Author: staceymeeker

  • Popular Culture Is All We’ve Got

    Both high and popular culture are spin-offs of ritual; but whereas high secular culture is limited to a specific set of historical circumstances, popular culture is found in all societies: folk-tales are desacralized myths, erotic ballads transfer worship from a god to a sexual object. In the West, the “high” esthetic genres (epic, drama, lyric) emerge from religious ritual as public performances, sanctioned and promoted by the polis, of Homeric epics, Pindaric lyrics, Aeschylian tragedy. These performances are not as a rule restricted to a social elite, although the citizenry itself is a privileged class in comparison with their slaves or wives.

    Despite the undoubted correlations between class and cultural level, it is better to understand the audiences for art and entertainment, high and popular culture not as two different groups of people but as two different ethical attitudes. Those attuned to the more difficult attitude of high art have always been drawn to the popular as well; tragic festivals included satyr-plays. These attitudes can be traced back to the originary event through the intermediary of its repetition in ritual. Whatever indulgence it allows to desire, the underlying structure of ritual is sacrificial; the participants must abandon their hope of possessing the whole in order to obtain a part. High art preserves the overall ritual attitude in a “secular” context emancipated from ritual. The esthetic subject enforces in the real world the interdiction of the central object attributed to the divinity in the ritual context, both provoking the desire for it and showing that this desire cannot be satisfied. In contrast, the origin of popular art is on the periphery of ritual, in those moments when the appetites are indulged without thought of their dependency on the sacrificial whole, the participants benefiting from the sacrifice without (apparently) suffering from it. Mikhail Bakhtin’s “carnivalesque” category embodies this attitude, while demonstrating its trans-sociological nature, since all classes of society are expected to participate the carnival as one day of indulgence preceding forty of penance.

    Popular culture, whether it be pre-industrial folk culture or the mass-produced culture of industrial societies, is entertainment for those who, like the proletariat of Rome, feel unburdened by social responsibility–a “proletariat” composed not of cradle-to-grave proletarians but of those who adopt, whether for a moment or a lifetime, an attitude of indifference to the functioning of society as a whole. This was the attitude of the Roman proletarius, and the Marxian proletarian still embodies it even as he inherits the earth, since the socialist utopia is presumed to be able to integrate individual desire and public benefit so smoothly as to require no conscious effort on the part of its participants. (See Chronicle 278.)

    It would be callous to mock the artistic tastes of the nineteenth-century worker laboring sixteen hours a day in factory or mine who had little leisure and less inclination to consider issues that did not touch directly on his survival. Yet his bourgeois employer, owner of the means of production and patron of the arts, was considered a scarcely more ideal audience by the artistic community; for the latter, the bourgeois too were part of the “people,” albeit with daintier tastes that would later be called “middlebrow.” Postromantic artists distrusted all audiences beyond themselves, because they saw themselves rightly or wrongly as the sole guardians of totality in a world apparently stripped by the market of its universal norms.

    What compensates the participant in the originary scene for his obligatory renunciation of the whole for a part is the sparagmos, the discharge of originary resentment against the central object. The popular attitude that derives from this compensation can most simply be characterized as one of resentment against the limitations of one’s condition in hierarchical society, whether justified or not from the standpoint of distributive justice. The popular subject seeks imaginary satisfactions in compensation for his worldly frustration, but since his “oppressor” is real whereas fulfillment of desire is not, the heart of popular culture is revenge on the former rather than celebration of the latter. The utopia of desire can only be pointed to; the image of fulfilled desire abolishes human temporality and cannot therefore maintain our attention on the esthetic sign.

    Popular culture takes advantage of the world of representation to take revenge upon reality, whereas high culture never loses sight of the fact that the originary function of representation is the preservation of the community through sacrifice. The tragic is the ultimate high-cultural experience; in obeying the artist’s will, we profit from the tragic hero’s sufferings, but rather than rejoice in them we identify with their necessity from within as well as from without. We attain the catharsis of our own excessive desires through this process, whereas popular culture discharges these desires in imagined satisfaction.


    The most important reality of contemporary esthetics is the seemingly ineluctable marginalization of the high arts. With the possible exception of architects, whose esthetic bears the guarantee of practical purpose, no contemporary artist would have the temerity to compare his work with the historic greats in his field, something the “high modernists” such as Picasso, Stravinsky, Joyce, Eliot, or Proust did not so long ago without hesitation.

    This separation, obvious today, of the esthetic ambitions of high modernism from those of the postmodern era reflects the great ethical revelation of the twentieth century embodied in the Holocaust. The postmodern esthetic is more or less that defined for “art after Auschwitz” by Theodor Adorno, who, after declaring that it would be barbaric to continue to write poetry, decided that art was still possible on the condition that it renounce beauty and wholeness and devote itself, as one critic put it, to the “negative expression of the absent truth.” To accept the central will of the artist as coinciding with the sacred order of things smacks of the Führerprinzip; the victims of the Holocaust cannot be recuperated by incorporation in a tragic rite. High art requires that the social order be, as if from a Durkheimian perspective, the source of all values; the Holocaust challenges the legitimacy of this order and with it, that of the high culture that affirms it. Yet however critical the esthetic subject’s posture may be toward the worldly order, his very subjectivity is mediated by the sacred center, the source of language and all representation. Subjectivity itself is then called into question; but since the “caller” is himself a subject, the postmodern esthetic becomes a series of displays of self-negation, with respect to which Derridean deconstruction remains the most subtle and anthropologically grounded reflection.

    The effect of the postmodern esthetic has been devastating to the practice and reception of high art. The arts that were formerly the privileged embodiments of human totality are either reduced to a moral-less practice of decoration (Christo is probably the best-known and most widely viewed artist of our era) or confined to a coterie of connoisseurs. The high modernist’s sense that he alone, in contrast with his uncomprehending “bourgeois” audience, is capable of articulating the values of the totality, is reduced in postmodernity to producing the “revelation” that the totality is a sham. High art remains only as a means for denouncing its own inherent pretensions. The creation of art conceived as self-deconstruction leads in practice to a Gresham’s law competition in outrageousness; the use of excrement to turn the plastic arts into a kind of esthetic Black Mass is an indication of this. The totalizing and sacralizing attitude that high art inspires finds refuge in the appreciation of the works of the past.


    But art itself is not dying. In the postmodern context I have just described, the “profane” nature of popular art becomes an advantage. The popular artist is content to adapt artistic forms to the resentments of his audience rather than put the social order in question in order to reaffirm it. To the postmodern high artist’s deconstruction of his own authority corresponds in the popular work the spectator’s “camp” discounting of the resentful attitude he temporarily adopts in order to enjoy the work. The protected formal context of popular art, geared to the spectator’s satisfaction rather than to the artist’s conception of cosmic order, permits its creator and spectator, in the moral neutrality of their market-mediated relationship, to seek something of the esthetic satisfaction of high art through the transcendence of the very resentments that popular art exists to satisfy. Because it begins from the legitimization of individual desire rather than the affirmation of the social order, the popular attitude can become the means of imaginarily reconstructing this order. In the popular work, the model of the originary scene of crisis and resolution permits desire to be explored for its comic or tragic elements independently of any a priori communal totality. This is more or less the esthetic mode Raoul Eshelman has elaborated over a series of Anthropoetics articles (in issues VI, 2; VII, 2; VIII, 2, and X, 2) under the concept of performatism.

    I think this neo-high-cultural role is played most significantly by cinema, whose commercial focus and collective “authorship” provide its esthetic subject with a guarantee of humility that allows it to mitigate its self-deconstruction and seek to reconstruct the “perspective of the whole.” This new role of popular art in the postmodern era and particularly in our post-millennial, performatist age is a complex issue that I intend to explore in future Chronicles.


  • Intelligent Design?

    I feel almost ashamed to take on a target as easy as “intelligent design” (ID) theory, but it offers so excellent a demonstration of the power of the originary hypothesis that the mere mention of the subject produces in me a Pavlovian effect of mental salivation. But clearly the subject is in the air. The Winter 2004 Claremont Review of Books contains a review article that looks with favor upon no fewer than four recent books dealing with the question (Joseph Bessette, “Is God in the Details?”, p. 50-53). As an antidote, a few days after announcing this Chronicle, I read in the February 14, 2005 National Review an article (John Derbyshire, “But Is It Science?”, p. 32-33) dismissing ID as useless for either science or religion. I was reassured that Claremont’s (and Commentary‘s) weakness for ID had not spread to all conservative publications. Yet the refutation expressed in the following passage avoids ID only by denying that our minds, at least, are made in God’s image:

    [The I.D.-ers’] God is a science-fiction God, a high-I.Q. space alien plodding along a decade or two ahead of our understanding. The God of Judaism and Christianity is infinitely vaster and stranger than that, and far above our poking, groping inquiries into the furniture of our rocky little daytime cosmos. His nature and deeds are as remote from our comprehension as, to quote Darwin himself on this precise point, Newton’s laws are from a dog’s. (33)Our intellectual superiority to dogs is based on our use of language. If the language of divine thought is to ours as ours is to a dog’s, then our creation cannot be the major event the Bible claims it to be. One wonders why we have been singled out for the Incarnation if the Word that John situates “in the beginning” is one that we can only understand, like a dog, as an opaque signal.

    This doctrine of absolute incommensurability gets God out of cosmology at the price of removing him altogether from anthropology. Dogs are incapable of formulating theories of their own origin, and if we are dogs to God, then we can never hope to understand how humanity came into being. By keeping religion and science on different planes, this attitude forecloses any attempt at a science of religion, and of representation in general, which begins with religious forms. A much more parsimonious set of assumptions can accomplish far more.


    Creationism is often explained by the attachment of its partisans to a literal interpretation of the Bible, which can itself be understood in Durkheimian terms as reflecting the priority of communal solidarity over empirical truth. Before humans can engage in natural science, they must form communities, and Girard, if not Durkheim himself, has made clear the dependence of human communities on the sacrificial expulsion of violence and on the myths that sustain it. In distinction from creationism, ID does not take Genesis as its point of reference. Its fideism is abstract and therefore purportedly minimalist. Yet its presuppositions are maximal, not minimal; once you allow “intelligent design,” you can “explain” anything whatsoever. Why did that apple fall to the ground? An intelligent being designed it to happen. How did life emerge? It was designed by an intelligent being. Why did new life-forms appear in the Cambrian era? An intelligent being designed them. Why did it rain yesterday? An intelligent…

    ID consists of two theses, which it claims are causally related: (1) “Darwinian” evolutionary theory fails to explain [the origin of life, the absence of transitional species, the human eye, etc.]; therefore (2) [the origin of life, the absence of transitional species, the human eye, etc.] can only be explained as the products of ID. To simplify: (1) we have no good explanation for X; therefore (2) X must be the product of an intelligent designer for which we have no direct evidence. But even if we stipulate that “Darwinism” is incapable of explaining anything at all, it is never admissible to reason from the inadequacy of a given theoretical model to the affirmation that no model is possible. An inadequate theory can only be superseded by a better theory. The claim that a “designer” created life, or Cambrian life-forms, or what have you, is an empty assertion if it is presumed to absolve us from formulating how the designer’s design was implemented. How did these new life-forms first appear? Did God deliberately put them into the sea? Did he command a concentration of organic chemicals cum genetic material to organize itself? Where? How? That ID advocates make no attempt to answer or even pose these obvious questions makes it clear that their purpose is entirely negative; ID is a denial of science masquerading as an alternative scientific model.


    None of the above represents a new insight on my part; the National Review article makes much the same points. Yet although it is satisfying to repeat evident truths when they are irrationally contested, the repetition explains nothing about the contestation and therefore does nothing to resolve the underlying problem of which it is a symptom. From a strictly scientific standpoint, this is altogether proper; scientific method is not concerned with motives. But from a broader anthropological perspective, explaining why intelligent people are willing to expend such energy on absurdities is not mere intellectual pathology; perhaps there is indeed something that Darwinism cannot explain, even if it in no way requires the rejection of the theory of evolution and still less, the positing of an extra-worldly “intelligent designer.” And what if that something were our intelligence itself?

    My thesis is that creationism in general and its “secular” avatar, ID, are motivated by what are ultimately anthropological considerations. As I like to say–and as Durkheim already said in his own way–theology is bad cosmology, but good anthropology. The germ of truth behind ID is that there is indeed a crucial moment of evolution that cannot be explained by evolutionary theory: the origin of the human. There is nothing fideistic or mystical about this assertion.

    The originary hypothesis states that the origin of representation, including language, ritual, and “culture” in general, takes place as an event. Wherever else it may be, we know there is “intelligent design” in the universe because it contains the human mind. Whether or not we posit an extra-worldly or “supernatural” intelligent designer, we need to explain how our own less exalted capacity for intelligent design came into being. Because this birth takes us out of genetic evolution into history, it must take place as an event that inaugurates the history of the “intelligent design” exercised by the human mind in deferring mimetic violence through representation.

    Biblical creationism has an event ready to play this inaugural role; that of Genesis. No doubt Genesis describes not only the creation of man but that of the heavens and the earth and everything upon the latter. But the attribution to God of the creation of the universe and the various forms of life is of a different kind from the creation of humanity “in his own image.” The creation of the earth or of life is something we can only take entirely on faith, whereas the creation of the human is an event of which we can claim to have retained a trace; it is the credibility of this claim of access to the event of human creation that lends justification to the fideistic account of creation as a whole. ID takes the originary event out of the parochial domain of the Bible, abandoning the reference to a specific, consecrated narrative of creation. The level of generality thus gained, however, only makes it more obvious that of the two minds alleged to preside over the birth of humanity, Ockham’s razor obliges us to limit ourselves to the one of whose presence we are absolutely certain.

    Although the originary hypothesis cannot simply be extended to the other “mysteries” pointed to by ID, the monopoly heretofore held by religious discourses on evenemential originary anthropology is the originary basis for “secular” developments such as ID, which are not as far from Genesis literalism as their creators seem to think. The one thing that evolutionary theory fails to explain is the necessity for an originary hypothesis to account for the origin of the phenomenon of representation that distinguishes the human from all other life forms. It is this “one thing” that is at the bottom of anti-Darwinian doctrines. These should not, however, simply be dismissed as consequences of religious belief as though the latter were itself beyond anthropological explanation. The value of the originary hypothesis is that it makes it possible to extract from religious creation-discourse an anthropological truth inaccessible to Darwinism.

    Yet even were the originary hypothesis universally accepted, no hypothetical event could ever be as “scenic” as “In the beginning, God created the heavens and the earth.” A religious narrative will always serve better than a minimal hypothesis as a reminder that the human originated in an event; rightly understood, providing us with this reminder is this narrative’s central function, from which all the others derive. The notion that the universe, or terrestrial life, or the origin of humanity is a product of “intelligent design” is a way of preserving the scenic nature of the originary event by claiming that it takes place already in a mind, the mind of God. Religious discourse has long been in retreat in the cosmological domain, obliged to find “God in the gaps” that remain in scientific explanations of the universe. These residual mysteries, despite our expectation that they will one day become explicable by empirical science, serve as supplementary reminders of the birth of the human and of the worldly presence of “intelligent design.” They are strategic positions scheduled to be abandoned as science advances, but by the time the abandon is necessary, new positions will already have been marked out. Since we will never know “everything,” there will always be enough mystery in the world to remind us that the representational freedom with which our species began was dependent on sacred certitude.


    In their high-school biology class, students should learn the theory of evolution, not–save perhaps as a historical phenomenon–ID. But it would also be nice if they could learn of the originary hypothesis, so that they might one day be able to engage in a substantive dialogue between religious and scientific perspectives on human origin. There are few better illustrations of Gresham’s Law in the world of ideas than this “debate” as it is presently conducted.


  • White guilt III — Democracy and Firstness

    The preceding Chronicles on white guilt raise fundamental anthropological questions that should be dealt with before proceeding with the examination of specific victimary discourses, a subject of more polemical than theoretical interest. It might be fun to spend a few pages refuting Edward Said, but the real task is to build a better mousetrap.

    Although like all modes of human interaction, white guilt has roots in the originary scene, it should not be considered an originary phenomenon. Similarly, the minimal core of the human cannot contain such attitudes as xenophobia, since the originary community is, at the moment of its establishment, the whole of humanity. The originary guilt that succeeds the sparagmos does not divide the community against itself. A relationship between peripheral humans and the sacred center can become mediated by other humans only once the latter have become able (thanks to the accumulation of an economic surplus) to usurp the central mediating function of ritual redistribution.

    The task of originary analysis in such cases it to determine what moment of the originary scene carries the potential for these dissymmetries. With respect to “white guilt,” this analysis will permit us to clarify the historical relationship between the genocidal xenophobia of the Axis powers in WWII (“Auschwitz”) and the victimary resentment-guilt complex that dominated the postwar era and still remains a powerful force in the liberal-democratic world today.

    In the originary scene, the formation of the community drives out all internal conflicts; but as Adam Katz has brought out, this process is not instantaneous. That the emission of the sign occurs spontaneously to all the members of the group is a stronger, less parsimonious assumption than that a “first” member of the group, by aborting his appropriative gesture toward the central object, provides a model of behavior for the others to imitate. This priority, once we include it in our model, contains the latent potentiality not merely for differentiation but for hierarchy, and for the resentments that hierarchy arouses in both those on top and those below.

    The overall category of xenophobia is anticipated by the latent possibility of resentment toward (and discrimination against) either the early or late users of the sign, either one of whom is viewed as closer to the center than the “unmarked” self; the first, because he discovered its sacrality, the last, because they have persisted in their claim on its reality. The relation between the two resentments is asymmetrical. The crucial historical reenactment of the “firstness” of the originary scene in a world of plural societies is the Hebrews’ invention/discovery of monotheism, the redefinition of the scene as an explicitly global phenomenon with the One God as its unique center. (See Chronicles 301 and 302.) Although the monotheistic God is claimed to stand equally above everyone, the fact that the Hebrews were the first to make this claim for “their” god gives rise to the persistent phenomenon of antisemitism. Similarly, the originary roots of ordinary xenophobia (racism, ethnocentrism) lie in the symmetrical possibility of the “early” users of the sign discriminating against the “late.”

    White guilt is much farther than xenophobia from its originary model; in the strong form in which we know it today, it scarcely predates the fall of the Berlin wall, and guilt for the exclusion of the collective Other, an extension of the pre-romantic nostalgia for the “primitive,” probably does not antedate the French Revolution. A footnote of Chateaubriand’s Essai sur les révolutions (1797) describing the author’s purported encounter near Niagara Falls with one of a group of American Indians, contains the extraordinary sentence, “How thankful was I to him for not liking me!” (Comme je lui savais gré de ne pas m’aimer!) This early expression of white guilt is nonetheless far from today’s terrorized expressions of PC, if only because at the time, its idiosyncratic pose of self-hatred would have appeared–was meant to appear–paradoxical. Like all mimetic phenomena, white guilt is not the same whether expressed by a “unique” romantic ego or an entire class ashamed of its pretensions to universality, whose enlightened members hold up those who maintain these pretensions as foils to their own virtue.

    White guilt internalizes within the unmarked group the real or potential accusation of the marked that they have been excluded from its conception of universal humanity–as occurs, for example, when “he” is used as a generic pronoun, but not when, according to the new orthodoxy, “she” is used vengefully or ironically in its place. White guilt is the obverse of unconscious racism; with the end of de jure differences in group status, an open-ended anxiety of the sort that inspired Michael Kinsley’s article quoted in Chronicle 310 (“Somewhere in this country a gay black woman, grateful beneficiary of past and present perceptual transformations, has said something today in all innocence that will strike her just a few years from now as unbelievably callous, cruel and wrong.”) takes the place of guilt for legally guaranteed privileges.

    Rejecting firstness inspires no guilt; it is “lastness” that is synonymous with victimage. Thus only during the immediate postwar years, before Israel gave evidence of having the most powerful army in the Middle East, did the Jews, viewed as simple victims, benefit substantially from white guilt. There is no anti-antisemitic white guilt, as distinct from the anti-racist variety. Although the antisemite’s ideology and behavior are different from those of the typical racist, he does not himself affirm his envy of Jewish “firstness,” and so, even if repentant, does not thematize this distinction in guilt. Thus half the lesson of the Holocaust remains unlearned: on the one hand, de jure privileges must be abolished to include all humans in an emerging global humanity, but on the other–and this tends to be forgotten–historical priorities must be preserved from guilty attempts to deny their validity, lest all be swallowed up in murderous resentment. Hitler had contempt for all “non-Aryan” races, but he fancied as his mission on earth to protect it from the Jews (“In standing guard against the Jew I am defending the handiwork of the Lord.” Mein Kampf, Ch. 2). Refusal of the firstness without which the human is inconceivable is tantamount to nihilism, the hatred of Being. Precisely because humans are the most mimetic creatures, they advance by imitating each other rather than by each discovering each truth independently; human historicity depends on someone going first.


