cass, 2001), pp. 308-324.

    [4] See, for example, Stephen Gosson, Plays Confuted (102), and William Prynne, Histrio-Mastix (929-931).

    [5] Michael Norton argues that Christian liturgy and drama were understood as categorically different forms of cultural activity in medieval Europe. But he notes the existence of Christian drama from beginning around 1200 A.D., and he recognizes that Christian “representational rites,” which shared many of the formal features of drama, were common in medieval Europe and England. See Michael Norton, Liturgical Drama and the Reimagining of Medieval Theater (Kalamazoo, MI: Medieval Institute Publications, 2017). Norton is interested in the history of Christian liturgy, and he believes that the intentions of the clergy during a liturgical ritual are incompatible with the intentions of the participants during a play. A play, however, can be considered a form of ritual, whether or not it includes religious content and enjoys official ecclesiastical sanction. When we consider the larger cultural functions of liturgy and drama, the expressed intentions are just one aspect. I agree that we can’t ignore the intentions of the celebrants, but neither can we ignore the formal, aesthetic, experiential, and emotional dimensions of ecclesiastical ritual and (sacred or secular) drama, for all participants. Robert Weimann and New Historicist critics have noted the significant connections (both continuities and discontinuities) between Christian ritual, Christian drama, and Renaissance secular drama. See Robert Weimann, Shakespeare and the Popular Tradition in the Theater: Studies in the Social Dimension of Dramatic Form and Function, ed. Robert Schwartz (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1978); and Stephen Greenblatt, “Shakespeare’s Life and Art,” The Norton Shakespeare, Third Edition (New York: Norton, 2016), pp. 44-74. For the claim that the Christian Mass was a form of a drama for medieval audiences and understood as such by certain contemporaneous authors, see O. B. Hardison Jr., Christian Rite and Christian Drama in the Middle Ages: Essays in the Origin and Early History of Modern Drama (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1965). On the religious and ritual content of Greek tragedy, see Christine Sourvinou-Inwood, “Greek Tragedy and Ritual,” in A Companion to Tragedy, ed. Rebecca Bushnell (Malden, MA: Blackwell, 2005), pp. 7-24.

    [6] See Terrence Deacon on the necessary connection between ritual and the emergence of human symbolic activity: The Symbolic Species: The Co-Evolution of Language and Brain (New York: London, 1997), pp. 401-410.

    [7] On religion as the basis of communal solidarity, see Emile Durkheim, The Elementary Forms of Religious Life, trans. Joseph Ward Swain (New York: Free Press-Macmillan, 1915), pp. 59-63, passim; and Michael Tomasello, A Natural History of Human Morality (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2016), pp. 129-133.

    [8] Marshall Sahlins, “The Original Political Society,” Hau: Journal of Ethnographic Theory 7.2 (2017), pp. 91–128.

    [9] On Protestant drama in England in the sixteenth century, and the scholarship on this topic, see Robert Weimann, Authority and Representation in Early Modern Discourse, ed. David Hillman (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins UP, 1996), pp. 28-30; and Raphael Falco, “Medieval and Reformation Roots,” A Companion to Renaissance Drama, ed. Arthur F. Kinney (Malden, MA: Blackwell, 2002), p. 251.

    [10] Ancient Greek Old Comedy, on the other hand, “is ubiquitously self-referential: Aristophanes is probably the most metatheatrical playwright before Pirandello” (Taplin 164): see Oliver Taplin, “Fifth-Century Tragedy and Comedy: A Synkrisis,” The Journal of Hellenic Studies 106 (1986), pp. 163-174. Self-reference in Old Comedy appears to be mainly a function of its topical satire. H. D. F. Kitto observes, “Old Comedy took as its function the satirical criticism of contemporary Athenian life; its background . . . was the streets and meeting places of Athens. It was essentially local and topical” (227). See Kitto, Form and Meaning in Drama: A Study of Six Greek Plays and of Hamlet (London: Methuen, 1956). Shakespearean satire almost always has larger aims, and he generally avoids targeting contemporaries in any obvious way (the “little eyases” passage in Hamlet is a notable exception, but even there he does not mention any specific persons). There’s some occasional overlap between satire and metadrama in Shakespeare but no necessary connection. The strict separation of genres in ancient Greek drama also limits any comparison.

    [11] Classical scholars Christiane Sourvinou-Inwood and  Michael R. Halleran have noted occasional instances of self-reference in Attic tragedy. See Christiane Sourvinou-Inwood, “Greek Tragedy and Ritual,” in A Companion to Tragedy, pp. 7-24; and Michael R. Halleran, “Theater in Performance,” in A Companion to Tragedy, pp. 198-214. This essay argues that Shakespearean metadrama is qualitatively different, being driven by the forces of Christian egalitarianism and iconoclasm.

    [12] On the various expressions of cosmic order in medieval culture and Shakespearean drama, see Helen Cooper, Shakespeare and the Medieval World (London: Bloomsbury, 2010), Chapter Four, “The Little World of Man.”

    [13] See Lawrence Stone, “Social Mobility in England, 1500-1700,” Past & Present 33 (Apr., 1966), pp. 16-55.

    [14] For example, the Pilgrimage of Grace, the most serious political revolt of the sixteenth century, was conceived as a defense of traditional social order.

    [15] On how a disruption in the order of the universe—”call it divine, moral, natural, or merely fatal” (26)—is central to Shakespeare’s tragedies, see John P. Beifuss, “The Supernatural as a Tragic Dimension in Shakespeare’s Tragedies,” Interpretations 8.1 (1976), pp. 24-37.

    [16] On political discourse and the social order in Elizabethan England, see Lee Beier, “Social Discourse and the Changing Economy,” A Companion to Renaissance Drama, ed. Arthur F. Kinney (Malden, MA: Blackwell, 2002), pp. 50-67; and David Cressy, “Describing the Social Order of Elizabethan and Stuart England,” Literature and History 3 (1976), pp. 29-44.

    [17] On the demise of the feudal order in Shakespeare’s Richard II and King Lear, see Peter Goldman, “A New Way of Interpreting Literature, Shakespeare and Milton,” Anthropoetics: The Journal of Generative Anthropology 26.2 (Spring 2021), https://anthropoetics.org/journal/ap-vol-26/ap2602/2602goldman/

    [18] There was of course debate about the proper course of godly rule, and controversy about the relative authority of state and church is endemic to Christianity. But William M. Lamont notes, “[John] Foxe’s history [The Actes and Monuments, 1563] encouraged a reverent approach to [Queen] Elizabeth: she was the culmination of history; the retort of God to the challenge of Rome” (35). See Lamont, Godly Rule: Politics and Religion, 1603-1660 (Macmillan, 1969).

    [19] See Peter Goldman, “‘The reforming of Reformation itself’: Public versus Private Scenes of Representation in Shakespeare’s Measure for Measure,” The Originary Hypothesis: A Minimal Proposal for Humanistic Inquiry, ed. Adam Katz (Aurora, CO: Davies Group, 2007), pp. 171-211.

    [20] Robert Weimann, Shakespeare and the Popular Tradition in the Theater.

    [21] On the role of the audience in medieval drama, see also Anne Righter, Shakespeare and the Idea of the Play (London: Chatto & Windus, 1962), Chapter One. Righter is not concerned with the platea-locus opposition, but she provides a valuable and interesting account of how medieval drama included the audience into the play.

    [22] For Troilus, “Bifold authority” refers to a split within rational experience, the evidence of his senses regarding Cressida. This contradiction, for Troilus, fractures the very structure of reality, the “bonds of heaven.”

    [23] Robert Weimann, Authority and Representation in Early Modern Discourse, ed. David Hillman (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1996).

    [24] Jan Assman argues that Mosaic iconoclasm, at its origin, was directed to the supposed divinity of Egyptian political and religious authorities as legitimated by the images and figures of the gods. See Jan Assman, Of God and Gods: Egypt, Israel, and the Rise of Monotheism (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 2008), p. 87.