    Before 9/11 one could imagine that the nihilism of white guilt was working itself out by analogy with the PC/anti-PC dialogue playing out in the universities. The early to mid-90s saw many books devoted to the PC question–Dinesh D’Souza, Illiberal Education: The Politics of Race and Sex on Campus (1992); Jung Min Choi and John W. Murphy, Politics and Philosophy of Political Correctness (1992); Ward Parks, Political Correctness and the Assault on Individuality (1993); Edith Kurzweil and William Phillips, eds., Our Country, Our Culture: The Politics of Political Correctness (1994); Sarah Dunant, ed. War of the Words: The Political Correctness Debate (1994); Marilyn Friedman and Jan Narveson, Political Correctness: For and Against (1995); and so on. Conservatives provide PC horror stories; liberals deny the seriousness of these and point to the persistence of sexism and racism; moderates condemn the excesses of both sides and remind us that the university–and the society as a whole–is functioning pretty well. There are many flavors of PC, but the movement that has driven it most forcefully in Western society is feminism, dominated by upper-middle-class professional women whose aims are incremental rather than nihilistic. Whatever the fantasies of extremists who equate sex with rape and the “patriarchy” with tyranny, men and women in “first-world” societies are continuing to find ways to get along while adapting to the increasing, but never total convergence of their life trajectories.

    Post 9/11, however, we are reminded that we do not have the luxury of working out cultural integration among “ourselves”; that there are people willing to kill and die to destroy the liberal-democratic system, or in any case to disrupt it as much as possible. It is increasingly evident that radical Islam, which conflates antisemitism with anti-Americanism in its opposition to both historical and synchronic firstness, puts into question the victimary ethic that demands the expiation rather than the affirmation of this firstness.

    The necessity of choosing between a postmodern and a post-millennial position with regard to the victimary paradigm, between accepting and refusing white guilt on a global scale, has produced a clear divergence between the two American political parties, in sharp contrast with the laxness of the pre-9/11 foreign policy debate. A key example: Martin Peretz, editor-in-chief of the New Republic, whose muscular liberalism is influenced by his loyalty to Israel, enthusiastically supported Gore in 2000; in 2004, he called Kerry “clueless” and all but endorsed Bush, despite the opposing view of his editorial board. Meanwhile, the mainstream of the Democratic Party identified itself with Michael Moore’s “pacifism”:

    Fahrenheit 9/11 opened in Washington with an audience that included Democratic National Chairman Terry McAuliffe, Senators Tom Daschle, Barbara Boxer and Tom Harkin, Representatives Henry Waxman, Charles Rangel and Jim McDermott (who before the war said that he believed Saddam Hussein more than George W. Bush). . .

    The film received a standing ovation. In Manhattan, Democratic National Committee Treasurer Maureen White hosted a showing of the film for local big contributors. Seldom have leaders of a political party promoted a commercial film so shamelessly. (Chicago Sun-Times, July 6, 2004)

    In contrast, Bush’s promotion of global democracy is a clear repudiation of white guilt as a tacit basis for policy. Refusing to defer to middle-Eastern resentment of American power, Bush proposes that the people of the area refocus this resentment on their unelected rulers and work toward creating democratic institutions of government.

    The recent elections in Iraq illustrate the pertinence of Bush’s doctrine. That political democracy is the solution to white guilt is more than a piece of “neocon” propaganda. White guilt depends on an indelibly victimary model of human relations according to which, whatever their legal protections, marked groups will always retain a trace of exclusion from the norm that privileges the unmarked. Rather than accepting the necessity of firstness as the basis of all human progress, this model condemns it as an alibi for the victimization of the Other. White guilt effects a sacrificial generation of meaning analogous to the Rousseauian gestures of the Romantics. Although the latter were less shy than the postmoderns about proclaiming themselves unique victims and less constrained by the competing guilt of their peers, they already saw themselves as defending the sainted victims of the unfeeling bourgeois. (See Flaubert’s Sentimental Education for details.)

    Electoral democracy provides a formal cure for white guilt. Symmetrically with resentment, white guilt depends on the marked-unmarked persecutor-victim distinction, which it simultaneously condemns and perpetuates. In the democratic process, in contrast, political differences circulate, none more “marked” than another. In the voting booth, all are equal. Democracy does not abolish differences in wealth and status; what it refutes is the victimary model. People who elect their own government need not be treated as victims; they participate in a mode of political exchange that realizes the freedom inherent in the originary scene. As opposed to Rousseau’s “general will” that precedes the political process, whose function is to discover it, the democratic process, from elections to representative government, generates new and unanticipated information that permits conflicts in democratic societies to remain in the realm of dialogue; battles over political correctness are not fought with suicide bombers.


    The present moment that sees a sliver of hope in the Middle East is a propitious time to put away our victimary guilt and embrace firstness, be it that of the Jews in monotheism, the “Judeo-Christian” West in the emergence of the free market, or the Arabs on their ancestral lands, as the generator of new degrees of freedom ultimately beneficial to all.


  • Originary Analysis, Revisited

    Some years ago I proposed that the originary hypothesis, which in the narrow sense concerns the origin of language, could become the basis of a rigorous anthropological methodology. If we accept the originary hypothesis: that the originary scene is the moment of transformation between animal and human, that this separation is digital and absolute just as language as a formal system of representation is digital and absolute, then everything essentially human is manifested in this scene. This corollary of the originary hypothesis is the basis of what I call originary analysis, the necessarily speculative tracing of cultural phenomena to their “moment” of the originary scene, a process that makes use of the fundamental hermeneutic circle from which all others derive, as each new moment of history reveals a new truth about our origin.

    Originary thinking, the mode of thought that views the phenomena and categories of human history in the light of this analysis, is not a preformism that expects to find within the seed a miniature tree containing its own miniature seeds ad infinitum. No agency, human or divine, need have had from the beginning the Idea of which history is the unfolding (putting aside for the moment the process that this metaphor is meant to describe). But this does not absolve us, to turn the question around, from seeking an originary explanation for the ubiquitous notion that God’s logos or the equivalent does indeed exist from the beginning, as God’s omniscience includes all of future time. I think we have learned by now that the Enlightenment reflex of attributing this persistent model of history to wish-fulfillment-inspired hallucination is not good anthropology. The point is not to find a sophisticated justification for the simple translation of religious discourse into real-world phenomena that we call “fundamentalism,” but to understand the anthropological truths expressed by these theological or metaphysical constructions, which are the only truths that either the believer or the non-believer can verify. Originary thinking is a minimal preformism that postulates only that every use of representation reproduces the minimal conditions of its origin. It is a new way of thinking not because it thinks about the human with different means than before, but because it operates with qualitatively greater awareness of these means.

    A Few Examples

    1. God talk

    The object of discourse that offers the most obvious demonstration of the advantages of originary thinking is the incarnate sacred, or “God.” We can only understand our talk about God insofar as it is an attempt to explain our own nature by reflection on the agent of our origin. From the narrow standpoint of empirical falsifiability, every proposition we affirm about God is, as a logical positivist would put it, nonsense. Even the imaginary elephant that was standing on my keyboard last Friday can be said to look like an elephant; we can affirm nothing similar of God. A sentence such as “God is omnipotent” has no empirical content, even as a heuristic. Seen as an exercise in abstract logic, Anselm’s ontological proof is absurd; if perfection implies existence, then not merely the perfect being, but the perfect cockroach must exist as well, and if we postulate an incompatibility between perfection and cockroaches we might just as well postulate one between perfection and beings in general.

    Yet this kind of Enlightenment reasoning, while valid in its own terms, is not of anthropological interest. All that is real is rational, and whether God is real or not, the idea of God certainly is. However, to go to the other extreme and explain this idea by reference to my (subjective) faith in it or to its (objective) value as an evolutionary adaptation is an equally unsatisfactory exercise in a posteriori reasoning. “I believe in God; my faith ensures his reality.” But how did you come to believe in God? Where did the idea of God come from that you could “believe in” him? Or if the idea of God (or the sacred) is merely an evolutionary adaptation that persists because it “works,” what is it an adaptation of? My fingers “work,” too, but I can trace them back to the fingers of more primitive mammals, and thence to fish fins and beyond; what can I trace the idea of God back to?

    However arrogant it may sound, I believe that the only intelligent answer available to these questions is that of generative anthropology: God’s emergence in the originary scene as the persistent being or “signified” of the originary sign is inextricably cause and effect of the permanence of the sign, which is the crucial means by which humans communicate their intention not to appropriate for themselves the central object of desire. All of God’s usual attributes can be derived from this scene, and all the different things we say about God, even when we disagree, can be given a concrete meaning within the scenic context. No doubt we can have no direct proof that such a scene took place, but the fact that there is no more parsimonious way of explaining the idea of God, not to speak of the other fundamental phenomena of human representation, from the esthetic to the moral imperative expressed by the “golden rule” or Kant’s categorical imperative, suffices to demonstrate the validity of the originary hypothesis, provided one believes that such things should be explained at all.

    2. John Rawls’ “Original Position”

    More specific uses of the scenic imagination in history, notably the construction of the social contract or more recently, Rawls’ “original position,” are partially self-aware versions of the originary hypothesis. They are founded on the intuition that the human is best understood in a scenic configuration, but they offer no justification for their choice other than that it appears to clarify matters. The fact that these imaginary scenes have merely heuristic benefits does not distinguish them fundamentally from the originary hypothesis, which cannot be demonstrated otherwise than through its heuristic value; what is being explained is nevertheless not the same in both cases. These scenes are constructed as thought-experiments with no attempt at plausibility, for the purpose of justifying a certain conception of justice that strikes the author as intuitively valid. This construction creates a hermeneutic circle between the moral intuition and the fictional scene in which its justification is clarified. What helps to clarify this justification is the narrowing of the gap between moral intuition and practical advantage. To quote The Theory of Justice:

    … the question of justification is settled, as far as it can be, by showing that there is one interpretation of the initial situation which best expresses the conditions that are widely thought reasonable to impose on the choice of principles . . . This most favored, or standard, interpretation I shall refer to as the original position. We may conjecture that for each traditional conception of justice there exists an interpretation of the initial situation in which its principles are the preferred solution. (121)In normal circumstances one feels a tension between one’s “conscience” and one’s selfish interest. In the “original position” as outlined by Rawls, one is offered the opportunity to experience the advantage of the just alternative; if we are not allowed to know which role we will be given, we will tend to choose a system that gives an optimum combination of the highest average quality of life and the lowest probability (as measured by the standard deviation) of choosing a really bad situation.

    What is naïve in this construction from an anthropological standpoint is that the intuition of morality that presides over the scenic construction is never itself explained by such a construction. One begins with a notion of fairness and then constructs a thought-experimental scene in which this notion of fairness plausibly coincides with the participants’ self-interest. But the reason for the success of this construction is that the intuition itself is already scenic and the construction, however artificial in detail, is a roundabout way of returning to the origin of human morality through the construction of an originary hypothesis. When an intuition about human interactivity that is the product of a personal conscience is illustrated by an artificially constructed scene that takes place outside of time and place, what is really happening is that the fiction restores to the individual intuition the collective, scenic basis without which it could not have arisen in the individual. Rawls’ construction is less artificial and less “merely heuristic” than he thinks. The relative success of the hermeneutic circle, here as elsewhere, is that it spirals inward toward a minimal configuration of the human. It is this configuration and not the abstract ingeniousness of the argument or the apparent rightness of the intuition that gives this discourse its power, as it did in the various Enlightenment “social contract” scenes from Hobbes to Rousseau.

    This assertion may be verified from the detail of the Rawlsian scene. The “veil of ignorance,” about which conservative thinkers complain that it corresponds to the jettisoning of human temporality, notably that embodied in family continuity, cannot be justified in the context of a pre-existing human society; in contrast, its resemblance to the de-differentiated state of the Girardian mimetic crisis cannot be fortuitous. It is not enough to say that because we are all morally equal we conceive a scene on which this equality can be understood as the result of stripping away our superficial differences to arrive at the underlying identity; how was that equality conceived in the first place, unless a scene took place on which all the participants faced each other denuded of social differentiation? At that point, they had to discover a means for establishing order on the basis of this new equality, and this non-hierarchical relationship is ignorant of any distinctions that might maintain outside the scene. Just as all are and remain equal with respect to the linguistic sign, so we retain the moral imperative that presided over the birth of the sign, that of reciprocal exchange.

    3. Jacques Derrida’s (non) concept of deferral

    I have often had occasion to remark on the perverse proximity of Jacques Derrida’s anthropological intuition to generative anthropology. The originary scene may be described in Derridean terms as the deferral of violence by the “supplement” of representation. The deferral that Derrida conceives as fundamental to the linguistic signifier in its structural distinction from other signifiers can only have become necessary in order to establish, not the specific meaning of the sign in contrast to others in the linguistic system of differences, but its meaningfulness as a sign in contrast to the worldly gesture of appropriation from which it derives. The function of the deferral inherent in the originary paradigm is to permit us to decide, not between meaning A and meaning B, but between meaning and non-meaning, sacred and profane. From the “horizontal” standpoint of appetite, the sign is itself a hesitation, an aborted gesture of appropriation that renounces its original objective. While emitting and interpreting the sign, we defer action that can lead only to chaos.

    Structuralism as practiced by Lévi-Strauss under the inspiration of Jakobsonian linguistics lacks this originary opposition between meaning and non-meaning, sign and non-sign, without which the system of signifiers could neither come into being nor maintain itself. Part of what Jakobson calls the “phatic” is not a separate function but an element of signification itself. We emit the sign to get our interlocutor’s attention, but the attention we request, as opposed to that solicited by a cry of “Hey!” renews that of the originary scene; the interlocutor is not called to attend to the caller as a fellow member of the species, but to conceive the meaningful event/thing being described on his imaginary scene, which derives from the originary scene. The idea that the shadow-presence of the other members of a given paradigm alone allows the sign to signify depends on a “structuralist,” in fact metaphysical notion of what signification is in the first place: that meaning resides in propositions. The word “tree” is experienced as part of a paradigm only if we take it as one among many nouns that fill a certain slot in a syntagm, ultimately, a sentence.

    Purely structural universes, such as library classification systems, are atemporal systems of differences that do not involve deferral. In the Library of Congress system, PR is British literature instead of English, given that American is PS; PQ is Romance instead of French, given that it also includes Spanish and Italian; each classification limits all the others. In this kind of representational system, the sign is not a supplement to the reality it designates but a merely differential marker. But this is possible only because the classification system is secondary; the significance of its designata– books–is taken for granted as determined elsewhere. We put a book in the library only once it has met a minimal criterion of significance; the true structural system exists outside the scene on which that significance emerges and is recognized.

    In contrast, the separation between a primary cultural system such as language and its principle of emergence is a construct that reality can resemble for a time but never obey, any more than one can draw a perfect circle on the blackboard; significance must be constantly renewed, and the sign reaffirmed once more through the deferral of its worldly object. What associates meaning with différance is that it is assigned on a scene in which we differentiate the referent from its background by deferring any attempt to appropriate it for ourselves–which is by the same token to renounce not merely appropriating but also turning away from the object. The other potential members of the paradigm that limit the meaning of the sign participate in this deferral only as elements of this “profane” background. Deferral is not a consequence of the paradigm; it is rather the paradigm that is a consequence of deferral, which alone permits objects and their meanings to oppose one another. Derrida’s intuition of the importance of différance as the way in which signification exceeds mere classification, like Rawls’ intuition of the persuasiveness of the “original position” in the elaboration of his theory of justice, is the product of a scenic imagination that is taken for granted on the unsupported assumption that a model of the individual human mind, whether rational or paradoxical, is ultimately sufficient to explain the phenomena of representation.


    The originary hypothesis is a minimal model of the communal genesis of human language and culture. Although this necessarily speculative affirmation is invulnerable to new discoveries in paleontology or neuroscience, neither of which can postulate the necessity of an originary scene, it is one that should, and perhaps some day will, guide our research into the “objective correlatives” of the phenomena of representation by which we define ourselves as human.


  • White Guilt II

    [As defined in Chronicle 310, white guilt refers not to skin color but to unmarkedness; it is the guilt of the unmarked toward the marked.]

    It would be a mistake to characterize white guilt as a binary relationship between the guilty individual and the center that he has emptied of its victimary referent. Like every scenic interaction, white guilt is ternary; it is both shared with the other participants and mediated by them, like a tax owed to the center that other taxpayers make sure one pays. Even when one faces a direct victimary claim, it is the condemnation of one’s fellow guilt-bearers that one principally fears, psychologically and above all institutionally. In the United States, but increasingly in other Western countries, compensation of “victims,” as the ominous term “political correctness” implies, is enforced through the judicial process and/or bureaucratic grievance mechanisms. The hyperbole that often infects victimary discourse functions to remind the larger community of this. It is a common, if tacit, understanding that victimary rhetoric need not meet normal standards of truth–witness the prestige of Al Sharpton after the Tawana Brawley hoax–since its function is less to point to a specific injustice than to remind the “white” majority of its guilty status. White guilt in its narrow historical sense is distinct from the more general phenomenon of originary guilt as it appears in Freud’s or Girard’s model, or in Nietzsche’s analysis of ressentiment. Freud and Girard speak of guilt only in reference to the specific victim, father or “emissary”; this model of guilt, because it is not mediated by the being/signified of the originary sign, is assimilated to guilt for murder in constituted human society, which can only be extended to other instances of face-to-face victimization. The classical victim of injustice is an individual even when he is a member of a stigmatized group. The Dreyfus case may have provoked cries of “mort aux Juifs!” and given birth to Zionism, but it was entirely focused on the guilt or innocence of Dreyfus (and secondarily on other individuals in the army, the Jewish community, the liberal and reactionary press, etc.).

    In contrast, the specific character of postmodern white guilt is the collective nature of the victimary figure. The Tailhook scandal and the Rodney King beating, to cite a couple of examples from the 90s, were not about King or Paula Coughlin but about women and blacks, even minorities in general (most of the looting during the King riots was done by Latinos). Neither King nor even Coughlin was either innocent or guilty; they were victims. The acquittal of O. J. Simpson despite his obvious guilt reflected a similar assimilation of the individual to his racial group. The mostly black jurors who voted for acquittal and their supporters in the black community (where an estimated 70% affirmed Simpson’s innocence) were not judging Simpson so much as “sending a message” to the white majority. In this case, the application of victimary rhetoric to a privileged individual failed to persuade the general/white public, but this rhetoric was learned and reinforced by people who were used to using it successfully.

    What makes collective white guilt possible is that although the participants in the originary scene kill only a single victim, their guilt–and here we part company with Freud and Girard–is directed not at that individual but at the divinity, the signified of the sacred sign that they have denuded of its referent. One can regret a loss, but one can only feel guilty toward a subsisting being. Short-circuiting this process by conflating the victim and the divinity, as in the Christian doctrine of the eternity of the incarnate logos, makes it impossible to understand a mode of thinking in which the individual is significant only as a representative of a collective being. Victimary rhetoric is an extension of Nietzsche’s Sklavenmoral by which the weak dominate the strong, but it adds a collective component that Nietzsche never anticipated. Nietzsche’s ressentiment subordinates the “strong” to the Judeo-Christian priests on the basis of an abstract Moral condemning the exercise of worldly power rather than out of guilt toward those over whom the power is exercised. The Christian slaves’ weapon against their masters is their faith in Christ’s promise to them as individuals, not an accusation of “slavophobia.” The Martin Luther King phase of the civil rights movement explicitly took its example from this vision of Christianity; the general reverence felt toward King reflects his enunciation of an egalitarian, color-blind vision. It is not fortuitous that, today, those most strongly identified as Christians are those who are arrayed against white guilt. White guilt may depend on the Christian association of the sacred with the victim, but it rejects the Christian’s fundamental mediation through God. Postmodern victimary thinking is fundamentally atheistic; it sees human interaction as a zero-sum game played on a scene with no central mediator, which is why it is so vulnerable to paradoxes of cooperation on the Prisoners’ Dilemma model.


    Historically, the collective focus of white guilt derives from the Holocaust. That a society appalled by Auschwitz would liberate its colonies and end racial segregation reflects a moral defect in de jure classifications that has its roots in the originary scene. Because postmodern white guilt is a reaction to Nazi race ideology, it is important to examine the moral underpinnings of this ideology, a version so extreme of reigning ethical values that it forced a paradigm shift that drew a new, smaller circumference around acceptable behavior. Nazi racism begins with antisemitism, which provided the central theme of Hitler’s philosophy of life as expounded in Mein Kampf, and after 1933, the central means for affirming through exclusion the solidarity of the “Aryan” community. Stigmatization of the Jews was the exemplary model for the Nazis’ other racial laws; if one could justify the expulsion, spoliation, and eventual extermination of the Jews with the claim that their existence was incompatible with the health of “Aryan” Germany, then other groups (Gypsies, homosexuals, mentally ill…) could be condemned under the same criteria.