    [25] On the crisis of authority created by the perception (and reality) of corruption in virtually all public authorities and institutions, see David Morse, England’s Time of Crisis: From Shakespeare to Milton (London: Macmillan Press, 1989). On the “crisis of confidence” in the monarchy and aristocracy leading to their loss of power during the Civil War and Interregnum, see Lawrence Stone, The Crisis of the Aristocracy: 1558-1641 (London: Clarendon-Oxford University Press, 1965).

    [26] On the radical (and sometimes conservative) uses to which the Bible was put during Shakespeare’s lifetime, see chaps. one and two of Christopher Hill’s The English Bible and the Seventeenth-Century Revolution (London: Penguin Press, 1993).

    [27] On Queen Elizabeth’s attempts to consolidate her power, and the resistance she encountered from advocates of reform, including her archbishop Edmund Grindal, see Weimann, Authority and Representation, pp. 91-94.

    [28] See Alfred Harbage, Shakespeare and the Rival Traditions (New York: Macmillan, 1952); and James Bednarz, Shakespeare and the Poet’s War (New York: Columbia University Press, 2001).

    [29] On Robert Greene, the “University wits,” their role in the literary scene of London, and their rivalry with Shakespeare, see Stephen Greenblatt, Will in the World: How Shakespeare Became Shakespeare (New York: W. W. Norton, 2007), Chap. Seven, “Shakescene.”

    [30] M. C. Bradbrook writes, “in Norfolk, Kett’s Rebellion (1549) had started at a play and produced a commune based on Robin Hood’s justice, that lasted for a couple of months”; in Shakespeare: The Poet in his World (London: Routledge, 1978), p. 38. See also Janet Hill, Stages and Playgoers: From Guild Plays to Shakespeare (Montreal: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 2002), pp. 78-79.

    [31] See Nova Myhill “Making Spectacles: Spectatorship and Authority on the Early Modern Stage,” on the various conflicts between audience and players in the seventeenth century, including the competing forms of authority.

    [32] Jonas Barish, The Antitheatrical Prejudice (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1981).

    [33] Malcolm Heath, classical scholar and translator of Aristotle’s Poetics, notes that Aristotle, in his Politics, associates the catharsis produced by music with “healing” and “pleasurable relief” (Heath xxxviii). Greek and Renaissance drama, of course, included music, song, and dance. In the Poetics, Aristotle presents catharsis as a “purgation” of pity and fear, but Heath argues that such a catharsis would be experienced only by those with “disordered emotional susceptibilities,” while other audience members would find the emotions aroused by tragedy teaching them virtue and understanding (xxxvii-xliii). For some contemporary perspectives on Aristotle’s concept of tragic catharsis, see Elizabeth S. Belfiore, Tragic Pleasures: Aristotle on Plot and Emotion (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1992); René Girard, Violence and the Sacred, trans. Patrick Gregory (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1977), pp. 290-292; Leon Golden, Aristotle on Tragic and Comic Mimesis (Atlanta, GA: Scholars Press, 1992); Stephen Halliwell, Aristotle’s Poetics, Second Edition (London: Duckworth, 1998); and Halliwell, The Aesthetics of Mimesis: Ancient Texts and Modern Problems (Princeton NJ: Princeton UP, 2002).

    [34] The nature of “social reality” is a philosophical question with a long history. It’s usually addressed in terms of the cultural rules and conventions that condition our actions and beliefs rather than shared fears, desires, and the imagination. See Tomasello, A Natural History of Human Morality (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2016), pp. 1-6. Readers wishing to pursue this question from a larger philosophical perspective may consult Peter L. Berger and Thomas Luckmann, The Social Construction of Reality: A Treatise in the Sociology of Knowledge (New York: Anchor-Random House, 1966); John Searle, The Construction of Social Reality (New York: Free Press-Simon & Schuster, 1995); and Pertti Alasuutari, Social Theory and Human Reality (London: Sage, 2004).