    The Jews are not the simple “Others” of Western society imagined by Sartre in his notorious Réflexions sur la question juive (1946); they are those who refuse Christ in the name of the Torah, the “Old Testament” guarantee of their firstness as the elected and electors of the One God. (For a recent discussion of Jewish firstness and antisemitism, see Chronicles 301 and 302.) The Nazi persecution of the Jews was not carried out as a sadistic domination of the weak–although the opening to this sentiment was indulged in by many of “Hitler’s willing executioners”–but as the defensive reaction of a subject that feels itself excluded from sacred Being by those with a prior claim. Because the forces of the market system are globalizing by nature, their association with the “nomadic,” “tribal” Jews whose fabled power over money, beyond its historical exemplifications, ultimately derives from their priority in sacred exchange, allows the antisemite to promote elimination of the Jews as the means to eradicate modern anomie and restore communal solidarity.

    Postmodernity ignores the Hebrew priority in monotheism that reflects the paradoxical structure of firstness-in-equality, which is, as Adam Katz points out, a necessary element of the minimal originary scene (see https://anthropoetics.org/journal/ap-vol-10/ap1002/amalek/ Just as one participant must have been first to discover/invent the sign in the originary scene, so one people must have been first to discover/invent the One God. In the originary configuration, the “Jew” is the first member of the group to transform his appropriative gesture into a sign designating the object whose appropriation is (temporarily) renounced; to persecute the Jew is to reject this originary gesture and with it, humanity itself. The rejector fails to see that the firstness of the “Jew” is that of renunciation rather than appropriation. The Hebrews forgo the opportunity to invoke the sacred center directly; in Exodus, God gives his name to Moses as a declarative sentence (see Science & Faith, 1991). The “antisemitic” deviation, under the effect of originary resentment, of the aggression that was originally directed at the central object onto the first emitter of the sign must remain only a latent possibility in the originary scene, for had this deviation taken place, the sign of human representation would not have been communicated.

    Antisemitism, itself a victimary claim, is the paradigm for what is condemned by the victimary thought that comes to dominate the postmodern era. But although antisemitism is very different from garden-variety racism–that, for example, of the segregated South–postwar victimary rhetoric refuses to distinguish between the denunciation of the Jews’ sacred priority and the subordination of groups judged inferior. Murdering the mentally ill, Gypsies, Russians, political opponents, and homosexuals being “just as evil” as killing the Jews–and many non-Jews, suffering from Holocaust fatigue, insist on this equivalence to the point of reproach–the horrors of Nazism (and of the less discussed but almost equally vicious Japanese racism) provoked a reaction against de jure distinctions even toward groups who aroused no envy of firstness in their dominators beyond a Rousseauian nostalgia for the “natural.” The colonial powers didn’t envy–or resent–their foreign subjects; they simply considered them to be at a lower stage of human development, whether (unjustifiably) in terms of their humanity itself, or (justifiably) in terms of their social organization. What was seen in either case is a dominant group oppressing a less powerful one, irrespective of the ideology that justifies the oppression.

    Yet the adoption of the antisemitic model is not without its consequences. Because the persecution of the Jews is founded on resentment of attributed superiority, their relegation to an inferior de jure status is not justified by a claim of lesser competence. And since the Nazi-Jew distinction is the paradigmatic model of differential status, it is implicitly taken to invalidate any claim of superiority over others along the lines of the “white man’s burden.”

    Yet the achievement of de jure equality for ethnic and racial groups is not, as postwar meritocrats assumed, the “end of history” in the civil sphere. If we find it curious that the battle to receive equal service at lunch counters was followed so quickly by demands for compensatory arrangements, we should return to the historical model that provided the moral guarantee for postwar liberation movements. The envy that is an essential component of antisemitism is reproduced ex post facto by the granting of preferences to victim groups; compensatory replaces historical firstness. The Jews have the curious experience of going in the space of a single generation from Untermenschen to “Whitey,” from being discriminated against because of who they are to being discriminated against–admittedly in a far more benign fashion–for who they are not.


    The third Chronicle in this series will look at some examples of the victimary rhetoric designed to arouse white guilt. One day (assuming that our planet survives for another generation or two) the fact that the intelligentsia of the postmodern era gave credence and even exemplary status to some particularly crude examples of this rhetoric will make it a historical laughing-stock–or a heroic example for future generations of the virtues of uncompromising nihilism.


  • White Guilt I

    The politics of the past few years, dominated by the reality and threat of Islamic terrorism, seem designed to persuade us of the primacy of resentment in human affairs. People who are willing not merely to risk death but to court it in the hope of killing as many of the enemy as possible would seem to offer an incontrovertible proof that not love but resentment conquers all. But ever since Nietzsche first theorized le ressentiment, it has been clear that the scene of resentment and the power it generates are dependent on a complementary phenomenon that allows the marginal man of resentment to triumph over the forces that control the scenic configuration–a phenomenon for which Nietzsche provides no real explanation. I call this phenomenon white guilt.

    The term is often used to refer to the guilt experienced by whites over the unfair advantages they owe to racism. At least two books, both published in 1997, contain the phrase in their–uncannily similar–titles: Race card: White Guilt, Black Resentment, and the Assault on Truth and Justice, ed. Peter Collier and David Horowitz, and Black Anxiety, White Guilt, and the Politics of Status Frustration by T. Alexander Smith and Lenahan O’Connell. But since in our intuitive semiotic system white is not, as the optics treatises tell us, a combination of all the colors, but the absence of color–the state of unmarkedness– I feel justified in defining white guilt by metaphysical rather than mere physical whiteness. No doubt the notion of white guilt in Western culture depends on a coincidence of the metaphysical and the physical, but it is the first that is primary: white guilt is the guilt of the unmarked toward the marked.

    As a point of reference, in the December 12, 2004 issue of the Los Angeles Times, Michael Kinsley half congratulates and half commiserates with himself over the speed with which gay marriage has come close to general acceptance, and in some circles has come to be looked upon as a right. Kinsley ends his piece thus:

    [The acceleration of the process of recognizing injustice] means that all of us who consider ourselves good-hearted, well-meaning, empathetic Americans–but don’t claim to be great visionaries–are probably staring right now at an injustice that will soon seem obvious, and we just don’t see it. Somewhere in this country a gay black woman, grateful beneficiary of past and present perceptual transformations, has said something today in all innocence that will strike her just a few years from now as unbelievably callous, cruel and wrong.

    Kinsley’s black lesbian will soon realize she is oppressing someone “blacker.” What better illustration could be given of the power of white guilt than this anticipatory certitude of new victims to discover?

    Originary Analysis

    The moment of resentment in the originary scene occurs when the participants realize that the sacred interdiction of the central object makes it inaccessible to them. In a prehuman hierarchy, the participants’ hostility, which we should not yet call resentment, would be directed at those higher in the pecking order. These animal societies permit the one-on-one externalization of aggression, either in an actual fight for supremacy or in a gesture of ritualized submission. What is specific to human resentment is its dependence on the sign that designates the object at the center of a scene. Resentment felt toward one’s fellows is mediated through the center; the transference of aggression to the center, the result of the abdication of the alpha animal under the collective pressure of the group, is the Girardian scapegoat mechanism, which subsequently provokes the sparagmos or communal destruction/division of the central object/victim.

    The originary moment of white guilt is located after the sparagmos, once the victim has been divided up among the participants. Both Freud’s and Girard’s originary scenarios situate a form of guilt at this point. In Totem and Taboo, the sons feel guilty for having murdered their father, and as a consequence they renounce the women for the sake of whom the murder had originally taken place. In Violence and the Sacred, the relief felt by the killers of the “emissary victim” is the source of his divinization. Girard’s notion runs less risk of anachronism than Freud’s, since it does not require a subjective feeling of guilt. But the important point from an originary perspective is that the participants feel that they owe the victim, or more precisely, the sacred being the victim incarnates, honor and sacrifice.

    In the originary scene, the only marked figure is the central one; all the participants are “white.” At the conclusion of the scene, the victim no longer exists to provide a referent for the originary sign, which can henceforth be recalled only in the historical context of the originary event. The ostensive sign has nothing to point to but the empty place that the victim occupied; the tension between the empty locus and the remembered victim is what corresponds in the originary scene to our concept of guilt. Resentment and guilt are inseparable, since the imaginary expulsion of the central figure that fulfills the fantasy of resentment is what leaves the place (imaginarily) empty. This movement has the same structure as that of esthetic experience, in which the spectator’s consciousness oscillates between the sign and its imaginary referent; the spectator is resentful at his dependency on the esthetic sign, guilty for its imaginary short-circuiting. The participants’ reaction to the sparagmos is not Rousseau’s “natural” pity for the victim but a sense of sacrilege at the violation of the sacred referent. This violation having been carried out as a communal act, originary guilt implies the possibility of blackmailing the other participants, a possibility that remains latent in premodern societies where responsibility for the sacrilege is reenacted and expurgated through sacrifice.

    This analysis suggests that the underlying source of white guilt is not the exercise of violence but the effacement of the sacred referent. Hence it should be no surprise that those who perpetrate overt acts of violence against the victims of society are the last people to whom white guilt can be attributed. What postmodernity discovers is that for merely ignoring those designated as victims, the unmarked members of society can be made to feel white guilt by these victims and above all by their agents. The victims themselves need not be capable of articulating a complaint; indeed, they need not be human or even sentient. Radical environmentalism is fueled by white guilt just as much as affirmative action or class action tobacco suits or opposition to the death penalty. The convicted mass murderer, the lung cancer victim, the “disadvantaged minority” student, the tree about to be logged, even the ozone layer all occupy the same position in the configuration of white guilt; that of someone or something I have done no violence to, but to the effacement of whose victimary and therefore sacred status I am guilty of having contributed.

    White Guilt in History

    The resentment of modernity, exemplified by a line running from Hamlet through Molière’s Misanthrope to Rousseau and the Romantics, was an impotent nihilism dependent on the scene from which the subject preferred to claim expulsion rather than acting either to rejoin or to destroy it. Hegel’s schöne Seele is a variant of this line in which resentment is “sublimed” into an overwhelming sense of the evil of the world, an evil that can contaminate us only from without, and that we combat, or at least denounce, in vain.

    Modern resentment is not yet white guilt because the resentful subject does not admit to complicity in the expulsion of which he sees himself the victim. Its dynamic is situated within a society for which the self-styled exclusion of the romantic victim, by personalizing the anonymity of urban society by a vision of persecution, is secretly a mode of integration. No doubt the romantic intelligentsia, once their attachment to the Restoration had worn off, became champions of the peuple and imputers of guilt to the bourgeoisie–although the latter was more violently scorned for its philistinism than for its oppression of the proletariat. But the 19th-century radical intelligentsia never conceived the provocation of white guilt as its primary mission, which would in effect have been an admission of defeat. The true revolutionary wants to win, not just make his opponent feel guilty. The revolutionary bourgeois intellectual gave up his guilt when he went over to the proletarian cause and fought for his class’s annihilation.

    The abolition of de jure differences in political status after WWII could not have been obtained without white guilt. But the early conquests of the postwar era were predicated on a restricted form of white guilt to which they could promise a closure devoid of Kinsleyan anxieties. Guilt for segregation or colonialism ends with the phenomenon itself, just as guilt for depriving women of the vote ends when the vote is granted. To end de jure privileges is to create a society of equals, a meritocracy. The disillusioned Roosevelt liberals to whom this appeared to be the ultimate state of the market system have today for the most part joined the neoconservative camp. For the meritocratic ideal is vulnerable to the resentment inevitably generated in those less successful than they would like to be, and our political system dictates that if these individuals are members of ascriptive groups that can with any credibility claim to be stigmatized, movements will arise to promote their interests by appealing to the white guilt of the rest of society.

    The heyday of unrestricted white guilt begins with the fall of the Berlin Wall and the dissolution of the USSR. With market society no longer menaced by a rival socioeconomic system, any serious opposition to it is henceforth internal. At this point the revolutionary intelligentsia is forced to recognize the essential identity of what had previously appeared as two ontologically distinct and opposed entities: the class of oppressors and the class of their denouncers. The intelligentsia is no longer the voice of the proletariat who stand outside the power-structure by their non-possession of the means of production, but the conscience of the universal bourgeoisie; the purveyors and the sufferers, the subjects and objects of white guilt are the same.  The only difference, but that difference is everything, is that the intellectuals would purge their guilt by undertaking to spread its awareness to those who continue to ignore it.

    The resentment of those who see themselves as victims can achieve results only by allying itself with the far greater force of white guilt. What may be called victimary liberalism is the ideology of those who devote their political energy to the cultivation of white guilt–first their own, then everyone else’s. Rather than an expression of resentment at failure, white guilt is cultivated as a compensation for success. White guilt is not left to individual or even group psychology; it is administered by a network of institutions that channel its energy into expiatory gestures that they seek to impose on the rest of the population. “Activist” groups conceive it their mission to defend the interests of nature, animals, foreign workers, and so on, in preference to those of their generally affluent membership. The Democratic Party and its associated “blue” institutions, the media, entertainment, and the university, are the most visible components of this network, which 9/11 perturbed but which has since more than fully recovered. Even Kinsley is disturbed by the increasing banalization of institutionalized white guilt; with the exception of a small vocal faction of conservatives poorly represented in prestigious universities and media venues, the intelligentsia takes for granted that unrestricted white guilt is the unique touchstone of ethical judgment.

    The intense contempt in which the intellectual class holds the Bush electorate in the recent election has its source in their apparent indifference to white guilt. By hating the “neocon” establishment, the victimary liberal admits and simultaneously rejects his own complicity in the oppression he denounces. In this regard, Islamic terrorism is a source of genuine fear but also of moral relief, enabling the intellectual to hold the Administration entirely responsible for having made us a target and to forget that the Islamists’ resentment is directed not at specific American policies but at the entire market system. The relationship between the intellectual left and the terrorists is symbiotic precisely because it is not symmetrical. (If there is symmetry, it is between the terrorists and the “hawks,” neither of whom is appreciably influenced by white guilt.) The left condemns Western society for oppressing its Other while the Islamists denounce their own rulers’ softness. The terrorists carry out in reality the same actions that our local revolutionaries perform symbolically; how many times have the World Trade Center and the Pentagon been burned in effigy during antiglobal protests at international trade conferences? That intellectuals and Islamists have a common enemy explains why the former tend to express less hostility to the latter than to the representatives of global market society.

    Is Kinsley Right?

    Because church attendance is a good predictor of red/blue status, the current red-blue divide, with its anomalously inverted class symbolism of rednecks and blue-bloods, is often described as a battle between secularism and theocracy. But the simplest, sharpest way of distinguishing the two camps is by how they stand with respect to white guilt.  Reds are distinguished from blues as those insufficiently susceptible to white guilt to make it the keystone of their politics. Although the reds dominated the 2004 elections, the blue vote was not all that far from 50%. Thus the question is: was this election a historic setback for victimary thinking and the white guilt that sustains it, or is it bucking a long-term trend that has already gone far beyond abolishing segregation and apartheid to promoting gay marriage and establishing gender equity commissions?

    Next week’s Chronicle will attempt to provide an answer to this question.


  • More on the Election

    The most striking feature of the reactions to Chronicle 308 is how unexceptional it has become to characterize the endorsement of an incumbent president supported by somewhere around 50% of the American population as naïve, prejudiced, callous, irresponsible, revealing to former adherents that Generative Anthropology is a dead letter and/or that its founder is no longer, if he ever was, the man they thought him to be.

    Alas, political decisions, unlike philosophical arguments, are choices among available alternatives. One can stand above the fray and let everyone else decide, or one can choose for oneself. To read some of the replies, only one choice lies within the bounds of decency; to support Bush’s reelection is to defend violence and thereby to violate the very principles that I presumably learned from René Girard. Or else, to take either side is to become engaged in one of those symmetrical combats of frères ennemis that are inevitably delusive and self-defeating. True Girardians, in this reading, do not vote.

    One reader reproaches me with taking “straight out of the GOP playbook” my criticism of Kerry’s remark that terrorism should be reduced to a “nuisance” such as prostitution and gambling. He then quotes the original text in full:

    “When I [the NY Times reporter] asked Kerry what it would take for Americans to feel safe again, he displayed a much less apocalyptic worldview [than Bush]. ‘We have to get back to the place we were, where terrorists are not the focus of our lives, but they’re a nuisance,’ Kerry said. ‘As a former law-enforcement person, I know we’re never going to end prostitution. We’re never going to end illegal gambling. But we’re going to reduce it, organized crime, to a level where it isn’t on the rise. It isn’t threatening people’s lives every day, and fundamentally, it’s something that you continue to fight, but it’s not threatening the fabric of your life.’”Kerry indeed uses prostitution and gambling (realizing their inappropriateness, he switches to “organized crime”) as analogies for terrorism, not as it is now, but as it once was and as he intends it to be again. Kerry expects to reduce terrorism to the point where it will “[threaten] people’s lives” less frequently. What he must have had in mind was not a terrorist act, even a very rare one, that kills 3000 or even 30 people, but something like an alert that forces the searching of cars or clearing of an airport terminal. But what Kerry doesn’t want to face is that under any circumstances the kind of terrorist we are dealing with, unlike a prostitute or even a Mafioso, is a potential mass murderer, intent on killing as many Americans as possible: to the extent that even one such terrorist remains, he can never be considered a “nuisance.” When Bush said that you don’t “win” the war on terrorism, he meant that a terrorist act must always be thought possible (his statement might have been different had he referred to the war on our specific enemy, radical Islam, rather than on the method of terrorism), but he did not imply that terrorism could ever become a “nuisance.” By using this term, and this set of analogies, Kerry expresses a desire to return to a pre-9/11 world that is lost forever. Either we defeat our enemy, or we must expect mass murder. If we hadn’t treated terrorism as little more than a nuisance before 9/11, that attack might never have occurred.


    Whatever John Kerry’s personal convictions, and it is hardly unfair to say that these are unclear at best, the Democratic Party today is very much the party of Michael Moore. Even an intellectually respectable publication such as The New Republic–with the exception of its editor-in-chief, of which more below–is filled with articles whose tone goes well beyond the merely polemical. Jonathan Chait, who has also been writing of late in the LA Times, is unashamed to describe his sentiments toward the current president in terms such as “hate” and “loathing,” and he is not alone. I would venture to say that anyone who uses this kind of language when discussing politics is expressing pathology rather than opinion. That Bush has aroused this kind of hatred is unfortunate, but it is anything but proof that his policies are faulty. No doubt there is much in Bush’s style that is made to infuriate the liberal intellectual, even more than Reagan did–and it is easy to forget how similar the liberal contempt for Reagan when he was in office was to that for Bush–but hatred is something else again. That the present White House doesn’t leak information and refuses to engage in the give-and-take that made someone like Clinton so attractive to journalists, that it presents its policies in an oversimplified manner that provokes cries of deception and “lying”–as though Democratic hands were any cleaner–still does not explain hatred. The October 17 LA Times listed opposing examples of the extremes of negative campaigning: the Republicans’ worst offense was claiming that the US would be more in danger from terrorists if Kerry were elected, an assertion that hardly strikes me as out of bounds, whereas the Democratic example was an ad comparing Bush with Hitler.

    This intense antagonism reflects the fear provoked in many by policies that they perceive as irresponsibly generating hostility to the US. The Iraq war is the critical bone of contention between the two candidates, and my own support for Bush is inseparable from my conviction that this war, whatever its obvious negatives, will ultimately be shown to have been a good thing. War is a violent action that arouses violent reactions. Underlying the pros and cons of this war is the “anthropological” question of how to keep the level of resentment in the global social order at a tolerable level. There is no simple formula for this. It cannot simply be assumed that a display of force increases the degree of resentment, or that increasing it in the short term means increasing it in the long term. The matter at issue is whether it can be legitimate or wise to impose by force what one perceives with some justification to be the interests of humanity as well as of the United States, in the absence of an immediate threat–not that we should simply dismiss the conflicting prewar intelligence reports about Saddam’s nuclear program, his support for Palestinian suicide bombers, or his sponsorship of ongoing research into biological and chemical terror weapons; the powdered anthrax that caused such commotion in the months after 9/11 may well have originated in Iraq.

    It would be nice to think that hostility to Bush’s willingness to go to war even without incontrovertible evidence of WMD is dictated by love for humanity and hatred of violence. But the imperative to respect the sovereignty of Saddam’s regime reflects not some general law of morality but a traditional conception of international law. So the question becomes: is this notion still valid after 9/11? For the Democratic Party and John Kerry, the notion is indeed still valid. Clearly the Bush administration thinks not, and I agree. The “hatred” of Bush reflects this fundamental opposition, the reason for its particular virulence being that Bush, not Kerry, is perceived as changing the rules.

    The crucial question being decided in this election is whether the situation since 9/11 warrants changing the rules–whether or not the limitations on the exercise of our “asymmetrical” power have been lessened by this new situation. What is ultimately being put in question is the future of victimary thinking, a matter of particular interest to students of generative anthropology.


    The events of 9/11, we should recall, were not motivated by anything like the American invasion of an Arab country. Their ostensible justification was the presence of American troops on the “holy” soil of Saudi Arabia–where they had of course been invited. But the underlying reason for these attacks, as for a number of earlier ones to which our response had been anything but overwhelming (see Norman Podhoretz’ September Commentary article for details), is an invasion that is cultural and economic rather than military: the expansion of Western and especially American consumer and popular culture that is known as “globalization.” The status of globalization at any given moment is characterized by the same asymmetry that we find in our relationship with Osama and al Qaeda, or for that matter with Iraq. Although the unique power of the United States relative to other nation-states is the most obvious example of political asymmetry, the really significant contemporary asymmetry is the relation between those who participate in the world market and those who remain in its margins. The foreign policy of Europe, which attempts to realize its own resentment against American hegemony, begins with this asymmetry, the resentment for which the Europeans want to remain focused not on the “first world” but on the US alone.

    The events of 9/11 realized the dreams of the “victims” of this asymmetry. It would have been inconceivable for these attacks to have been carried out by the army of a nation state, Iraq or any other. What is opposed to the United States, and through it, the entire world market system, is not the interest of any state or group of states, but that of the “traditional sphere,” for lack of a better term, that considers itself victimized by the world system, not because it is excluded from it, but on the contrary, because it feels itself invaded by it. That this sense of violation and the resentful desire to strike back is expressed today predominantly in Islamic terms is more than a historical accident, but it is not something that the intrinsic nature of Islam suffices to explain.

    Under these conditions, any retaliation on our part is itself asymmetric, since to respond in force to the attacks of al Qaeda we are obliged to attack a nation-state, not an amorphous terrorist group. The very existence of a protector state that provided an address to Osama and his band was fortuitous, not to say fortunate; it might well have been possible for al Qaeda to have organized the hijackings without such protection. As it happened, the transfer of hostilities from the terrorists to the national government of Afghanistan was clearly justified by the sanctuary afforded by the Taliban to Osama and his friends. But before taking this transfer simply for granted, we should reflect that taking over the country and driving out its political leadership was an act clearly asymmetrical to the attacks we suffered on 9/11. The only symmetrical response in such a case is that of criminal punishment, the model we had previously applied to terrorist acts. It is not the numbers of dead alone that determine the model’s aptness. No one finds it unacceptable that Timothy McVeigh was convicted in a court of law of the “terrorist” bombing of the Murrah building in Oklahoma City that caused 168 deaths. In contrast, trying the perpetrators of the first Trade Center bombing on criminal charges seems in retrospect inappropriate. They were not criminals but agents of a hostile power.

    A similar asymmetry applies on a smaller scale to the so-called “extrajudicial” killings practiced by the Israeli military against the leaders of terrorist groups. These killings are “extrajudicial” because terrorism is not a civil crime; it is a military operation and must be dealt with as such. Those who condemn Israel for this policy and for the collateral damage it causes in the Palestinian community are in effect denying Israel’s national right of self-preservation in the face of attacks whose aim is explicitly to destroy it.


    To consider the invasion of Iraq a proper action in the absence of incontrovertible evidence of WMD is to accept the proposition that 9/11 justifies a proactive military policy predicated on the goal of reducing the potential base of Arab-Islamic terrorism. Those who reject this proposition claim that the invasion in fact creates more terrorists and thereby makes us less rather than more safe. The current debate opposes two ways of dealing with the extreme resentment that produced 9/11: reduce the space in which this resentment can express itself with impunity, or try to avoid provoking it; raise our profile through military action, or lower it by relying on the UN and other international agencies. The goal of military action in the first case, and presumably of diplomatic activity in the second, is to create a more favorable situation on the ground in the region that is the symbolic and political center of anti-Western resentment. However well a President Kerry could extract a favorable result from “the wrong war at the wrong time,” his ensuing policy would certainly be not only to avoid similar wars in the future–for that matter, there is little prospect of a “similar war” in a second Bush administration–but to mitigate rather than assert the global visibility of American military and political hegemony.

    The question comes back to one alluded to in the preceding Chronicle: the post-9/11 legitimacy of white guilt, the application to social life of a model in which success of any kind is presumed to depend on victimization. Ultimately what infuriates Democrats most about Bush is his unblushing dismissal of white guilt. We see this in his friendship toward Israel and refusal to deal with Arafat–to the point where Martin Peretz, the editor-in-chief of the New Republic and an enthusiastic supporter of Al Gore in 2000, finds himself obliged to declare Bush the preferable candidate (see his front-page article “Kerry the Clueless” in the October 17 LA Times Opinion section). We also see it in Bush’s refusal to participate in the International Criminal Court, or to sign the Kyoto global-warming treaty, a position inevitably explained by Democrats as pandering to sinister big-business interests, but which is more simply understood as a refusal to be blackmailed into accepting as “science” an environmentalist agenda that has a long track record of apocalyptic prophecies of ecological disaster.

    As 9/11 showed, the crucial moral dilemma of our time is how to deal with victimary thinking and its corollary, white guilt. An excess of self-assertion may well be called arrogant, but how does one know where to stop in the other direction? The situation Nietzsche foresaw well over a century ago became the dominant mode of interaction in the postmodern era that followed WWII: resentment as the guarantee of morality. The “Bush doctrine” is the first statement of policy to openly defy this postulate. Its core principle is not one of simple national self-interest; it emphasizes rather the United States’ responsibility to vigorously promote the values of liberal democracy, of which it is the sole globally capable defender, against the resentful forces that produced 9/11. Our enemies are emboldened by weakness, and Kerry’s promised efforts to court Europe and the UN will only embolden them further–without in all likelihood generating more than symbolic cooperation in Iraq or elsewhere.

    The difference that separates the liberal supporters of Senator Kerry, so assured of being on the side of progress and enlightenment, from the “red-state” electorate of President Bush is the difference that separates the postmodern, pre-9/11 world from the world we live in today. On this issue, as on so many others, it is the former, not the latter, whose ideas are out of date.


  • The 2004 Election

    The 2004 election is more significant than any since the end of the Cold War. Irrespective of the Administration’s tactical errors in Iraq, the two parties and their respective “red” and “blue” states–the symbolism of which tells which is now the patrician and which the plebeian party–are divided by the key issue of this generation: whether 9/11 was a signal that the postmodern victimary era is over and that we can no longer afford to consider resentment of “hegemonic” power as proof of injustice, or whether, on the contrary, 9/11 was a warning that the USA has been paying insufficient heed to the resentments generated by its hegemony–those of our Franco-German allies, disturbed by our “hyperpower,” and especially those of the Muslim world, where our “crusader” policies are “recruiting terrorists.”

    The debates between the candidates have succeeded only in muddying the waters; by “looking presidential,” Kerry has increased his chances of victory without in the least facing up to the consequences of the configuration of American hegemony and its resentful opposition that will dominate the world scene for the foreseeable future. Just because Bush failed to refer to Kerry’s vote against the first Gulf War or to his damning August remark that, given what he knew, he would still have authorized the second, and just because Kerry is now opportunistically attacking the administration from the right as well as the left, calling for more troops and equipment after voting against the supplemental appropriation, doesn’t mean that the Democratic party has suddenly returned to the era of Harry Truman. It is the party of Michael Moore, and Kerry is a member of its liberal wing. Just the other day, Kerry expressed the thought that our goal should be to reduce terrorism to an “annoyance,” like illegal gambling and prostitution. However the rhetoric is spun, the comparison of mass murder with victimless crimes is offensive in itself; but what is more disturbing is this blithe revelation of the lack of seriousness with which the Democratic candidate and his party consider the central conflict in the world today. It is a follow-up to Kerry’s criticism that the “$200 billion” spent on Iraq would better be invested in after-school lunch programs.

    Whatever Bush’s failings as a debater, I think the most significant moment of the first debate was one of his few triumphs: his picking out the term “global test” in Kerry’s carefully worded set of criteria for preemptive action. The party that speaks in terms of a “global test” is more attentive to the opinions of reluctant allies than to our own sense of political necessity; as Clinton’s record shows–and Clinton had the excuse of preceding 9/11–it projects power only weakly and in situations peripheral to the national interest. The left has always seen the glass as half-empty, but only in the victimary era does its championing of negativity target not an all-powerful Capitalist other, but ourselves–Pogo’s “We have met the enemy and they are us.” From the party of the people, the Democrats have become the party of upscale white guilt to which the “dominated” are attracted as clients. The old-money patrician Roosevelt spoke to the masses; the parvenu-patrician Kerry speaks to the liberal intelligentsia. This is a transformation wrought by the postmodern era.

    The Republicans, in contrast, are the conservative party; they value what is over what might be and view history in that light. Fifty years ago, the Republican-Democrat opposition meant little more than that one party was more sensitive to the desires of the working class and the other to those of business owners. Today the Republicans are the chief defenders not merely of “business interests” but of global democracy. The world in the era of American hegemony is a resentful place, and our choice in this election is between a candidate and a party who respect this resentment and would engage it in dialogue, and a candidate and a party who believe that only by diminishing the danger of the world’s resentment to us will we diminish the resentment itself.

    Victimary thinking has become to such an extent the dominant mode of the postmodern intelligentsia and the end of the Cold War has created so great an asymmetry in favor of the United States that the most extreme violence exercised against us in nearly two hundred years has only driven the Left further left. No doubt a president more like FDR than George W. Bush might have rallied a larger percentage of the moderate electorate; but this makes the choice in November all the more crucial. The Democrats’ insistence on “strength” and on their standard-bearer’s four-month three-Purple-Heart war record is not so much dishonest as an attempt to persuade themselves, along with the voters, that they are as staunch defenders of American interests as their opponents. But the party of white guilt is a poor choice to defend these interests against forces that manipulate this guilt.

    Asymmetric warfare against a shadowy brotherhood may not be the same as state-level warfare, but it is warfare nonetheless. Israel, the most salient point of scandal for Muslim irredentism, has shown us the way by its relentless fight against terrorist groups, including the assassination of their leaders. Not long ago, the Palestinian-Israeli conflict played the same role as Iraq today, that of the crucial test of the need for a post-millennial reassessment of victimary thinking. Today we can say–cautiously, but with a clear sense of momentum–that Palestinian terrorism is a demonstrated failure; increasing numbers of Palestinians are apparently realizing this themselves. The longevity of Yasser Arafat, like that of his fellow “revolutionary,” Fidel Castro, serves as the chief obstacle to a democratic renewal that will not, to be sure, turn Palestinians and Israelis into brothers, but should lead to the renewal of some of the initiatives of the Oslo period, this time on a far more receptive terrain. Terrorists are willing to give their lives for their cause only so long as they can imagine it prevailing. Islamic terrorism can be defeated if we are willing to follow the Israeli model.


    The challenger’s argument that Iraq is “the wrong war at the wrong time” has the appearance of a strategic position when it is in reality a formulation of principle. Like their European mentors, the Democrats are opposed to any war that is not a direct response to attack. Action against Iraq would have been warranted only if a smoking gun had been found connecting Saddam with al Qaeda; being a supporter and fomenter of terrorism–and one thought by everyone to have retained the capacity for chemical and biological, if not yet nuclear warfare–is not sufficient. Bush in fighting Saddam instead of pursuing Osama is “taking his eye off the ball,” as though there were only one “ball” on the Islamic-terrorist field. Beyond Osama, the Democrats insist on the dangers from Iran and North Korea as if to demonstrate that, since they are as bad as Iraq, we should have invaded all three or none at all.

    Weapons of mass destruction or not, Saddam Hussein’s Iraq was the best place to start replacing despotism with democracy. Many tactical errors have been made there, but they can be corrected; the war has been won and the “peace” will eventually be won as well. It took considerable political courage for Bush to carry out this proactive policy, and it is a courage that the opposition party and its standard-bearer do not have.

    If you think our aim should be to reduce terrorism to an “annoyance” like gambling and prostitution, you should vote for Kerry. If you take our combat with radical Islam a little more seriously than that, then you should be happy to know that there is a candidate in this election who shares your views.


  • Consumer Society and its Discontents: The Truman Show and The Day of the Locust

    Any consideration of consumer society has to begin with recognizing its enormous success, including the exponential expansion of the middle-class and the extension of mass-produced cultural products in global markets. Yet despite its practical success, consumer society, and the market economy that makes it possible, has never been without its critics. The paradox here is that an economic system dedicated to fulfilling desire still generates substantial dissatisfaction, even from those who benefit the most from this system.

    Modern critiques of consumerism and the mass media can be found in the recent popular movie The Truman Show (1998) and Nathanael West’s novel The Day of the Locust (1939). Both these works express, in very different ways, the cultural anxieties created by consumer society. But while The Day of the Locust offers us valuable insights into the problems posed by mass culture, The Truman Show gives a mythic perspective that fundamentally distorts our modern situation. I present here an anthropological analysis of consumer culture that will reveal the limitations of the neo-Marxist critique of consumerism expressed in The Truman Show. The Day of the Locust, on the other hand, poses the more serious question of whether consumer society is capable of containing the violent resentments that it generates, a question which the second half of this essay will consider at more length.

    1. The Truman Show

    While Marx criticized capitalism as an impersonal machine that consumes labor and then discards workers, the more recent criticism is that consumers are manipulated by huge corporations into buying an endless stream of trivial products that must be soon discarded when the next hyped item for consumption arrives. In this view, the freedom and prosperity we enjoy, incredible by almost any historical standard, are illusory, for we remain enslaved to multi-national corporations.

    This critique of consumer society finds its paradigmatic allegorical expression in the popular movie The Truman Show. The main character, Truman Burbank, played by Jim Cary, lives literally in a giant bubble, a climate-controlled dome where every moment of his life in secretly filmed and broadcast as a reality show to a world-wide audience. Life in the bubble appears to Truman as free but is actually governed by the show’s producer Christof. Truman’s day-to-day life is in reality a series of advertisements: his friends and family (all actors of course) are constantly touting the benefits of various consumer products to the show’s audience while they simultaneously play their roles in Truman’s life. Truman believes that his desires are freely chosen, but in fact they are scripted, predetermined by the producer, including his choice of wife, career, friends, and so on. We find out, through a series of flashbacks, that as a teenager he met a woman Lauren who offers him the possibility of true love, but because she has not been scripted as his future wife, she is whisked off the show despite anything they can do. A more conventionally beautiful blonde named Meryl is chosen as his wife, but she only pretends to love him.

    The movie portrays Truman’s discovery that a world outside his bubble exists, a world which the movie suggests is more authentic or “real,” free from the manipulations of Christof, the show’s producer, whose name suggests the biblical Antichrist. If Truman could only get outside the bubble, outside the mimetic manipulation of Christof, he could desire authentically, find his true love, and live a real, unmediated life. The movie ends with Truman leaving the dome, refusing the safe yet empty fantasy world offered by the producer.

    The Truman Show is a modern Pilgrim’s Progress. In John Bunyan’s classic allegory, Christian, an everyman, discovers with the help of the Bible that he lives in the “City of Destruction” and is accordingly doomed. He must leave his friends and family and set out on the pilgrim pathway, where he encounters various obstacles, temptations, and setbacks. He perseveres, however, and finally arrives at the Heavenly City. The book ends with him crossing the “River of Death” and entering heaven. Likewise, Truman lives in a fool’s paradise until he discovers that his life is a mere sham. He sets out to leave his friends and family and encounters various obstacles; but he perseveres, and the movie ends with him stepping outside the dome to a brave new world of unmediated desire.

    The movie has been universally interpreted as an allegory of the sinister influence of the media upon our lives. According to a website devoted to the movie, “It is a story that reveals an essential truth about what is happening to society in the 20th century, . . . [i.e.] how the media and corporations have begun to surround us with a universe of illusions” (Sanes). In this reading, Truman Burbank is an everyman, a “true man,” analogous to each one of us. As the website puts it,

    Thus does the movie offer us a metaphor for our own situation. The fake landscape Truman lives in is our own media landscape in which news, politics, advertising and public affairs are increasingly made up of theatrical illusions. Like our media landscape, it is convincing in its realism, with lifelike simulations and story lines, from the high-tech facsimile of a sun that benevolently beams down on Truman to the mock sincerity of the actor he mistakenly believes is his best friend. (Sanes)

    In this allegory, “the producer-director of this stage-set world, who blocks Truman’s effort to escape, is the giant media companies, news organizations, and media politicians that have a stake in keeping us surrounded by falsehood, and are prepared to lure us with rewards as they block efforts at reforming the system” (Sanes).

    If the movie is criticized at all, it is for being insufficiently radical in its critique of the mass media. René Girard’s theory of mediated desire, however, suggests a rather different interpretation. Truman thinks his desires are his own, but he discovers that in fact they are all mediated by his mimetic rival, Christof, the show’s producer, who is mythically demonized as virtually all powerful and evil, a tempter figure comparable to Milton’s Satan. (When Truman tries to escape the dome by boat, Christof ruthlessly risks Truman’s life in a terrible storm which almost drowns him.)

    2

    René Girard, in his seminal theory of mediated desire, argues that human desire (as distinct from mere appetite) is essentially imitative; that which we hold most private and personal, our desires, are not really our own: we imitate the desires of others. Put crudely, we want what others want, because they want it. Rather than a spontaneous expression of selfhood, desire is mediated by the model. The mediation of desire, however, remains generally unconscious; the stubbornly held belief that our desires are our own, and that the desired object or person is the key to our transcendent happiness, is what Girard call the mensonge romantique, the romantic lie or illusion. In Eric Gans’s analysis of this relationship, the repression of the mediation of desire is the origin of the so-called Freudian unconscious, not some repressed “event or fact” (Signs of Paradox 124). Rather than expressing our deeply held needs and wants, desire actually reflects our competitive and conflictual relationship with others; for this reason, desire is never really satisfied, as our mimetic relationship with others is an on-going given of our condition as social animals. Desire leads to conflict with the other, because the self and model both desire exclusive possession of the same object. Girard characterizes the desiring subject as the “disciple” and the mediator as the “model.” Describing the ambivalent relationship between disciple and model, he writes,

    The impulse toward the [desired] object is ultimately an impulse toward the mediator; in internal mediation [i.e., the mediator belongs to same group or social sphere as the subject] this impulse is checked by the mediator himself since he desires, or perhaps possesses the object. Fascinated by his model, the disciple inevitable sees, in the mechanical obstacle which he puts in his way, proof of the ill will borne him. Far from declaring himself a faithful vassal, he thinks only of repudiating the bonds of mediation. But these bonds are stronger than ever, for the mediator’s apparent hostility does not diminish his prestige but instead augments it. . . . The subject is torn between two opposite feelings toward his model–the most submissive reverence and the most intense malice. This is the passion we call hatred.

    Only someone who prevents us from satisfying a desire which he himself has inspired in us is truly an object of hatred. The person who hates first hates himself for the secret admiration concealed by his hatred. In an effort to hide this desperate admiration from others, and from himself, he no longer wants to see in his mediator anything but an obstacle. The secondary role of the mediator thus becomes primary, concealing his original function of a model scrupulously imitated.

    Now the mediator is a shrewd and diabolical enemy; he tries to rob the subject of his most prized possessions; he obstinately thwarts his most legitimate ambitions. (10-11)

    Since the mediator competes with the self for the same object or person, the model becomes an “obstacle,” a hated and feared rival who blocks the fulfillment of desire. Despite the hatred that emerges between self and rival, the self remains ambivalently attached to the rival, since it is he who gives value or “authenticity” to the self’s desires. The rival is akin to the “other” in psychoanalytic terminology. An “internal” mediator is essentially comparable to the self, but the self’s vanity requires that his desires remain authentic, his “own”; therefore the rival is often demonized as an all-powerful obstacle that blocks the paradise of fulfilled desire. This distorted version of the mediator is the portrayal of The Truman Show.

    In The Truman Show, the original role of the mediator as model has been obscured, “concealing his original function of a model scrupulously imitated,” as Girard puts it. The movie rather begins with the premise that Christof, the mediator, is “a shrewd and diabolical enemy.” The movie therefore functions in exactly the opposite way from the realist novels of Cervantes, Stendhal, Flaubert, Proust, and Dostoevsky, whose works form the original framework for Girard’s theory (see Deceit, Desire, and the Novel). These novels reveal the mystifications of mimetic desire; the reader is able to witness how and why the revered model is transformed into a “diabolical enemy.” At the end of these novels, the protagonist typically undergoes a quasi-religious conversion which creates a new and revelatory understanding of his past for both reader and protagonist.