    [35] Although Tomasello sees the basic function of shared intentionality as collaboration, he recognizes that collaboration itself is competitive in certain respects. He notes that natural selection will favor individuals with the ability to collaborate (Natural History of Human Thinking 4-5). He also recognizes that groups that are more able to collaborate can better compete with groups lacking in this regard.

    [36] See Keith Thomas, Religion and the Decline of Magic (New York: Scribner, 1971); and Jon Kenko-James, This Isle is Full of Monsters: Shakespeare’s Audiences and the Supernatural (Greenrock, Scotland: Beulaithris Publishing, 2018).

    [37] See David Morse on the anxiety aroused by crafted representations during the Renaissance, especially in Jacobean tragedy, England’s Time of Crisis, Chap. 9, “Counterfeit Representations,” pp. 192-255. Andrew Gurr also discusses the fear of deceptive appearances and representations in Shakespeare’s England: “Metatheatre and the Fear of Playing,” in Neo-Historicism: Studies in Renaissance Literature, History and Politics, eds. Robin Headlam Wells, Glenn Burgess, and Rowland Wymer (Cambridge, GB: D.S. Brewer, 2000), pp. 91–110. Gurr recognizes that metatheater responds to the problem of social order, although we disagree as to the precise mechanism involved. Gurr goes so far as to claim that rhymed or blank verse, along with soliloquies, asides, and other traditional elements of Renaissance drama, were intended to ward off the potential for dramatic illusion. But the theatrical conventions of the London stages are not inherently anti-realistic; in many cases, particularly blank verse, they could be dramatically compelling. By the same token, metadrama is not always anti-realistic, as I discuss in the final section of this essay.

    [38] Tanya Pollard has a brief, insightful discussion of the ambivalence of the theatrum mundi topos in her Introduction to Shakespeare’s Theater: A Sourcebook (Malden, MA: Blackwell, 2004), p. xix.

    [39] On The Tempest and the problem of authority, see Peter Goldman, “Shakespeare’s Gentle Apocalypse: The Tempest,” Anthropoetics: The Journal of Generative Anthropology 18.2 (Spring 2013), https://anthropoetics.org/journal/ap-vol-18/ap1802/1802goldman/

    [40] Hermia and Helena never receive Puck’s love drops, but they switch from the role of the beloved to the role of the rejected, and vice-versa.

    [41] On Shakespearean Romance and the problem of authority, see Peter Goldman, “The Winter’s Tale and Antitheatricalism: Shakespeare’s Rehabilitation of the Public Scene,” Anthropoetics: The Journal of Generative Anthropology 17.1 (Fall 2011), https://anthropoetics.org/journal/ap-vol-17/ap1701/1701goldman/

    [42] W. W. Greg, in similar fashion, argues that the ghost is Hamlet’s hallucination. Claudius’s (seeming) lack of reaction to the dumb show for The Murder of Gonzago proves, in Greg’s view, that Claudius did not murder his brother by pouring poison in his ear. See Greg, “Hamlet’s Hallucination,” The Modern Language Review 12.4 (Oct. 1917), pp. 393-421. In Ernest Jones’s Freudian interpretation, Hamlet is driven primarily by the ambivalent mimetic relationship between Hamlet, his father, and Claudius. See Jones, “The Oedipus-complex as an Explanation of Hamlet’s Mystery: A Study in Motive,” The American Journal of Psychology 21.1 (January, 1910), pp. 72-113.

    [43] See Assman, Of God and Gods.

  • Review of Richard van Oort’s Shakespeare’s Mad Men: A Crisis of Authority (Stanford, 2023)

    Richard van Oort has followed up his remarkable Shakespeare’s Big Men: Tragedy and the Problem of Resentment (University of Toronto, 2016) with a somewhat more sharply focused monograph.  Where Shakespeare’s Big Men considered five of the tragedies (Julius Caesar, Hamlet, Othello, Macbeth and Coriolanus) the new work limits its textual discussion to two plays, King Lear and the “problem comedy” Measure for Measure.  The previous study used an anthropologically informed analysis—and specifically the heuristic and terminology of Eric Gans’s originary hypothesis–to examine Shakespeare’s working out of the dramatic implications of a central paradox also identified by Gans, namely, that for those on the periphery “identification with” the figure occupying the center “is inseparable from resentment of him.”[i]  Such over-arching issues are still relevant to the current book, but the concern now is “a subcategory” of such figures, centralized  “mad men,”[ii] and as its subtitle indicates, the problems their madness and position pose for legitimacy, authority, and the just or unjust exercise of political power, broadly understood.

    Van Oort points out the consistent linking, in Shakespeare, of that position and condition: in his famous plays “all mad men are also big men.”[iii] Indeed, madness itself is closely, but in specific ways, connected to centrality.   The bard’s view of madness we might characterize as anthropological, or as van Oort puts it, “ethical” rather than psychological: madness in fact is the condition afflicting Big Men whose attempts to renounce the center are inadequate, inconsistent, “fake or insincere.”[iv]  One might say these protagonists, unlike Frodo Baggins, have not made or been required to make full enough a sacrifice of their own desires to enable them to escape the corrosive effects of their rings of power.   Call it a particular formulation of the tragic paradox, a specific form of hamartia that professes renunciation and innocence but is inflected and ultimately undermined by self-deception.

    The structure of Shakespeare’s Mad Men affords itself, therefore, a very thorough investigation of the thematic cruxes of the two plays, of which we can only provide here a simplified overview.  First read is Lear, whose ethic is the gradual recovery of “moral reciprocity” through the dissolution of “bad-faith hierarchy,”[v] a process revealed in the parallel narratives of Lear and Gloucester.  Perhaps the most interesting feature of this specific permutation of what GA formulates as the over-riding dilemma of love and resentment is that it is experienced, by the audience as much as by the protagonists, not from the periphery but looking outward from a center those tragic figures cannot acknowledge themselves as occupying.  Their experiences are of the resentments of others—Gloucester of those of his wronged son Edgar, Lear of those of his not fully enfranchised daughters and subjects—and the process dramatized is a progression from what GA calls the victimary to an ownership of their sins, through stations of self-pity, shame, recognition, regret, and repentance.  This schema requires a reading of the play which, though it builds explicitly on certain strains of previous Shakespearian criticism, must persuade us of a particularly skeptical idea of the behavior and sufferings of these central figures, especially initially, and a more sympathetic understanding of those they have wronged.  Van Oort seeks to persuade us not to mimic the protagonists’ bad faith, but finally to see them as less sinned against than sinning and to read in their fates the tragic expression of a certain kind of justice—the ancient moral of the genre.

    King Lear depicts a “duel between Vanity and Faith,”[vi]  and so long as the former prevails its thralls must confront “the violence that lies at the secret heart of the human social order.”[vii]  Where previous commentary has frequently seen a turn, in Lear himself especially, to the latter as early as Act III when he flees his sharp-toothed daughters out into the cosmic storm and begins there to attend to the sufferings of others, van Oort’s analysis, while conceding some faltering initial steps towards love, is less forgiving.  If the king’s famous curse is “hopelessly self-pitying and resentful”[viii] and his exile “self-inflicted,”[ix] even his subsequent “interpretation” of that storm remains “egocentric,” reflecting only “his preoccupations.”[x]  One is to “discern” a crucial degree of hypocrisy and blindness, a fatal absence of irony, in all his “diatribes on the heath,”[xi]  a waste to which he has resorted out of what Kent calls his “sovereign shame.”[xii]  Shame is the key to much of Lear’s behavior through the middle parts of the play, even his madness is finally “a screen”[xiii] to conceal his true and shameful self, and his persistent shame implies not a redemptive turn to love but a lingering, indeed “grotesque”[xiv] clinging to the perquisites and assumptions of centrality, an inverse expression of pride.  When he “implores the gods to wreak havoc on himself and his enemies” in Act IV, he is still “invoking the sacred power of the center,”[xv] which he continues to feel authorized to wield. Van Oort is very good at registering for us the lingering implications of this pride-in-shame, that make Lear back away from his loving daughter’s embrace, even very late in the play.