    The Truman Show recognizes on some level the anthropological truth that human desire is mediated, but the mediator of desire is mythicized as all-powerful and evil, rather than a human being similar to ourselves. Rather than accurately representing media influence, the movie misrepresents the media as the all-powerful controller of our desires. The portrayal of Christof reflects the distortions of mimetic rivalry rather than the actual power of the media in our lives.

    Life outside the bubble is also mystified as the realm of authentic desire. Most readers of this journal will recognize that life outside the bubble is just as mythic as life inside. The movie’s fantasy is that we can somehow get outside the situation of mimetic desire. The movie therefore has to end before Truman actually faces the reality of life outside the bubble, or the movie would degenerate into either bathos or a simplistic fantasy world easily recognized as such. A charming fairy tale the movie may be, but not a serious critique of consumer society.

    The disturbing part of the movie’s ideology is not its childish fantasy of being the universal center of attention, but the projection of responsibility onto a demonic other. Instead of helping people to take responsibility for their use of the media, the movie encourages a regressive projection of blame that evades the true issue.

    The problem of mimetic rivalry is real, constitutive in fact of the human species. What distinguishes the human species is that the main threat to our existence is other humans, not the environment (Gans, OT 2). In Gans’s “originary hypothesis” language first emerged to mediate (and ameliorate) our relationship to other humans—not, as commonly thought, to mediate our relationship to the environment, that is, to describe the world. The threat of mimetic conflict is therefore ongoing as a function of the social nature of our existence. The potential for human violence must be continually deferred; this is the “work” of language (and by extension culture), its original, ethical function. All solutions to the problem of human violence are therefore temporary, since mimetic desire is the phoenix which is continually reborn from the ashes of satisfaction. Gans, therefore, rejects all utopian solutions, including those of the quasi-Marxist critics of the mass media.

    Girard, in contrast, takes a religious perspective on the problem of human violence; in Girard’s view, the only answer to our dilemma is to make God or his incarnation our model of desire, to choose absolute love over sacrificial desire. This can be a satisfying solution at the level of the individual, but it doesn’t work at the level of society. Girard fails to recognize the constructive role of consumer products in ameliorating mimetic conflict, a point to which I will return.

    The leftist critique of consumer society is based on a similar fantasy as The Truman Show. Christof, the show’s producer, is a Hollywood version of what Theodor Adorno calls the “culture industry.” He writes, “The more strongly the culture industry entrenches itself, the more it can do as it chooses with the needs of consumers: producing, controlling, disciplining them” (115). Consumers are completely passive in this model: “Capitalist production hems them in so tightly, in body and soul, that they unresistingly succumb to whatever is proffered to them” (Adorno 106). Just as in The Truman Show, Adorno seems to believe that if we could only get rid of these huge corporations, we could desire authentically and, hopefully, more tastefully. Certainly we would devote more money to the study of great literature, music, and art (as defined by Adorno and his colleagues). As Gans writes, “Esthetes object to the reign of money: wealth does not guarantee good taste, neither individual wealth nor the aggregate wealth of the masses” (Chronicles #25).

    3

    The neo-Marxist critique of consumerism depends upon a false distinction between authentic desire and the inauthentic desires created by a consumer culture. But what, we must ask, distinguishes between them? Most of the daily goods we take for granted in America, people living in third world countries manage to do quite well without. In fact, all of culture could be classified as superfluous. As Shakespeare pointed out long ago, culture is by definition that which exceeds “true need.” “Our basest beggars / Are in the poorest thing superfluous. / Allow not nature more than nature needs, / Man’s life is as cheap as beast’s” (King Lear 2.4.266-269). The superfluous is the essential when it comes to culture. But culture is superfluous only in the sense that the ethical is superfluous. What King Lear recognizes is that the existence of the human community may be humanly necessary but is not inevitable, “natural.” Culture, as the basis of civilization, is contingent upon our continual efforts to renew and reaffirm it. The human community is always in danger of extinction. This is the moral imperative that authorizes mass culture, however distasteful we may find its products.

    What is at the root of the academic hostility to consumerism, the media, and the market in general? In part, as I’ve argued above, this hostility is based on the mystification of desire. Our vanity requires that our desires remain our own, even if we must demonize the rivals of corporate advertising. Contemporary psychoanalytic theory is in agreement with mimetic theory that the perceived integrity of our identity always requires an “other”; capitalism, consumerism, and the mass media are all versions of that “other” by which intellectuals often define and defend themselves.

    Capitalism is an inevitable outgrowth of a free market. Gans points out that the market is not a thing, but the collective result of the individual decisions of all of its participants (Chronicles #8 and #34). “Reification” has become the bogeyman of recent literary theory, yet the reification of capitalism is still accepted without hesitation. There is no evil demiurge of capitalism, no “producer”: the system expresses the choices of individuals. When we criticize consumer society, what we are really criticizing is the consumer choices of our fellow citizens. At bottom, this is an aesthetic issue. The academic hostility to the market is fundamentally aesthetic. My point here is not original: Gans argues insightfully that “culture” is hostile to the market because traditional culture requires “effective mimetic models, good shows. The market is not about shows, but about the organization of human efforts toward satisfying our desires and generating new ones, in the unceasing, and, we hope, unending effort to stay a step ahead of the resentments it generates” (Chronicles #25).

    Intellectuals want people to consume more tastefully, in ways closer to themselves. But this criticism misses the whole point of consumption, which is to distinguish oneself. We cannot all be the best, but we can each be different; this is the meaning of the modern valorization of self-expression, the omnipresent aestheticization of our existence.

    Virtually every personal decision is on some level an aesthetic decision, from the clothes we wear, to the food we buy, to our choice of career. Our very identity is the subject of aesthetic self-fashioning. Our ability to be different, if not the best, is the key to modern culture. As Girard has pointed out, humans are essentially mimetic, which means competitive and conflictual. What each of us requires fundamentally is an arena in which we can successfully compete and be recognized as such. The aesthetic is one such arena available to virtually every modern individual. As it was recognized long ago, De gustibus, non est disputandum. In matters of taste there is no dispute. The primary ethical function of consumer society is to aestheticize our daily existence, thereby deferring the resentments created by social/economic inequalities.

    Consumerism, and the mass culture that accompanies it, is a necessary evil of a mass democratic society. All societies require some structuring principle to prevent unrestrained conflict and competition. Past societies, ancient, medieval, and Renaissance, were structured along more hierarchical lines. One’s place in the hierarchy was maintained in part by sheer force, as exemplified by drastic punishments for minor thefts. Public, communal rituals and ceremonies were also effective in creating a powerful sense of divine awe for political and ecclesiastical authorities. But Protestant iconoclasm, in collaboration with Enlightenment rationality, has eroded our sense of “divine” authority. In modern democratic societies, power is relatively decentralized, and authority, always vulnerable to suspicion and resentment, is limited by market forces. As Adam Smith recognized, a free market incorporates widespread competition as a positive force, rather than limiting it by rigid hierarchical distinctions. The modern world defers the potential violence of unrestrained competition by allowing each person to create individual difference, which is to say, sacrality.

    If we are unique, then nobody can compete with us. The post-modern drive for diversity is built on this principle. We need as much diversity as possible to defuse the competition that threatens to destroy us. We advocate accepting each person as he or she is. Each person is special, unique, and uniquely valuable. It becomes imperative to believe this in a world without the sacral guarantees of religion. Girard underestimates the contribution of consumerism in deferring violence. The constructive function of consumerism is in facilitating individuation, or differentiation, apart from open conflict, which when unrestrained results in rigid hierarchies ruled by the most powerful and violent. Instead of killing others, we recognize their difference, asking them to recognize us in return. Consumer products, which enable this differentiation on a mass scale, are what make a mass society possible. To argue against a consumer society is to argue against a mass society. And to argue against a mass society is to dispute the legitimacy of the modern world as such.

    In pragmatic terms, we don’t want to do away with our consumer society; we want to buy the things we want at the cheapest possible price. That’s why so much of the leftist criticism of the consumer society is hypocritical, since the critics themselves enjoy the fruits of this society. Furthermore, they don’t offer any realistic alternative. Corporations can and should be regulated, and of course they are already are. But these political corrections to the free market can be handled within our existing political framework. The advantage of our system is that it allows these kind of corrections to made peacefully, through political negotiation.

    From an anthropological perspective, if we can truly understand the workings of mimetic desire, we can also rationally ameliorate its destructive potential. Of course, we can never completely step outside the mimetic circle, but realizing that we live within it can transform our social interactions. The postmodern era brings an increasingly widespread self-awareness of the mediated nature of desire, even apart from the influence of Girard’s mimetic theory. In fact, consumerism is often celebrated in the postmodern world, despite the efforts of humanities professors.

    Recent critics, even on the left, have recognized that consumption is an active process. Michel de Certeau argues,

    In reality, a rationalized, expansionist, centralized, spectacular and clamorous production is confronted by an entirely different kind of production, called “consumption” and characterized by its ruses, its fragmentation (the result of circumstances), its poaching, its clandestine nature, its tireless and quiet activity, in short by its quasi-invisibility, since it shows itself not in its own products (where would it place them?) but in an art of using those imposed upon it. (31)

    There is an “art” or a “Practice of Everyday Life,” as Certeau puts it. While Certeau seems to romanticize consumption as potentially “subversive,” Jean Baudrillard sees it as more sinister, while still recognizing its active nature:

    consumption is surely not that passive process of absorption and appropriation which is contrasted to the supposedly active mode of production, thus counterposing two oversimplified patterns of behavior (and of alienation). It has to be made clear from the outset that consumption is an active form of relationship (not only to objects, but also to society and to the world), a mode of systematic activity and global response which founds our entire cultural system. (199)

    Baudrillard recognizes insightfully that consumerism is not really “about” acquiring physical objects, but rather making a positive, aesthetic statement to the world (see below). As a neo-Marxist, he characterizes both consumption and production as forms of “alienation,” but the historical failure of Marxist economics in the 20th century places the burden of proof on him to offer a better system. Despite his hostility to the market, Baudrillard recognizes how consumerism transforms traditional expressions of social and economic competition:

    That same ideology of competition which formerly, under the banner of ‘freedom,’ constituted the golden rule of production has now been transposed without restriction into the realm of consumption. Thanks to thousands of marginal distinctions and the often purely formal diffraction of a single product by means of conditioning, competition has become more aggravated on every plane, opening up the immense range of possibilities of a precarious freedom–indeed, of the ultimate freedom, namely the freedom to choose the objects which will distinguish one from other people. (182).
    It is quite possible for each person to feel unique even though everyone is alike: all that is needed is a pattern of collective and mythological projection–in other words a model. (183-4)
    Moreover, the ideology of competition is now giving way everywhere to a ‘philosophy’ of personal accomplishment. Society is better integrated, so instead of vying for possession of things, individuals seek self-fulfillment, independently of one another, through what they consume. The leitmotiv of discriminative competition has been replaced by that of personalization for all. (184)

    Baudrillard recognizes that individualized consumption restructures the ideology of competition, the attempt to be the “best.” He emphasizes, however, the paradox that we distinguish ourselves by the consumption of mass produced products. But it is debatable that “everyone is alike,” as he puts it. On one level this is true, because we are all subject to mediated desire. But on another level, people really are different. Even something as seemingly trivial as the car we choose to drive is ethically significant to the extent that this choice is recognized as significant by others. What matters is not that all people are on some deep level unique, but that this system works to defer resentment and violence, even within the pressure cooker of a mass society. Baudrillard’s critique is founded on the utopian presupposition that freedom from mediated desire is possible.

    From the perspective of Gans’s “Generative Anthropology,” the paradox of consumer society is the basic paradox of the sign. The same sign which defers desire by substituting for the desired object also stimulates desire, by making the represented object more attractive. The products we consume are all “signs” that both defer and stimulate desire. Because desire is mediated by the other, it can never be completely satisfied. When we achieve the object of our desire, we are often ambivalent or even resentful towards it because it fails to resolve the mimetic situation which created our initial desire (see Girard, DDN 88-89). Rather than recognizing that it is not the poor object’s fault, we tend to blame the object itself, discarding it in favor of some other object. The ultimate object of desire is to be the center of everyone else’s desire, but even this satisfaction is unstable, because once we achieve centrality, we immediately become the object of the others’ resentment and hostility.

    The resentment felt towards the object is articulated at the origin of the human in the moment which Gans calls the “sparagmos” (Signs of Paradox 133-36). We destroy and consume the object, not out of simple appetite or even desire, but out of resentment towards its failure to deliver the promised transcendence. We consume the object, thereby destroying or sacrificing it. We cannot eliminate sacrifice, but we can make it more rational in expression. And consumerism is perhaps the most rational form of sacrifice.

    2. The Day of the Locust

    Nathanael West’s novel is addressed to the problems created by the mass media rather than consumption as such. If, however, we consider that the images and slogans of the mass media are themselves objects of consumption, then this novel indeed falls within the subject of this essay.

    The question raised by West in this novel is whether the resentments created by consumer society can continue to be contained and deferred by the system which creates them. The paradox of the sign is exacerbated in modern society because signs are proliferated endlessly. A general cynicism, a disillusionment with the promise of transcendence emerges.

    The Day of the Locust tells the story of a young artist, Tod Hackett, who comes to Hollywood to work as a set designer. The novel is rather picaresque in structure, narrating Tod’s various adventures with the outsiders and hangers-on of the movie industry, and taking us to a variety of Hollywood locations; it does come to a climax, however, in a riot that erupts at a Hollywood movie premiere and which provides the apocalypse promised by the novel’s title.

    Hollywood as West describes it is a hodgepodge of cheap and tawdry appearances which hide an inner emptiness rather than corruption as such. The homes are an incongruous jumble of “Mexican ranch houses, Samoan huts, Mediterranean villas, Egyptian and Japanese temples, Swiss chalets, Tudor cottages, and every possible combination of these styles, “all composed of “plaster, lath, and paper” (61). The residents of Hollywood are similarly surreal:

    A great many of the people wore sports clothes which were not really sports clothes. . . . The fat lady in the yachting cap was going shopping, not boating; the man in the Norfolk jacket and Tyrolean hat was returning, not from a mountain, but an insurance office; and the girl in slacks and sneaks with a bandana around her head had just left a switchboard, not a tennis court. (60)

    The rococo homes and clothing, no matter how tasteless and absurd, reflect the basic human desire for romance and adventure, the need to transcend the mundane banality of everyday life; this desire however has assumed monstrous form due to the mediation of the movies and radio. As West comments in another novel,

    Men have always fought their misery with dreams. Although dreams were once powerful, they have been made puerile by the movies, radio and newspapers. Among many betrayals, this one is the worst. (Miss Lonelyhearts 39)

    5

    In Day of the Locust, everyone is essentially an actor, and virtually everyone Tod comes into contact with is literally an aspiring actor or actress. Hollywood or mass culture deforms people into grotesque forms. Harry Greener, for example, an old vaudeville performer trying to adapt to Hollywood, is literally a face with no head:

    Harry, like many actors, had very little back or top to his head. It was almost all face, like a mask, with deep furrows between the eyes, across the forehead and on either side of the nose and mouth, plowed there by years of broad grinning and heavy frowning. Because of them, he could never express anything either subtly or exactly. They wouldn’t permit degrees of feeling, only the furthest degree. (119)

    As a result of mass culture, people are severely alienated, not so much from their environment, which they faithfully mirror, but from themselves as whole human beings. Homer Simpson, a middle-aged man directed by his doctor to retire to California for his health, is brilliantly described as disconnected assemblage of human parts:

    He lay stretched out on the bed, collecting his senses and testing the different parts of his body. Every part was awake but his hands. They still slept. He was not surprised. They demanded special attention, had always demanded it. When he had been a child, he used to stick pins into them and once had even thrust them into a fire. Now he used only cold water.

    He got out of bed in sections, like a poorly made automaton, and carried his hands into the bathroom. He turned on the cold water. When the basin was full, he plunged his hands in up to the wrists. They lay quietly on the bottom like a pair of strange aquatic animals. When they were thoroughly chilled and began to crawl about, he lifted them out and hid them in a towel. (82)

    Tod, the protagonist, is the closest thing in the novel to a whole human being. He has compassion for others and seems capable of real love; but he is surrounded by a culture in which love is not really possible. As an artist, Tod tries to resist the allure of Hollywood, but he is finally caught up in it.

    The foremost object of Tod’s desire is the 17-year old aspiring actress Faye Greener, who epitomizes the ephemeral glamour of Hollywood.

    Tod grunted with annoyance as he turned to the photograph [of Faye]. In it she was wearing a harem costume, full turkish trousers, breastplates and a monkey jacket, and lay stretched out on a silken divan. One hand held a beer bottle and the other a pewter stein.

    She was supposed to look drunk and she did, but not with alcohol. She lay stretched out on the divan with her arms and legs spread, as though welcoming a lover, and her lips were parted in a heavy sullen smile. She was supposed to look inviting, but the invitation wasn’t to pleasure. . . .

    Her invitation wasn’t to pleasure, but to struggle, hard and sharp, closer to murder than to love. If you threw yourself on her, it would be like throwing yourself from the parapet of skyscraper. You would do it with a scream. You couldn’t expect to rise again. Your teeth would be driven into your skull likes nails into a pine board and your back would be broken. You wouldn’t even have time to sweat or close your eyes. . . .

    If she would only let him, he would be glad to throw himself, no matter what the cost. But she wouldn’t have him. She didn’t love him and he couldn’t further her career. She wasn’t sentimental and she had no need of tenderness, even if he were capable of it. (67-68)

    The men of the novel all compete for Faye’s favor in classic Girardian fashion, and they come to blows in two scenes (117, 170). Even though Tod understands the nature of Faye’s appeal, he is unable to govern his desire for her rationally. As the above description of Faye’s sexual “invitation” indicates, underneath Faye’s contrived appearance lies a curious violence, and the relationship between violence and mass culture can be considered as the main subject of the novel.

    The problem with mass culture as described by West is that it consists of images and figures that promise everything, but which continually frustrate by their inability to deliver any satisfaction. Hollywood thus incites to violence, and the ending reflects the supposed inability of mass culture to defer the (desiring) violence that it feeds upon. West’s description of the crowd which gathers at a movie premiere makes this point explicit:

    All their lives they had slaved at some kind of dull, heavy labor, behind desks and counters, in the fields and at tedious machines of all sorts, saving their pennies and dreaming of the leisure that would be theirs when they had enough. Finally that day came. They could draw a weekly income of ten or fifteen dollars. Where else should they go but California, the land of sunshine and oranges? Once there, they discover that sunshine isn’t enough. They get tired of oranges, even of avocado pears and passion fruit. Nothing happens. They don’t know what to do with their time. They haven’t the mental equipment for leisure, the money nor the physical equipment for pleasure. . . .

    Their boredom becomes more and more terrible. They realize that they’ve been tricked and burn with resentment. Every day of their lives they read the newspapers and went to the movies. Both fed them on lynchings, murder, sex crimes, explosions, wrecks, love nests, fires, miracles, revolutions, wars. This daily diet made sophisticates of them. The sun is a joke. Oranges can’t titillate their jaded palates. Nothing can ever be violent enough to make taut their slack minds and bodies. They have been cheated and betrayed. They have slaved and saved for nothing. (177-178)

    The anthropological content of West’s novel is that he reveals the underlying violence of consumer desire. Desire is fraught with violence; this insight is not exactly new, but West applies it to a modern context in which this message is not always apparent. In the movie theater, at home watching TV, and so on, we feel ourselves insulated from the threat of violence. West warns us that the potential for violence remains real, hidden behind the images that surround us.

    The unstated problem of The Day of the Locust is the lack of any sacred which would defer the violence of desire. West elaborates on this lack in his earlier novel, Miss Lonelyhearts, about a newspaper advice column writer. Miss Lonelyhearts (the only name given him in the novel) has an “ivory Christ” hanging on his wall, and he reads Father Zossima’s sermon on unconditional love from Dostoevsky’s The Brothers Karamazov. Miss Lonelyhearts wants to offer this message to his readers, but he is unable to believe in it himself. Surrounded by absurd suffering undignified by any tragic pathos, he finds himself incapable of true faith. Miss Lonelyhearts lives in a modern world in which faith or love have become impossible. The very idea of absolute love is absurd and doomed to failure.

    6

    At the end of the novel, the protagonist seemingly undergoes a Dostoyevskian conversion in which he dedicates his life to God. In his first act of Christ-like love, he attempts to embrace a cripple: “He would embrace the cripple and the cripple would be made whole again, even as he, a spiritual cripple, had been made whole again” (57). But the attempt to express Father Zossima’s unconditional love ends only in more violence, as the cripple misinterprets the gesture and shoots him in a farcical struggle.Miss Lonelyhearts thus embodies the failure of religion to provide meaning and happiness in the modern world. This failure results in violence. The Day of the Locust continues West’s critique of modernity, but he turns from the failure of religion to the failure of art as a means of transcendence.