    Such a reading is particularly productive with the doubled plot of Gloucester and his children.  Shakespeare’s Mad Men innovatively reads Edgar’s behavior both for its radical rejection of previous sin, and as Poor Tom, its “purification”[xvi] of soul, and for its angry resentment of his father, indeed, even, “fantasies of parricide.”[xvii]  Gloucester, meanwhile, in van Oort’s carefully detailed textual examination (building on and extending that of Stanley Cavell), is far more alert to the stakes than conventional readings of the later acts would suggest, and is likely aware, for example, of just who his ostensibly demented guide is, even in the famous mock-suicide of Act IV.  Blinded, he now can see, and his compliance in his son’s cruel and vengeful charade is an attempt at or offer of atonement, an expression of shame and a means of allowing his son to purge himself of his (justifiable) resentment.

    The approach also requires a perfectly good Cordelia, however, and more challengingly still, some sympathy for the erstwhile devilish other daughters.  Lear’s insistence on his hundred-knight perquisite derives from Vanity; Lear is behaving like a child, and Goneril and Regan’s demands for cut-backs are, after all, “quite reasonable .. . . who can blame [them]?”[xviii]  Even more challenging, perhaps, is the defence mounted of Cornwall, to whom we are enjoined to “give credit where credit is due.”[xix]  It’s to be granted that his blinding of Gloucester is “cruel,” but the Duke too has his reasons and at least follows a semblance of due process, and we should not let his “actions blind us to Gloucester’s faults.”  The Earl “loses his eyes because he . . . is blind to his own evil.”[xx]  Van Oort acknowledges Harry Berger’s suspicious view of Cordelia’s fateful decision not to play along with the love test, but his own Cordelia finally has no choice, is drawn ineluctably towards the center by an overwhelming power that must be understood anthropologically rather than as a function of character. As a person she does, however, throughout, “represent love,” or even “is love,” or at least “partly,”[xxi] and the part that does, or is, is drawn helplessly to desire a center that Lear has made only ambiguously available with his bad faith.

    Finally, though, a noble, and truly tragic outcome is attained by recognition, an awakening from such self-deception, by both Lear and Gloucester.  For Measure for Measure‘s Duke Vincentio, however, no such éclaircissement is attained, producing a murkier result, neither tragic nor comic.  His task—van Oort makes it a version of the larger one of all post-ritualistic modern governance—is to manage the resentments generated by the freer and freer “pursuit of happiness” in a “market” system.[xxii]  His madness consists in his attempt to evade the resentment that even an attempted central control of such a process inevitably generates, while refusing ever to vacate that center, as his tragic predecessors Lear and Gloucester eventually do.  The Duke’s apparent strategy, broadly speaking, is to delegate enforcement to a sacrificial substitute, Angelo, pretend to abdicate, then, as Angelo’s attempts to restrain desire generate ever more threatening violence and disorder, return to pardon all in a “mad and extravagant display of potlach clemency.”[xxiii]  This peculiar plan, however, although it’s sometimes read as an almost God-like (and successful) attempt to heal the realm through the demonstrated praxis of mercy, is actually the expression of his own resentments.  This Big Man’s hypocrisy or mad blindness, shall we say, is the source of the “problem” most audiences and readers have experienced in the outcome of this ostensible comedy.

    Van Oort’s solution of this problem—or explanation of why it is one—is persuasive.  His reading of the Duke’s sometimes cunning and sometimes strange and uncouth maneuvers deploys an anthropological heuristic in a situation that seems almost ideally suited to it.  Here too earlier criticism is usefully engaged, but then extended—many readers of this curious play had noticed the untoward machinations of the Duke, but few had offered as cogent a motivation.  The play is read in detail, and its puzzling and provoking features—Angelo’s attempt to get the beautiful convent-bound Isabella to exchange her virginity for her brother’s life, the implausible but salaciously dramatic “bed trick” by which this intended abuse is ambivalently thwarted—are illuminatingly explored. What steadily and ever more emphatically emerges is the sheer oddity and ineptitude of the Duke’s project, its fumbled stage-managing, its increasingly dubious ethics, its casual cruelties and deceptions, its patent self-serving, the contradictions more and more obvious to other characters and audience alike.   This is not quite Lear’s madness, but it is certainly and to a remarkable degree unhinged.  Along the way, what began as tragedy descends towards comedy, or indeed, “a hopeless mishmash of conflicting genres.”[xxiv]  The Duke’s ambiguous occupation and abandonment and reoccupation of the center is of course to blame—mere farce looms.