    In traditional culture, high art teaches the deferral of desire as well as providing diversion: “to teach and delight” in classical aesthetics. But modern art, like Tod Hackett, has been prostituted to the movie industry. At best, serious art can only record the failure of mass culture, as Tod records “The Burning of Los Angeles” in the painting he works upon, and West records the same in The Day of the Locust. Mass culture exists on the model of pornography, much as Faye, as a figure for mass culture, attracts through her mediated sex appeal. As such, mass art teaches the wrong message, that desire can be satisfied. It makes the consumers impatient for more and more. At the same time, through the very repetition and juxtaposition of its messages, the promise of culture is revealed as empty because the ubiquitous images have lost their potency even as promise. West’s favorite technique is to juxtapose the various images of mass culture, thus revealing the arbitrary and illusory nature of cultural representation (see for example Tod’s surreal journey through a Hollywood movie lot, 130-35). As a result the consumer becomes jaded and cynical, impatient. The images which are meant to substitute for reality have lost their believability; at the same time, there is nothing to take their place. The main function of culture, to transcend the violence of desire, is thus frustrated.

    West’s critique of modernity agrees in many respects with Girard’s. In Girard’s interpretation of Western history, the revelation of the Gospel text places humankind in a unique predicament. The Passion story confronts us with our own violence; we can no longer blame the sacrificial victim. The sacrificial mechanism can work only as long as it is disguised and mystified. According to Girard, “the effect of the gospel revelation will be made manifest through violence, through a sacrificial and cultural crisis whose radical effect must be unprecedented since there is no longer any sacralized victim to stand in the way of its consequences” (THSFW 203). In an increasingly secular world, without the protection afforded by myth and sacrificial religion, humans are in imminent danger of destroying themselves. Because of the Gospel revelation, we can no longer plausibly believe in the sacrificial myths that traditionally protect society from its own violence. We are forced to choose between “apocalypse now” or unconditional forgiveness. As Guy Lefort puts this point,

    In a world where violence has been truly revealed and the victimage mechanisms have ceased to function, humans are confronted with a dilemma that is extraordinarily simple: either they renounce violence, or the incalculable violence that they set off risks annihilating them all, ‘as in the days of Noah’. (qtd. in Girard, THSFW 201).

    For Girard, this situation constitutes the crisis, but also the challenge and opportunity of modernity.

    The ending of The Day of the Locust presents a classic Girardian crisis of undifferentiation, complete with angry mob and scapegoat victim (Homer Simpson). A woman in the crowd claims that the riot began because “A pervert attacked a child,” and the crowd “agreed vehemently” (183). Ironically, this same group of people then goes on to demonstrate just how they perverted they themselves are, when one of the men takes advantage of the crunch to start groping a woman with the group’s approval. In other words, there is no meaningful difference between victim and crowd, just as in Girard’s description of the sacrificial crisis. The lack of any organized rituals of sacrifice in the modern world results in a crisis of undifferentiation which threatens the community with self-destruction. The main difference between Girard and West on the problem of modernity is that West does not apparently see Christian love as offering a viable solution.

    It might be argued that West’s novel is anachronistic, since he wrote at the dawn of consumer society, in the late 30s, before the post-war economic boom. But in many ways, his novel is prescient; although consumerism delivers more now, it also promises more, so that dissatisfaction always stays one step ahead of satisfaction.

    The most obvious problem with West’s critique is that consumerism marches on, becoming more and more efficient in both creating desires and recycling consumer discontent into more consumerism. Dissatisfaction is recycled back into the system as a positive force. There is no shortage of products available to express one’s dissatisfaction with consumerism. Like Marx, West failed to consider the efficiency of the free market.

    But West’s point is not just that the system doesn’t work, but that it works in ways which should be rejected. Consumer culture focuses on appearances at the expense of inner reality, thus distorting people and making them into less-than-whole human beings. In some ways West’s critique hearkens back to the traditional distrust of appearances in favor of inner reality. The locus classicus of such criticism is Hamlet’s rejection of “seeming”:

    Seems, madam? Nay, it is. I know not “seems.”
    ‘Tis not alone my inky cloak, good Mother,
    Nor customary suits of solemn black,
    Nor windy suspiration of forced breath,
    No, nor the fruitful river in the eye,
    Nor the dejected havior of the visage,
    Together with all forms, moods, shapes of grief,
    That can denote me truly. These indeed seem,
    For they are actions that a man might play.
    But I have that within which passes show;
    These but the trappings and suits of woe. (1.2.76-86)

    For Hamlet, then, the inner reality is incommensurable with any form of representation. No one can “pluck out the heart of [his] mystery” (3.2.364-5).

    West goes beyond Shakespeare however, because in The Day of the Locust there is no inner reality with which to oppose the superficial appearances. The charge is that consumer culture focuses on appearances so drastically that inner reality is emptied out. There is no true substance to turn to. Even Tod’s ideals, or Miss Lonelyheart’s, are arguably self-delusions. People are deformed, incapable of love or faith, and capable only of violence, or at best an artificial life of romantic illusion, as we see in Faye’s romantic fantasies which seems to satisfy her (104-5). This is a charge which is more specific to the 20th century and typical of literary modernism, as for example in T.S. Eliot’s The Wasteland. To make this point, however, West gives us, for the most part, caricatures rather than realistic characters. It’s not clear that modern individuals are really as bad as West makes them out to be. In any case, it’s not safe to generalize. The other problem is that this criticism assumes the existence of some prior golden age when people were whole and complete, which is not a safe assumption. The prosperity of the 20th century arguably allows more freedom for love and faith.

    7

    The problem that West points to is real, but the solution is in this case would be worse than the problem, since any cure must trample on the freedom we rightly hold as our highest value. It’s not at all clear that there is any alternative to consumer society that would be more hospitable to morality and beauty, not to mention personal freedom.

    3. Conclusion

    West’s critique of mass culture shares the problem of the neo-Marxist critique: they both exaggerate the problems of mass culture, and they both implicitly assume that some viable, utopian alternative exists. The only alternative to consumerism is an oppressive government that drastically limits personal freedom, telling people what they should desire. Girard’s mimetic theory should alert us to the impossibility of regulating desire. The claim of The Truman Show that a free market enables a repressive regime of corporate media power is based on an unjustified distortion of media power. The products of consumer society are not always beautiful and elegant, but they effectively serve to differentiate individuals, enabling the human community to continue. Any political/economic system can be justified only as the lesser of two evils. Giving up utopian dreams is a sign of maturity that effectively forestalls the appeal of autocratic politics.

    The anthropological problem posed by consumer society is, how can a society exist without an absolute sacred? In historical terms, modern society is anomalous. But the sacred has not disappeared; it has rather been integrated into the fabric of our culture, integrated so profoundly that we hardly recognize it as such. We don’t have any overarching, generally accepted, public sacred, but we do have a whole host of private sacreds. Each individual creates his or her own sense of the sacred, in part through consumer products. The great advantage of this system is that it differentiates people without the need for rigid hierarchies, thus maximizing personal freedom.

    Works Cited

    Adorno, Theodor W. and Max Horkheimer. Dialectic of Enlightenment: Philosophical Fragments. 1947. Trans. Edmund Jephcott. Stanford: Stanford UP, 2002.

    Baudrillard, Jean. The System of Objects. 1968. Trans. James Benedict. London: Verso, 1996.

    Certeau, Michel de. The Practice of Everyday Life. Trans. Steven F. Randall. Berkeley: U of California P, 1984.

    Gans. Eric. Chronicles of Love and Resentment. 1995-2004. 5 Aug. 2004. <https://anthropoetics.org/views/home.html>.

    ———. Originary Thinking: Elements of Generative Anthropology. Stanford, CA: Stanford UP, 1993.

    ———. Signs of Paradox: Irony, Resentment, and Other Mimetic Structures. Stanford, CA: Stanford UP, 1997.

    Girard, René. Deceit, Desire, and the Novel: Self and Other in Literary Structure. Trans. Yvonne Freccero. Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins UP, 1965.

    ———. Things Hidden Since the Foundation of the World. Trans. Stephen Bann and Michael Metteer. Stanford, CA: Stanford UP, 1987.

    Sanes, Ken. Truman as Archetype. Transparencynow.com. 1996-2001. 29 July 2004. <http://www.transparencynow.com/truman.htm>.

    Shakespeare, William. King Lear. Ed. David Bevington. New York: Bantam, 1988.

    West, Nathanael. Miss Lonelyhearts & The Day of the Locust. New York: New Directions, 1962.

  • Checking out of the Epoch: Performatism in Olga Tokarczuk’s “The Hotel Capital” vs. Late Postmodernism in Ali Smith’s Hotel World (with remarks on Arundhati Roy’s The God of Small Things and Miloš Urban’s Sevenchurch)

    We live in an age that is highly skeptical about the possibility of epochal change. Although there is a widely held feeling that postmodern irony is démodé and that poststructuralist theory has run its course, there is little or no interest in inquiring whether current culture might be shifting into a new, as yet undefined aesthetic mode requiring an entirely different theoretical treatment. Thus while recent books bemoan “the theory mess” (Rapaport 2001) or muse about what might come “after theory” (Eagleton 2004) they don’t offer much of a positive, programmatic alternative. This attitude, it might be added, isn’t limited to die-hard postmodernists. Even such prominent critics of poststructuralist theory as Walter Benn Michaels in America (2004) and Boris Groys in Germany (2000) don’t try to outline what culture might look like after the end of posthistory.(2) And, as readers of this journal hardly need be reminded, Eric Gans and myself are practically the only two critics who have tried to name and define the new postmillennial or performatist epoch in a systematic way.

    Part of the disinterest in defining the nascent epoch has to do with the stringent way that scholars now address any event or utterance laying claim to be something “new.” Today, whoever attempts to define the New is practically required to consider its endless, uncontrollable and open implication in the Already Existing every single step of the way. Derrida, in an essay devoted to the irksome problem of historical “isms,” leaves no doubt as to the alternatives at hand. Either you offer up a “static and taxonomic tabularization” (1990, 65) of the new in divesting yourself of the old, which hardly seems very promising, or you give yourself over to the field of an “introjective multiplicity” that corresponds “neither to a linear and temporal order of succession, nor to the order of a juxtaposing simultaneity” (1990, 69). This being said and done, the whole business of defining a paradigm shift pretty much takes care of itself. The new dissipates in the endless gyre and gimble of a discourse allowing no innovation that its rigorous metaphysical critique has not already touched on and placed under erasure from the start.

    Rather than bemoan Derrida’s self-serving demand that history be discussed solely in terms that would make it forever posthistorical, we need to ask how we can go about defining epochal change in the most parsimonious and rigorous manner. In semiotic terms, the simplest and most fundamental way of doing this is to key in on two mutually exclusive concepts of sign. The first such concept includes the object in its notion of the sign; the second leaves it out. Regarding postmodernism there is little doubt about its semiotic preference. The object is always exterior to the sign, which is the sole, albeit belated means of gaining knowledge of the world around us (the triumph of virtuality in postmodernism and of belatedness in poststructuralism are the most salient expressions of this attitude).

    Traditionally, this sort of sign is called dualist: there is always a split between sign and thing. Given this attitude, poststructuralists consider monist sign concepts, which treat the object and the sign as a unity, to be just so much hokum–a self-deluding “metaphysics” whose intellectual history has for all serious purposes already come to an end. Not surprisingly, poststructuralists have fundamental difficulties accepting newly developing monist positions. For the radical monist theories of Eric Gans, Walter Benn Michaels, and the German philosopher Peter Sloterdijk aren’t just a correction or modification of postmodern culture, they’re its historical nemesis: they would reintroduce that element of difference into our cultural life that would ultimately make postmodernist dualism into something specifically historical–and historically expendable. Perhaps understandably, the theoretical project of radical monism has made little headway in academia, where poststructuralism and its offshoots have many eloquent and influential supporters. By contrast, the basic strategies of the monist aesthetic–closing works of art, striving for unity, ordering space and projecting belief onto characters and objects–have been appearing with increasing frequency and force in literature, film, and architecture without attracting the slightest bit of interest in academia. In the long run, the theoretical project of endlessly fine-tuning poststructuralism by injecting more ideology, more gender, or more history into it is in very real danger of missing out completely on the aesthetic and semiotic shift to monism now going on around it.

    Perhaps the most graphic way of demonstrating just how this shift has taken place is to take two similar works from each side of the epochal divide and compare them according to the basic semiotic features noted above. Often, this kind of comparative work is like comparing apples and oranges; unless you’re dealing with an outright parody, it’s unusual to find works that share the same formal features but implement them in two completely contrary ways. In this case, though, I’ve come across two texts which are so close in theme and details of plot that they invite comparison under what are almost laboratory conditions. The works I have in mind here are Ali Smith’s novelHotel World (2001) and the Polish writer Olga Tokarczuk’s short story “The Hotel Capital” (“Numery,” orig. 1989, cited according to 2000).

    Both texts use exactly the same gimmick–the fancy international hotel as an allegory of global capitalism–but treat it in two completely divergent ways conforming respectively to the norms of postmodernism and performatism.(3) Smith, who did Ph.D.-level work in English literature, makes ample use of what looks like Foucauldian and Butlerian premises to set up a gender-sensitive victimary scenario. Tokarczuk, who was trained as a psychologist, deliberately follows in the Jungian (and by extension, Kantian) tradition, assigning an inspirational, unifying role to projections of an individual subject; in her treatment of spirituality, time, and space she also draws on the work of Mircea Eliade. Hotel World shows how helpless, decentered subjects accidentally and unintentionally come together to–unsuccessfully–resist the hegemonic order around them. “Hotel Capital,” by contrast, describes how a tutelary, distinctly Jungian type of subject intervenes in that order from within to invest it with spiritual value. As is always the case in performatist works, Tokarczuk’s story offers you a real choice. If you’re still in the postmodern mode, you’ll deconstruct the narrator’s projections in the twinkling of an eye and cast the story aside. If you do decide to go along with the narrator, though, you’ll enter into a whole, aesthetically mediated identification with those projections–and become a performatist so to speak by default.

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    To round out my discussion, I’d also like to treat briefly two other critiques of global capitalism in performatist works. To this end I’ll touch on Arundhati Roy’s postcolonial classic The God of Small Things (orig. 1996), which shows how a Kantian ideal of the beautiful can be used to frame radical individual resistance to caste restrictions and the encroachments of global culture. And I’ll provide a quick wrap-up of the young Czech writer Miloš Urban’s untranslated Sevenchurch (Sedmikostelí, 1999), which offers a sublime, characteristically Central European aesthetic of terror in answer to the resentment arising out of globalization.

    Hotel World

    On the surface, Ali Smith’s Hotel World is concerned with the accidental death of a young hotel worker named Sara Wilby, whose name (Wilby–“will be”) is already resonant with deferred potential. Sara, who has just taken on a job as chambermaid in the chain Global Hotels, bets a co-worker that she can stuff herself into the hotel’s dumbwaiter. Immediately after she performs this feat, however, the elevator cable tears, sending the dumbwaiter and Sara crashing down to the bottom of the shaft.

    The fatal occurrence along with its attendant circumstances is recounted in six stylistically very different narrative sections. Although in the novel five striking individuals dominate each section–they are, in order of appearance, the victim herself, the hotel’s receptionist, a homeless woman, a female journalist, and Sara’s sister–our identification with these figures is constantly being disturbed, undermined, or sabotaged entirely. Thus in her narration, the dead accident victim appears as a ghost who visits first its family, then its own body in the grave. So that no one might get the idea of taking the heroine’s existence in the hereafter all too seriously, the ghost occasionally emits a “o-oo-oo” sound–just like in the comics.

    This authorial ironization of characters’ discourse applies no less to the living. The reader’s identification with the younger sister’s anger and grief is undermined by the complete lack of punctuation marks in the chapter narrated by her. Her intensively experienced emotional reaction is overwritten, as it were, by a kind of discursive dysfunctionality whose only source can be that of the author (since no teenager, no matter how grief-stricken, would leave out every last single punctuation mark in her own writing). The suffering of the homeless, tubercular Else is similarly marked by defective language: when begging, her speech is reduced to almost incomprehensible fragments like “Spr sm chn” (“spare some change”).

    These and other plays with script and language show the author to be a proficient, remote administrator of that dysfunctionality and defectiveness which otherwise weighs heavily upon her characters. By contrast, the only figure in the novel who is able to write, speak, and act in a conventional way is mercilessly exposed as a fraud. The person in question is a female journalist who befriends the homeless, disoriented Else while staying at the hotel for a night. The character, aptly named Penny, quickly proves herself to be everything promised by her name. Having written out a large check to Else she has second thoughts about it later in the night and has it cancelled–thus neatly exposing her own magnanimity as an empty, vain projection. The author doesn’t want her character (or us) to buy into an identification with Else; she wants to inscribe herself literally and directly in the dysfunctionality, alterity, and suffering of her characters–a contact that, however, never cleaves to one person for very long. Like the ghost, the bodiless, preternaturally weightless author moves effortlessly through her own book, haunting now one, now the other character.

    By contrast, the author’s treatment of space and order is easy to pin down ideologically. At times, in fact, the book reads as if the author had cribbed straight out of Judith Butler or Michel Foucault. The hotel is a spatial trap, a panoptic surveillance center in which the employees are strictly monitored and punished according to need. Loopholes in this hegemonic matrix arise only by accident–as when the omnipresent surveillance cameras fail to work shortly after Sara’s accident. The characters in the novel, who are equipped with a quasi natural, spontaneous ability to resist à la Judith Butler, make immediate use of these flubs. Thus Lise, the mentally disturbed receptionist, takes advantage of the camera failure to sneak homeless Else into a luxury suite. Else, who is traumatized by enclosed spaces to begin with–some Christian missionaries once tried to convert her inside a locked room–soon flees, but forgets to turn off the bathwater, causing a small deluge. The damage is, however, quickly repaired and the costs fobbed off on an innocent chambermaid.

    As this turn of plot suggests, resistance is both pointless and useless. It can occur only in the involuntary playing out of one’s own dysfunctionality but not as a goal-oriented, willful act. Instead, we are encouraged to imagine the possibility of such resistance from a higher, constantly shifting vantage point. The authorially mediated metaperspective allows us to experience ironic schadenfreude over the small flood caused by Else and Lise even as we realize its accidental, inconsequential character.

    In view of the close connection between space and power, Sara’s accidental death in the innermost, “dumbest” and most confining space of the hotel carries a certain ideological weight after all. Sara’s accidental death and the barely concealed spatial violence emanating from the hotel form a contingency relationship suggesting that something like this need not take place but very well can. Sara’s senseless, accidental, death-by-wager–the embodiment of the aleatory per se–exposes the reified essence of the hotel as a whole: its omnipresent structural violence asserts itself even in the case of pure chance. Later on, Sara’s sister will smash a hole in the wall of the hastily bricked up shaft and throw an alarm clock into it so that she may experience the time span between Sara’s life and death by herself. By contrast, the hotel tempts its visitors with a false temporality, a false experience of transcendence: the hotel’s brochure indeed promises that “a transcendent time is waiting to be had by all” (181).

    That time is not transcendent, but instead depends on spatial restrictions and contractual obligations is demonstrated vividly in the last part of the novel. Sara’s unrequited love for the salesgirl in a watch repair shop is answered–but only belatedly and in a mode of permanent deferral. The salesgirl, who had only fleetingly taken note of the pining Sara and who knows nothing of her death, intuitively realizes her affection ex post facto and–disregarding all regulations–puts on the watch Sara had brought in for repair. Love, then, is possible after all: you love without knowing the other, without wanting to do so, and without having to invest your desire in a bothersome interpersonal projection. Although the salesgirl’s wearing of the wrist watch marks a double reconciliation–it is a symbolic act both of loving and of remembrance–this moment can ultimately only be enjoyed from the cool, epistemologically remote vantage point of the authorial metaposition–a position that undermines all lasting identifications and does not stay attached to individual figures or positions for any length of time.

    At the very beginning of the novel the ghostly Sara begged the reader to “time me”–to measure her time so that she doesn’t disappear in différance, in the endlessly receding, arbitrary conditionality of language. This “timing”–the translation of fluid temporality into fixed spatiality–is achieved formally as soon as the salesgirl puts on Sara’s wristwatch. Yet even this unwitting act of remembrance threatens to go awry. On the book’s last page we find once more the lines that the ghost, who is becoming ever more forgetful, uttered in the book’s beginning chapter:

    Remember you must live.
    Remember you most love.
    Remainder you mist leaf. (30, 237)

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    This tossed salad of signifiers is followed by the ghost’s howl, which ends and simultaneously opens the book. The voice of the ever-fainter-growing Other forms the alpha and omega of the novel as a whole: the hereafter appears as the mirror image of a dysfunctional here and now rather than as a transcendent shore of salvation. Indeed, the ghost and the author turn out to be effects of the same persistent mechanism that holds forth the possibility of transcendence while in the final analysis always allowing it to fall flat. In terms of reader response, this mechanism is at the end passed on to the reader, who by way of a semi-comprehensible half-insult (“remainder you mist leaf”) is encouraged to take part, albeit belatedly, in an unending ring-around-the-rosy of misdirected resistance and yearning.

    The subject representations, epistemological figures and authorial strategies in Hotel World are neither especially surprising nor likely to plunge anyone into a spell of critical brooding on literary technique. The pre-programmed alterity and deficient subjectivity of the main characters, the radical undecidability of the spatial, temporal and causal relations, the author’s superior, infinitely receding play with figures of lack–these are all typical, well-established procedures of postmodernism. One feature that seems characteristic of late postmodernism is the author’s curious will to transcendence and love. These metaphysically loaded moments are however always presented as belated or deferred; they never threaten to become present or real to us. Thus the author can preside over ideal figures of classical metaphysics without endangering the critical posture of her novel as a whole.

    This turn to metaphysical, indeed, rather sentimental themes from the standpoint of a constantly moving, epistemologically unassailable metaposition exposes the unenviable dilemma of late postmodernism. For in the process of showing her own superiority in questions of epistemology the author’s dependence on traditional projections of unity–on love, reconciliation and transcendence–becomes ever more evident. The uncanny ability of the author to be everywhere and nowhere in her own book contrasts directly with a yearning for unity and presence–a yearning that is conjured up only to be dispersed once more through the author’s own epistemological or linguistic interventions.

    As Hotel World graphically demonstrates, late postmodernism is caught in a self-made trap. Whoever presents herself as epistemologically invulnerable falls into an empty, indeed, ghostly game of hide-and-seek with the reader and with herself; whoever foregoes this sort of epistemological critique in favor of metaphysical ideals becomes a purveyor of simple-minded, if not downright fraudulent projections. Since there is no immanent way out of this endless loop-the-loop, poststructuralist critics and literary scholars have long been in agreement that postmodernism will never end; it will simply refine and multiply self-ironic strategies for acknowledging belatedness and producing deferral. We are fated, it would seem, to shuttle endlessly between the poles of metaphysical wishful thinking and the merciless epistemological critique of the very same.

    “The Hotel Capital”

    That things can be done entirely differently is demonstrated by Olga Tokarczuk’s story “The Hotel Capital” (orig. 1989; cited according to 2000). Using motifs very similar to Hotel World, Tokarczuk arrives at a specifically monist, no longer postmodern perspective on the sign, space, and the world in general.

    At first it could seem as if “Hotel Capital” is even more zealous in its critique of capitalism than is Hotel World. Apart from its transparently symbolic name, the hotel is flatly described in the very first line as being “only for the rich” (35). Like Sara Wilby, the heroine and first-person narrator is a lowly chambermaid and, moreover, a nameless foreigner. As in Hotel World, the Hotel Capital exerts an omnipresent, deforming force on the main character. In fact, as soon as the heroine puts on her uniform, she foregoes her own subjective sense of self: “I take off my exotic language, my strange name, my sense of humour, my face lines, my taste for food not appreciated here, my memory of small events […]” (35). In keeping with the fatal event related in Hotel World, the heroine is overcome by a feeling of existential angst when riding the cramped service elevator to her work–she is afraid “lest the lift should stop and I should stay here forever, enclosed like a bacterium inside the body of the Hotel Capital” (36). Finally, we even encounter a small flood in one of the rooms which, as in Hotel World, temporarily disrupts order in the hotel without washing it away entirely.

    The postmodern reader now expecting to be initiated into a subaltern victim’s chronicle of alienation and otherness will be sorely disappointed. In spite of the superficial similarities with the ambience of Hotel World, “Hotel Capital” proposes completely different semiotic and spatial relations aimed at promoting unity, order, and belief. In particular, space appears as the guarantor of a whole, intimate, indeed sacral ambience which can be experienced only within the confines of the otherwise worldly hotel.

    This spatially determined sacral experience can be thought of as a sphere in the sense used by Peter Sloterdijk. Sloterdijk calls the sphere an “aspirated commune” (2000, 17 ff), a protected interior space that allows intimacy, sensuality, and social cohesiveness to develop at all in the first place. As historians of religion like Mircea Eliade confirm, the origins of this interior experience are primal. Accordingly, the creation of closed, centered spaces must be viewed not as a metaphysical ploy but as an attempt to make space livable to begin with: “If the world is to be lived in, it must be founded–and no world can come to birth in the chaos of the homogeneity and relativity of profane space” (Eliade 1987, 22(4)). According to Eliade, this is “not a matter of theoretical speculation, but of a primary religious experience that precedes all reflection on the world” (1987, 21). Because it is essential to founding life the primal space is always placed in the middle of the world and displays a vertical, hierarchical structure that literally and figuratively opens up to the transcendent world of the gods (1987, 63).

    Now, the claim that there once existed an originary, pre-reflexive, hierarchically arranged space with a built-in escape hatch to the heavens does not present much of a challenge for a poststructuralist or postmodern appropriation. Inasmuch as this kind of pre-reflexive, originary world is anchored in discourse it can always be conceived of as a double, irreducible act of inclusion and exclusion, whereby the poststructuralist would always be sure to let the excluded and chaotic outer world receive its just due. Apart from this, an originary space can only be experienced again by way of simulation, which is to say in belated act which simultaneously undermines and outdoes the original.

    This act of appropriation will encounter serious resistance only when the sense of spatial intimacy is put on as a performance with aesthetic means. In such a case the text will be presented as a closed space, which, by exerting one-sided pressure on the observer, gives him or her an unambiguous choice between an inside (going along with the work) or an outside (going against the work). This kind of performatist work is not mere discourse or simulation, but rather imposes the closed conditions of the sacral, originary space on the observer by aesthetic means. We are dealing here, then, with the fusion of a privileged aesthetic space in the Kantian sense with a rather un-Kantian attitude that you might describe as ritualistic, dogmatic, or compulsive.(5)

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    It goes without saying that this forced aesthetic experience does not suspend the possibility of critical reflection. No one today can actually return to a sacral or ritual experience of interiority, no one can (or wants to) completely shut out the vibrant hurly-burly of exterior space. The possibility of deceit and fraud thus still lingers in every performative act of framing–but precisely as a possibility, and not as a preordained, epistemologically guaranteed result, as in postmodernism. Readers, in other words, now have a real choice. If this kind of aesthetically mediated inner space remains more or less intact we will be dealing with a performatist monism; if it mixes uncontrollably with exterior space we will fall back into the endlessly undecidable convolutions of postmodernism.

    But let us return now to “Hotel Capital.” If the space of the hotel is a sphere in Sloterdijk’s sense, then it is by no means an idyllic inner sanctum. The sacrally aspirated hotel room–no less so than in Hotel World–is unavoidably exposed to the pressures exerted by globalization and global capitalism. As the narrator herself remarks, the room is a “four-cornered, prostituted space” that gives itself to anyone who is willing to pay for it (37). The space of the hotel, whose sacral, protective function is constantly being emphasized by the narrator, is in the secularized world itself helpless and exposed. Space requires an agent who would, as it were, clean up the spiritual and metaphysical mess brought into it by the hotel’s guests. Precisely this active, theist role is filled out by the narrator/chambermaid, who intervenes in a life-affirming way in the half-public, half-intimate sphere of the guests. Having temporarily laid aside her subjective personality, she settles into the invisible realm that is neither outside nor in and intervenes from there in interior space–a transcendental subject with a theist mission and a human face.

    The postmodern reader secretly hoping for the first-person narrator to be ironically dismantled in the course of the story will wait in vain. Indeed, in narratological terms much the opposite takes place: the first-person narrator acquires distinctly authorial characteristics. In lieu of direct antagonists–as a rule the heroine tidies up in empty rooms–the story appears as a series of quasi-philosophical meditations on space and the people in it; in lieu of disruptive hints from the author we are forced to identify with the heroine and her space-friendly value judgments. From the normative postmodern point of view it is of course always possible to reject this authorially supported mindset as blind self-deception. If you do so, though, you’ll stumble into a narrative trap. For either you enter into the closed space of the work or you remain outside it. The work frame changes from a place of undecidability to a place of decision–quite contrary to the normative precepts of postmodernism. The act of reading reproduces the simultaneously compulsive and comforting quality of the fictive inner space.

    This experience of spatially mediated pleasure (Kant’s Wohlgefallen) must be understood perfomatively or as a gesture and not discursively or conceptually. Although we may be in disagreement with individual meanings or arguments in the work, we must nonetheless accept it as a whole. The reader is suspended–half voluntarily, half by way of force–in an aesthetically mediated no-man’s land which can only be conceived of or experienced under the given conditions of the aesthetic frame. This spatially determined pleasure is accompanied in turn by a practically idiot-proof, compulsory mechanism that arrests the restless, hypercritical spirit of the postmodern reader long enough until she is able to identify with what is going on in the work’s interior space. If the obstinate reader balks at this, then she will remain where she belongs: namely on the outside. Thus once more–with a little dogmatic help–we arrive at the restoration of what Kant calls necessary aesthetic pleasure [notwendiges Wohlgefallen].(6)

    Loading the Kantian frame with dogmatic and archaic means of enforcement leads to the inevitable question as to whether we are foregoing hard-earned achievements of the Enlightenment by doing so. This fear can be disarmed with a paradoxical reference. For the archaic force exerted on us in performatism allows us to occupy precisely that transcendental position which is generally regarded as typical of the Enlightenment (but which has lost its “punch” due to a hyperrationalistic critique of metaphysics and unbounded pleasure in boundary transgression). This paradox is ultimately possible only in an aesthetic, secularized context and not in a ritual or dogmatic one. Moreover, in terms of cultural history it is only conceivable after modernism and postmodernism, as a reaction to their programmatic skepticism of enlightenment and metaphysics. “Hotel Capital,” for its part, avoids an absolute relapse into pre-Enlightenment gullibility by allowing the transcendental subjectivity of the heroine to manifest itself in the form of a negotiable role or performance.

    In this case, the performance manifests itself in the resacralization and reaesthetization of what at first seems to be purely practical terms of employment. When starting work the heroine puts on a quasi-sacral uniform which cloaks a conciliatory, spatially limited monism; as soon as she takes off her work clothes she returns to a personal, “interested” attitude commensurate with the needs of daily life. The heroine’s space-friendly attitude is based on a simple contractual agreement: it is not an authentic, natural or originary state.

    As a result, the usual deconstructive strategies for undermining “metaphysics” meet with little or no resistance. The story is well aware of its own constructedness; it raises no claim to propounding an original or ultimate truth. Indeed, the strict sense of order that applies inside the hotel evaporates as soon as the heroine is outside of it. This can be seen in the only scene not taking place within the hotel. From a hotel window the heroine has spotted a Scotsman playing a bagpipe for money; she muses to herself that he can’t be real since he’s going about it with too much zeal. At the end of the story, after she leaves the hotel, this suspicion is confirmed: the Scotsman takes off his kilt and puts on a pair of stylishly tattered jeans. When the heroine remarks that she already knew he was just pretending, he smiles at her mysteriously and winks (in the Polish original this last glance is a shade more obtrusive: it reads “robi do mnie oko”–literally, “he does an eye into me”). The visual penetration which the heroine shortly before experienced as unbearable when she was being ogled by one of the hotel guests is not made into an issue here–for this is also where the text ends and hence also the possibility of delving further into the false Scotsman’s secrets.

    Within the hotel we find a spatially conditioned metaphysical order that travelers take advantage of in different ways. The metaphysical ideal of the hotel room is approached most closely by a Japanese husband and wife who leave behind practically no traces–those indispensable poststructuralist bearers of alterity. Their room, remarks the narrator, “gives the impression of not being occupied at all.” (39) There are no objects left lying around by mistake, no personal traces, not even an odor. And when the chambermaid cleans up, she “create[s] more disorder than they would make in a month.” (39) The only communication between the order-loving Japanese and the order-upholding chambermaid takes place through the tip that the couple leaves behind in a neat stack on their pillow. The coins, however, are not for the chambermaid but for the room itself:

    So when they leave the tip it is not for me but for the room, for its silent continuance in the world, for its constancy amid the inexplicable inconstancy. . . . The two coins left on the pillow preserve the illusion that such rooms exist even when nobody looks at them. The two coins dispel our only essential fear–that the world exists only in the act of seeing and there is nothing beyond this. (40)The economy of this gift is transcendental and self-confirming: it represents the sacral opposite of the “prostituted” room and makes the room seem like a “small temple” (40). On the other hand, though, the relationship as a whole remains impersonal and cool. The chambermaid is familiar only with “the immaterial shape of the footprints left in the abandoned sandals” (40); conversely, for the Japanese guests she remains without a body and face. Communication and value exchange don’t take place through tattered words or marks (“spr sm chn”) but through shared attitudes toward space and the objects in it. The scene with the tip simply acknowledges the latent dualism of this dialectical relationship. The more spiritual and complete the relationship to the absent guests, the more the relationship of the individual to material reality is placed in doubt.

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    The opposite of the Japanese are the “young Americans,” the bearers of imperial disorder. This disorder has no true metaphysical valence of its own but is rather a “thoughtless, stupid mess” (literally bałagan–a kind of Slavic Punch and Judy show) in which “there is no rhyme or reason” (44). This lack of order–quite in keeping with a Baudrillardian scenario–is circulated by the media and intensified ad infinitum. The absent young Americans leave their TV on to CNN, and CNN assures the chambermaid that the world exists and is full of young Americans. The imperial arrogance of the young Americans and their “inattentiveness to the present” (45) is countered by the chambermaid’s recurring to their common corporeal mortality: “I clean around roughly, as if afraid of destroying these relics of the transitoriness of the people who live here” (45). This isn’t ironic schadenfreude but rather existential insight into a shared fear of death–a fear that the chambermaid in this case doesn’t want to assuage entirely. Later, however, in the room of the dying old Swede whose body absorbs all odors from without, the chambermaid will deliberately leave behind a sweaty, vital whiff of her own self. In a way that is “conspiratorial, respiratory and inspirational,” as Sloterdijk writes (2000, 40), the chambermaid tries to forge a “dyadic union” (2000, 42) in interior space that will set both human frailty and human arrogance to rights.

    The chambermaid’s job differs, however, from Sloterdijk’s in one important respect. Whereas Sloterdijk is trying to reconstruct historically the “morpho-immunological” spheres (2000, 46) and “foams”(7) that he considers indispensable for the development of human culture per se, the chambermaid faces a much more immediate problem. Her task is, namely, to restore that state of interior intimacy that can be experienced only through a monetary transaction and away from home–the genteel, introspective spatial phenomenology of a Bachelard doesn’t work well in the “prostituted” ambience of the Hotel Capital. And that is why the chambermaid proceeds in such a deliberate way, so to speak in accordance with an authorially approved metaphysical work code.(8) If you want to clean up after postmodernism (or even sweep it away entirely) then you must, as the heroine says, do so with deliberation: you must first frame scattered traces of alienation so that modest inspirational measures can take hold in the first place.

    Given the rigid spatial order of “Hotel Capital” it is justified to pose the question of theodicy, which is to say the question of evil and the responsibility which spiritualized space bears for it. (In Hotel World the answer is clear: the spatial order is the sufficient, but not necessary condition of evil.) True to the tradition of metaphysical optimism in which Tokarczuk’s story follows, evil doesn’t appear as a principle sui generis but rather as disorder or as a falling away from spirituality.

    The first kind of disorder–that of the “young Americans”–is childish. It corresponds to a lack of consciousness and humility in regard to the world that the young Americans dominate. The second kind of disorder, by contrast, is spatial: it resides in the vast expansiveness of the hotel (and, by extension, the world as a whole). The hotel has a mysterious tract called the “squar” which is designed for long-term guests and has a confusing layout; it is labyrinthine, convoluted, spiraled, and dark: “Something strange happens to space here. Space does not like spiral stairs, chimneys and wells. It tends to degenerate into labyrinths.” (51) The tangled, invaginated layout of the hotel building appears as a flaw offending against the anthropomorphic space’s supposedly natural love of order (once more something hardly in keeping with the architectonic norms of postmodernism). It’s easy in deconstructive terms to get all worked up about this simple tautology, but it’s harder to ignore it within the framework of the story–unless, of course, you are prepared to take upon yourself the stigma of disorder as a matter of principle.

    The third variant of disorder is no less anthropomorphic than the others. Its point of departure is a self-willed, mischievous room bearing the number 229; its “Kabbalistic sum” is said to equal the number thirteen, which “is a number of excess and trickery.” (47) This room has an appropriately subversive effect on visitors: “I suspect that one night here is enough to get them trapped, to bring unquiet dreams, to hold them a little longer, to bring out desires and overturn carefully laid plans.” (47) The minor inundation mentioned earlier also had its origin in this room, which induces an intensified sense of corporeality and narcissistic self-alienation in the chambermaid: “The room encloses me within itself, cradles me. It is a most tender if non-physical caress, this embrace which only a closed space can give you.” (48) And:

    I feel distinctly that my body exists. . . . I am aware of my skin, conscious that it’s alive and breathing, that it has its own scent, and I can feel my hair where it touches my ears. I like then to get up and look at myself in the mirror which never spares me a surprise. Is this me? Really me? (48)Were the narrator not being caressed by the room around her one could suppose that Lacan and his mirror stage were lurking somewhere in the wings. For the corporeal and narcissistic feeling of insecurity experienced by the chambermaid is further intensified by the gaze of a guest that severs the chambermaid’s metaphysical bond with the space around her. Thus “the established [literally: eternal] order is inverted. My cleaning is no longer omnipotent, it becomes emptied of meaning” (49).

    It could at first seem that the presence of the unashamedly gazing guest shatters the Apollonian dream space of the chambermaid and revives precisely that patriarchal order that in Hotel World could only be overcome temporarily by accident and through deceit. Yet here, too, space and the metaphysical service code offer a way out. As soon as the chambermaid leaves the room she is able to recuperate in that very depth of space which was the death of Sara Wilby: “I . . . stop in front of the banister separating a stairwell two or three storeys high. I look down and see only the ground floor from here. And–as usual–not a soul about. . . .] This is the best relaxation: to look down to where everything becomes progressively smaller and more distant, less clear, more illusory” (50). The spatial haven of the theist perspective has been restored–but with a built-in personal or human dimension of self-deception.

    If the solidarity among subalterns in Hotel World is characterized by a fleeting, Nietzschean love for pure strangers, then in “Hotel Capital” it reveals itself to be genetic, object-oriented and monist. The justification for this is provided by the Castilian laundryman Pedro, who resembles a bearded missionary and who draws on an originary history of language and etymology to make his point. When people “in times of old” were wandering across Europe and Asia they carried their languages with them “like banners. They formed great families, although they did not know each other; only the words were permanent” (41). Pedro “pulls out the roots from words as if stoning cherries,” and those listening to his lecture slowly realize that they all “spoke the same language long ago” (41). Although this doesn’t quite apply to everyone–the narrator is (unjustifiably) afraid to ask about her own Polish language, and a woman from Nigeria “pretends not to understand,” everyone wants to take cover under the “dark swirling cloud of prehistory”(9) (41) that Pedro stretches over their heads. This emblematic, genetic concept of language has a direct counterpart in the Swedish Bible that the narrator finds in the room of the dying Swede:

    I cannot understand anything and yet all seems so familiar. A red bookmark marks the Book of Ecclesiastes. I run my eye along the page and I have the impression that I am beginning to understand it. First individual words and then whole phrases float out of memory and mix with the print. “That which hath been is now; and that which is to be hath already been; and God requires that which is past.” [The Polish Bible translation is much more emphatic; the last phrase reads: “And God will restore that which is past.” R.E.] (53-54)6

    These are, as the narrator remarks, “the most mysterious words of the Holy Book” (54). The foreign words behave like small hollow objects into which human memory breathes spiritual life; through her ritually mediated reading the narrator experiences the possibility of an originary, linguistic and sacral unity in the sense of Mircea Eliade’s illud tempus. In Eric Gans’s terminology, this understanding of language is also ostensive. This reading is neither a hermeneutic exegesis nor an act of inscribing oneself in an always already existing network of signs. Rather, it is a ritual making-present of a prehistorical moment in which the sign is experienced as object-related, but also as conflict-resolving and divine: as a performance.