    Not that the ethical, or indeed judicial and political issues raised are inconsequential, as van Oort’s useful survey of the various interpretations of the play’s thematic issues reminds us.  But the reading Shakespeare’s Mad Men offers, in its anthropological orientation, is not finally moral or philosophical.  The crucial engines of the play’s action are desire and resentment, and its characters’ various lusts and transgressions mediate each other, in an unstoppable and ongoing sequence.  The Duke’s climactic pronouncement of the curative and resolving power of “marriage and mercy . . . is met with awkward silence”[xxv] and the curtain falls.  The claims of centrality, that he who controls it can trump that “infinitely deferrable” mediation around the social periphery, are transparently empty in the world Shakespeare is writing about and for.  Those on stage, for their own safety, remain mute, while for the rest of us, to “the Duke’s final blustering show of mad self-centralization,” the only appropriate response is “an ironic shake of the head.”[xxvi]

    The case is made in considerable detail of course—to devote a full monograph to just the two plays, albeit canonical masterpieces, ensures this.  If I found myself wishing for anything, it might have been an instance or two more.  For example, another Duke, Prospero of The Tempest, has sometimes been compared to Vincentio, and even to Lear.  He too, another irascible old man, loses, regains, and/or abandons centrality, and maneuvers in ways sometimes provocative of unease.  Here, too, is a crisis of authority, and were the play not taking place in a genre we have come to call romance rather than comedy or tragedy, Prospero’s belief in his capacity to raise and still storms, to free spirits and chastise the guilty, to return his world to what he considers it proper order, might be wondered at, even be thought delusional.  But if it isn’t, why finally does he abandon it, why drown his book?  But perhaps Richard van Oort is already pursuing such questions and may be able to suggest some answers in time.

    Overall, Shakespeare’s Mad Men is a fine and penetrating critical study as well as an excellent addition to the growing body of work exploring the implications and uses of generative anthropology.  Its author notes that it had “its origins in [his] teaching,”[xxvii]  and I can testify to its accessibility and helpfulness to students, having had the good fortune this term to give an undergraduate course on Shakespeare whose readings included the two plays discussed.  I both read and recommended the book, to good effect.   Indeed, for all its depth of analysis, it has a certain jauntiness of style that perhaps suggests both its origin and purpose in academic education.  We are urged to “put our detective hat on”[xxviii] to assess Gloucester’s guilt or innocence, told that the Duke’s bed trick is “100 percent kosher”[xxix] and informed that Isabella’s silence in response to his marriage proposal suggests the heroine “must be truly gobsmacked.”[xxx] Alas, in my age, I cannot say I have been quite so affected by the work under review, but certainly enough impressed by and grateful for its insights.

    Notes

    [i] Shakespeare’s Big Men, x.

    [ii] Shakespeare’s Mad Men, 1.

    [iii] Mad Men, 1. Remaining references are to this source.

    [iv] 2.

    [v] 23.

    [vi]26.

    [vii]28.

    [viii]35.

    [ix]46.

    [x]35.

    [xi]37.

    [xii] 4.3.43, cited on 91.

    [xiii] 92.

    [xiv]45.

    [xv]47.

    [xvi]51.

    [xvii]51.

    [xviii]28.

    [xix]59

    [xx]59.

    [xxi]17, 23.

    [xxii]117.

    [xxiii]118.

    [xxiv]192.

    [xxv]224.

    [xxvi]224.

    [xxvii]235.

    [xxviii]52.

    [xxix]201.

    [xxx]221.