    The Politics of Space and Beauty: “The Hotel Capital” and The God of Small Things

    At this point, it is justified to ask about the political implications of “The Hotel Capital.” Tokarczuk’s depiction of a monolithic world order is in many respects no less critical than Smith’s. However, unlike the no-win world of spontaneous, mindless resistance depicted in Hotel World, Tokarczuk assumes the possibility of resacralizing and re-aestheticizing capitalism from within–a strategy that the alterity-loving theoreticians of postcolonialism may slowly have to get used to themselves. For whoever wants to construct positive regional or individual identity under the conditions of an all-encompassing global capitalism will practically be forced to create closed spaces inside that order in which desirable values of some kind congeal into more or less coherent form–the “chutneyfication of history,” as Mita Banerjee (2002) has aptly called it.(10)

    Thus a postideological, regionally oriented book like Arundhati Roy’s The God of Small Things seeks to transcend oppression, discrimination and loss of identity by welding a genetic and erotic originary bond (incest between siblings), by sensually amalgamating words and languages (English and Malayalam) and by plotting the erotic union of two loving individuals across caste boundaries.(11) The same focus on intimate aesthetic bonding is no less apparent in her political writings, which can hardly be accused of fostering sympathy for capitalism. In her well-known polemic “The End of Imagination,” Roy even goes so far as to suggest that beauty, which is usually high up on anyone’s list of essentialist taboos, is the direct answer to the threat posed by the Indian Bomb:

    There is beauty yet in this brutal, damaged world of ours. Hidden, fierce, immense. Beauty that is uniquely ours and beauty that we have received with grace from others, enhanced, reinvented and made our own. We have to seek it out, nurture it, love it. Making bombs will only destroy us. (Roy 1998)Roy performs in practice what Tobin Siebers has suggested in theory when he links Kant’s notion of beauty with otherness and with an explicitly political notion of shared affect:

    Beauty arrives at political form by virtue of the shared experience of affect. The vision of the beautiful object is also a vision of a beautiful “we” because it compels individuals to expose private feelings to the judgment of other people while at the same time imagining them as members of an affective community that shares common goals and objects. (1998, 48)The effect of beauty’s conceptually inexplicable otherness is thus to create a new, potentially reconciliatory set towards “thingness” in its most positive and pleasing manifestation.

    In a postideological world beauty can, as Roy vividly demonstrates, become that positively charged other that is uniquely suited to combating an economically unshakeable but “ugly” political order. This is no doubt also the reason why Roy (who is not a religious believer) deliberately spiritualizes her aesthetic credo. Seen this way, the “God of small things” is none other than the God of beauty, which in Kantian terms has a modest or human scale and applies to the intrinsic qualities of things rather than to interchangeable, subjective characteristics assigned to them after the fact. Kant’s equating of beauty with smallness makes possible the confluence of the human and the transcendent in terms still acceptable to secular individuals.

    Since “Hotel Capital” was written before the actual advent of capitalism in Poland and because Tokarczuk has since then addressed historical and psychological rather than topical themes, it’s not as easy to pigeonhole her politically as it is Roy.(12) All in all, though, Tokarczuk remains a good deal more comfortable with closed space and capitalism than does Roy, whose plot stresses boundary transgression,(13) and whose politics are in conventional terms left-wing. Also, unlike Roy, whose chutney-like mix of Malayalam and Anglo-American culture is still very much a thing of her own making, Tokarczuk comes from a Central European culture steeped in venerable literary traditions and an acute sense of national history; she has plenty of time and opportunity to seek out the closed spaces in it in which to cast out her projections. Although not exactly an apology for globalism, her story suggests the possibility of a spatial accommodation with the capitalist world order that would probably be foreign to Roy.

    Sevenchurch

    This kind of inner accommodation does not, however, apply to all Central European writers addressing their respective countries’ sudden re-immersion in capitalism. In the following discussion I would like to touch briefly on another book from post-Communist Europe that also stresses space and order but which presents them expressly in terms of the sublime.

    The work in question is Miloš Urban’s Sevenchurch. A Gothic Novel of Prague (1999),(14) whose basic plot motif is the struggle for control over post-postmodern space and form. Echoing an old theme of Czech culture, the book sets the Gothic style of the Czech high Middle Ages against the Baroque of the Counterreformation, whose onset coincided with the long-term loss of Czech national sovereignty. The main protagonists of Sevenchurch are all enthusiastic, not to say fanatical admirers of the Gothic and detractors of the Baroque, whose ornamental bombast and playful superficiality are clearly reminiscent of postmodernism. The Gothic, by contrast, is declared to be the only epoch at all capable of realizing architectonic transcendence:

    The Gothic architects were the only ones to resist the dictates of antiquity; they came up with a style that did the impossible: it realized the victory of spirit over matter in human dwellings. In all preceding and following epochs exactly the opposite was the case. (64)The hero and narrator of the novel, a failed history student and ex-policeman named Švach, is gradually initiated into the plans of a mysterious sect that seeks to roll back democracy in favor of a medieval regime. As the leader of the sect declares:

    Monarchy is a thousand times better than democracy. Democracy is dynamic and quick-moving, it reckons with the permanent growth of everything possible and impossible, it thrives on a cult of innovation. How monstrous! How erroneous! How against the order of the universe! By worshiping enlightenment, prosperity and functionality this loudmouthed democracy has taken us to where we are now–the end of Western humanity. (300)7

    These tirades are embedded in a detective story emphasizing the sublime, “gothic” side of the narrator-hero’s perspective as he uncovers ever new atrocities and eavesdrops on ominous sexual practices (part of this, incidentally, takes place in the corridors of a dark, labyrinthine hotel). After the zenith of sublime terror has been achieved–the hero is subjected to a fake execution–we find out that the sect has already achieved its goal. Švach, who has now become a faithful disciple of the group, informs us that the center of Prague has been cut off from the surrounding world and is being ruled according to the cruel dictates of the “wonderful, beatific 14th century” (326).

    As in “Hotel Capital,” Sevenchurch forces a spatially defined monist order upon the reader. However, this now occurs using the specific means of what might be called the archaic sublime. In his novel Urban carries out that “rollback” of the Enlightenment that Tokarczuk suggests only in passing. This odd novelistic performance is neither ideological in nature–the real-life Urban is not a monarchist–nor can it be explained as an exercise in infinite postmodern regress. You could, I suppose, argue that the backwards-directed plot is simply a ploy meant to expose a weak hero to arbitrary manipulation by an infinitely receding author (the hero’s name “Švach,” which means “weak” in German, might support this). Problematic about this however is that there is no immediate possibility of regress behind the Medieval scenario; there is no mise en abyme into which the author nonchalantly plunges after having left the reader holding the bag (what Ali Smith does in Hotel World). Rather, we are confronted with a setup or frame similar to that in “Hotel Capital.” The point is not that we actually identify with the sect’s claims about Gothic style, but that we more or less involuntarily assume a position of terrified awe vis-à-vis the text. Upon finishing the book, we are transfixed and stunned by its representation of the victory of a whole, monist order without necessarily agreeing with its actual content.(15)

    The text, in other words, carries out what might be called a performative gesture. The reader is forced to assume a unified attitude that is only possible within the framework of the given work; assuming this attitude is in turn what allows an aesthetically rewarding reading to occur in the first place. We ourselves remain in an aesthetically defined, sublime space that exposes us alternately to waves of pleasure and terror and keeps us from making practical ideological or conceptual judgments. If we did try to make such judgments nonetheless, we would merely conclude that this sublime vantage point allowing us to obliterate the Enlightenment at one stroke is guaranteed by the aesthetic principles of precisely that Enlightenment for which that stroke is intended.

    All in all, the performance in Sevenchurch allows us to assume the cognitive position of a terrorist without having to share his or her practical interests. This sublime or terrorist monism comprises a necessary counterpart to the monolithic capitalist world order, whose metaphysical destruction must take place all at once in order to be truly gratifying (we will recall that in the Butlerian ambience of Hotel World the unshakeable hegemony of global capitalism is expressly confirmed: resistance takes place only partially, in a mode of murky, haphazard solidarity among victims). Rather than wallowing in a victimary mode, Sevenchurch employs a “high” aesthetic that allows you to let off your resentment all at once in an act of sublime projection and identification. And, needless to say, it leaves behind more than enough irony, allusion, and loose ends to keep further interpretations alive. The Gothic ideal propounded by the sect, for example, contains elements both of Communist internationalism and of Czech national ideology and appears to mock the nostalgic yearning for both.

    Conclusion

    These examples suggest that the switch to a radical monist, postmillennial or performatist kind of consciousness is not exactly going to cause writers or other artists to burst out in hosannas to global capitalism. What it does mean, though, is that the thing that Eric Gans calls victimary politics (of which Hotel World is a prime example) is going to grow increasingly outmoded as an aesthetic device. In part, this is due to the ubiquity of victimary argumentation itself. The ironic act of displaying your political impotence on the one hand and flaunting your epistemological superiority on the other has by now become an entirely predictable exercise even for those who agree with its political aims. However, the rise of radical monism also appears to meet a real cultural need to create spatially discrete identities or performances within global capitalism that would enable forms of totalized or holistic resistance to it.

    Using the examples I have discussed here as a rough guide, you could speak of a “right,” a “left” and a sublime or “terrorist” path to this goal. The “right” method is not uncritical of capitalism. However, it tries to work within it by creating inspirational projections in its inner space (by aspirating what Sloterdijk calls spheres or foams–whole pockets of belief, faith, truth etc.). The “left” strategy corresponds roughly to the attempt to amalgamate variegated otherness into an appealing, tasteful object of cultural identity (a nice hot chutney, so to speak). This strategy seems particularly appropriate to postcolonial writers, as it would allow them to reify attributes from their own cultures that are at the same time universally binding or “necessary” for others to enjoy in the Kantian sense. Finally, the “terrorist” alternative suggests the possibility of a total critique of capitalism that takes place in the mode of “as if.” The terrorist aesthete will play va banque with the sublime possibility of a radical monist alternative to capitalism, postmodern society or Western culture per se(16) (although this doesn’t mean that we must now be on the lookout for a novel by Osama bin Laden).

    Summing up, the performatist works by Tokarczuk, Roy and Urban can all be subsumed under the broader umbrella of what might be called “anthropological Kantianism.” In the new literature, Kantian notions of subjectivity and aesthetic judgment are being applied–sometimes quite consciously–to topical problems relating to the role of individuals and cultures in the era of global capitalism. In the process, these Kantian notions have been modified and adapted to a new, specifically monist mindset that runs counter to Kant’s original (and possibly also misinterpreted) dualism of mind and matter.(17) The innovative crux of this adaptation lies in what I call the performance.(18) The author knows there is a split between mind and matter (or some other basic duality), but nonetheless forces us to identify with the possibility of transcending it per formam–by passing with our mind’s eye and with our bodily emotions through form. The “reward” for engaging in this formally mediated identification or projection is an aesthetic, performatist pleasure which transcends the dualism of cognitive vs. physical; the “punishment” for dismantling that projection is to live in the epistemologically correct but joyless state of knowing that is postmodernism. In performatism, aesthetics trumps epistemology. Art is a privileged place where secular individuals will once again be able to experience transcendence, albeit only under limited, artificial conditions.

    There is little doubt that the most appropriate philosophical, psychological, and sociological sources for dealing with this “closed” situation with its specific, positive projections can be found in the Kantian tradition. Reclaiming this long line of Western thought for performatism/postmillennialism is a project that must, however, remain reserved for further studies.

    8

    Bibliography

    Banerjee, Mita. 2002. The Chutneyfication of History. Salman Rushdie, Michael Ondaatje, Bharati Mukherjee and the Postcolonial Debate. Heidelberg: Carl Winter.

    Bereś, Stanisław. 2002. Historia literatury polskiej w rozmowach. XX-XXI wiek. Warsaw.

    Collins, Arthur. 1999. Possible Experience: Understanding Kant’s Critique of Pure Reason. Berkeley: Univ. of California Press.

    Derrida, Jacques. 1987. The Truth in Painting. Chicago: Univ. of Chicago Press.

    Derrida, Jacques. 1990. “Some Statements and Truisms about Neologisms, Newisms, Postisms, Parasitisms, and other Small Seisms.” In The States of ‘theory’: history, art, and critical discourse, pp. 63-94. Edited by David Carroll, New York: Columbia Univ. Press.

    Eagleton, Terry. 2004. After Theory. Cambridge, Mass.: Basic Books.

    Eliade, Mircea. 1987. The Sacred and the Profane. The Nature of Religion. San Diego: Harcourt.

    Eshelman, Raoul. 2001. “Thematischer und performativer Minimalismus bei Eric Gans und Viktor Pelevin.” In Minimalismus. Zwischen Leere und Exzeß. Edited by Mirjam Goller und George Witte, pp. 233-247. Wiener Slawistischer Almanach. Sonderband 51.

    Eshelman, Raoul. 2004. “Aus der Epoche auschecken: Die Spätpostmoderne in Ali Smiths Hotel World und deren performatistische Überwindung in Olga Tokarczuks Numery (Zimmernummern) und Miloš Urbans Sedmikostelí (Die Rache der Baumeister). Poetica 1-2, pp. 193-219.

    Foucault, Michel. 1977. Language, Counter-memory, Practice. Selected Essays and Interviews. Ithaca: Cornell Univ. Press.

    Gans, Eric. 2004. “Originary and/or Kantian Aesthetics.” Poetica 35 (2003), pp. 335-353.

    Groys, Boris. 2000. Unter Verdacht. Munich: Hanser.

    Michaels, Walter Benn. 2004. The Shape of the Signifier. 1967 to the End of History. Princeton: Princeton Univ. Press.

    Oberhausen, Michael. 1997. Das neue Apriori: Kants Lehre von einer ‘ursprünglichen Erwerbung’ apriorischer Vorstellungen. Stuttgart-Bad Cannstatt: frommann-holzboog.

    Rapaport, Herman. 2001. The Theory Mess. Deconstruction in Eclipse. New York: Columbia Univ. Press.

    Roy, Arundhati. 1997. The God of Small Things. London: Flamingo.

    Roy, Arundhati. 1999. “The End of Imagination.” The Guardian, 1 August.

    Siebers, Tobin. 1998. “Kant and the Politics of Beauty.” Philosophy and Literature 1 (1998), pp. 31-50.

    Sloterdijk, Peter. 2000. Sphären I. Blasen. Frankfurt a.M.: Suhrkamp.

    Sloterdijk, Peter. 2004. Sphären III. Schäume. Frankfurt a.M.: Suhrkamp.

    Smith, Ali. 2001. Hotel World. London: Penguin.

    Tokarczuk, Olga. 1998. “The Hotel Capital.” Granta 72 (2000), pp.35-54.

    Tokarczuk, Olga. 2001. Lalka i perła. Cracow: Wydawnictwo Literackie.

    Urban, Milos. 1999. Sedmikostelí. Prague: Argo.

    Notes

    1. This article is my own emendated translation of Eshelman 2004. In particular, I have rewritten the introductory and concluding remarks to accommodate Anglo-Saxon readers. (back)

    2. At the end of his most recent book, Michaels concludes that “history, as of this writing, is still over” (Michaels 2004, 182). (back)

    3. It is conceivable that Smith, who also works as a literary critic, was familiar with the English translation of Tokarczuk’s story, which appeared in the prominent English literary magazine Granta. (back)

    4. Italics in the original. (back)

    5. See in this regard Gans’s interpretation of Kant in terms of GA (2004, 344): “The ultimate source of our pleasure in the ‘formal finality’ of aesthetic representation is not our ‘cognitive faculties’ but our intuition that the community’s shared participation in this finality or representational intentionality will protect us from mimetic violence. The aesthetic performs a function analogous to that attributed by Durkheim to religious ritual: it reinforces our solidarity with the sacred center and, through its mediation, with our fellow members of the human community.” As Gans points out, Kant ignores these social pressures and the violence implicit in them in his own definition of aesthetics: “The pleasure in the moment of sharing exists only against a constantly renewed background of ‘painful’ desire that Kant does not mention” (343). (back)

    6. See the classic phrasing in § 22 of his Critique of Judgment. Kant, of course, suggests that this “necessity” is an expression of absolute cognitive freedom and does not consider the force that the text exerts upon the reader. (back)

    9

    7. In the last volume of his philosophical trilogy “Spheres” Sloterdijk uses the ungrammatical metaphor of “foams” (“Schäume”) to describe the inner experience of a modern life “developing in a multi-focal, multi-perspectival and heterarchical way” (2004, 23). “Foams” serve as a post-metaphysical emblem of heterogeneous interiority and dyadic bonding as it occurs in modern and postmodern culture. (back)

    8. In the case of Tokarczuk, these regulations are almost certainly derived from C. J. Jung’s teachings on dreams and archetypes as well as from Mircea Eliade’s studies on religion (readers familiar with Polish can check up on this for themselves in Tokarczuk 2001 and Bereś 2002). In the former book, an essay on Prus’s realist classic The Doll, Tokarczuk borrows the concept of a higher ego or “observer” from Jung; the observer encompasses the authorial ego and influences it in a symbolic way that cannot be reconstructed rationally (2001, 16-18). The chambermaid, so one must assume, is a personified instrument of the author, who is in turn guided by this higher, originary and apriori source of authority. In this regard it is significant, as Sloterdijk has pointed out in a different context, that Jung’s “observer” is derived from a tradition encompassing both the tutelary gods of antiquity and Kant’s formula “I think” (Sloterdijk 2000, 426 and 454). (back)

    9. My emendation. “Prehistory” was left out of the English translation. (back)

    10. Banerjee is unfortunately still stuck in a typically late poststructuralist vicious circle causing her to vacillate between a merciless, endless critique of essentialism and the desire to construct positive, albeit illusionary identities. In the end, she opts for Gayatri Spivak’s “strategic essentialism,” which licenses you to employ artificial essences in spite of knowing better epistemologically (2002, 37). For similar reasons she apparently feels compelled to mix the gooey, vibrant chutney metaphor with the by now rather dessicated poststructuralist image of the textual palimpsest. (back)

    11. I’ve treated The God of Small Things in greater detail in an as yet unpublished article entitled “Performatism in Literature. After Postmodernism.” (back)

    12. Her only book translated into English, House of Day, House of Night (Evanston: Northwestern Univ. Press, 2000; Polish orig. 1998), is fairly typical of her recent work; it uses individual, often rather bizarre projections comparable to those of the chambermaid to sketch out the history of the Silesian border village where the author lives. (back)

    13. Although with a transcendent twist. Compare this striking passage from The God of Small Things:

    Perhaps, Ammu, Estha and she [Rahel] were the worst transgressors. But it wasn’t just them. It was the others too. They all broke the rules. They all crossed into forbidden territory. They all tampered with the laws that lay down who should be loved and how. And how much. The laws that make grandmothers grandmothers, uncles uncles, mothers mothers, cousins cousins, jam jam and jelly jelly. […] It was a time when the unthinkable became thinkable and the impossible really happened. (1997, 31) (back)14. The novel has been translated into German as Die Rache der Baumeister. Ein Kriminalroman aus Prag (Berlin: Rowohlt, 2001). (back)

    15. By contrast, Urban’s other recent book, Hastrman [Prague: Argo, 2001; roughly: The water demon], supplies us with a plausible object of ideological identification. The half-piscine, half-human hero, who in the 19th century acts as a cruel avenger of human hubris, returns in the 20th as a merciless green terrorist. In the end, however, he is able to recognize the superiority of a political or symbolic vengeance over a purely physical one. In this case, Urban draws on Kant directly. The amoral, fish-like hero, who in the 19th century once boasted of “the starry sky within me and the moral law beside me” (29) becomes a true Kantian in the 20th: he recognizes that the green commune whose members he helps “have at least for the time being foregone their egoism and have become parts of a perfectly functioning whole.” (393) Realizing that his avenging function is superfluous, the hero allows himself to be violently and ritually sacrificed for the good of the green cause—something entirely in keeping with the tenets of an archaically founded Kantianism. (back)

    16. In Russian culture the main proponent of this line is Viktor Pelevin, best known in America for his novel Buddha’s Little Finger (New York: Penguin, 2001). I’ve treated Pelevin in more detail in my German-language article Eshelman 2001, which compares his fictional monism and approach to capitalism with Gans’s GA. (back)

    17. Recent studies on Kant, most notably Collins (1999) and Oberhausen (1997), contend that Kant’s philosophy is neither dualist nor idealist. Collins, in particular, denies that Kant “reduces perceived spatial objects to perceptions or to any other mental reality” (1999, 1) and tries to liberate Kant’s Critique of Pure Reason from a long history of what he regards as idealist misinterpretations. Oberhausen, for his part, maintains that Kant viewed apriori perception as acquired and not innate, something that would open the door to a revitalization of Kant’s supposedly mechanistic notions of how we apprehend time and space. If these new readings are correct, we would be dealing with a monist, constructivist Kant whose philosophy would have a direct affinity with the new monist semiotics. (back)

    18. Not to be confused, of course, with poststructuralist concepts of performativity, which stress a weak, belatedly constructed subject and/or locate performativity in the dysfunctional aspects of the speech act. For an incisive critique of the postmodern notion of performance see Michaels 2004, 140-143. (back)