Author: staceymeeker

  • “Like God in the universe”

    Probably the most famous line in Gustave Flaubert’s voluminous correspondence is the following:

    L’auteur, dans son œuvre, doit-être comme Dieu dans l’univers, présent partout, et visible nulle part.  (To Louise Colet, December 9, 1852)

    The author, in his work, must be like God in the universe, everywhere present, and nowhere visible.

    The basic analogy between the author and God strikes us as banal; the point we recall is the nowhere visible that reflects Flaubert’s post-romantic ideal of the impersonal “realist” novelist, dogmatically respected by Zola and the naturalists, for whom, in contrast with writers before 1848, the novelist’s persona must be excluded from the world of the novel.

    We understand this text as revealing a truth about authors. But we must learn no longer to leave the sacred exclusively to those engaged in religious activity, to priests and saints and theologians, as though the rest of us were unqualified to have insight into it. Flaubert’s line about the author is just as much a revelation about God.

    The religious institutionalization of the sacred has been a powerful force throughout the history of civilization, a force against which, for only the first time self-confidently, the emerging modernity of the Enlightenment largely defined itself. Yet today, when religious institutions have lost much of their overall influence as well as virtually all relevance to our understanding of the natural world, it is all the more important to remain aware that the sacred remains no less pertinent to human activities and interactions.

    Although we tend to split off the sacred from other aspects of culture, it is as central to the human as every other aspect of the ontological transcendence that defines us, and that cannot exist without it. I am increasingly persuaded that GA’s major task may well be to rehabilitate the sacred as an anthropological concept, demystifying it of its taboo status outside the religious domain. As Roy Rappaport grasped, the sacred, like language, is coextensive with the human.


    Read in this way, few statements affirm more clearly than Flaubert’s the unity of human culture, from the sign to ritual and art. The God/author is the controlling subject of the world of his creation in the arts and, more humbly, in language itself. Although we rarely think of it, we take for granted that when reading a novel, watching a film, attending a concert, we voluntarily become passive spectators of a scene that, unlike the scenes of everyday life, takes place explicitly under the aegis of a “sacred” creator. Nor would we choose to experience artworks in the absence of a desire to inhabit a world for which a human subject, analogous to God for the believer yet requiring only a temporary “leap of faith,” can be held wholly responsible.

    The 20th century experimented with the historical limits of all the diverse art-forms. In each case we can understand these experiments as testing the limits of the artist’s sacred power; each act of creation is founded on the premise that the work in question, however unsatisfying it may appear to us at first glance, will nonetheless respond to our act of faith by granting a satisfactory resolution to the desires it generates.

    In the case of music in particular, we have clear physiological criteria for distinguishing harmonious from inharmonious sounds. Although anyone can slap paint on a canvas or put some words together and call it a “poem,” only a skilled musician can credibly create music in public or on paper. Yet given these credentials, we are willing to give the benefit of the doubt to what may sound to us like pure cacophony in hopes that, through keeping our faith with the creative intention of the composer, some new form of musical coherence will emerge.


    The other day I was reading a novel in which an unhappy and not very successful man loves a younger woman, whom he hopes he can entice to marry him. Throughout much of the story his desire appears wholly unrealistic, but toward the end it begins to seem increasingly possible.

    By this stage, having been led to sympathize with the protagonist despite some unpleasant traits, I “wanted” him to succeed. Finally, when his only rival, whom the lady had clearly favored, left the area without even saying goodbye to her, let alone proposing marriage, I became hopeful that there would indeed be a “happy ending.”

    But I was wrong. Not that in retrospect I was really surprised; the overall tone of the novel was hardly one of happily-ever-after (in fact, on learning of his rejection, our hero commits suicide). But the important point in the present context is that, in my hope for his success, my attitude toward the author was so to speak one of prayer: I wished that the fellow could be made happy, while at the same time recognizing that I had no power to make him so, and could only submit myself to the author’s sacred will.

    In some cases of this type, of course, we feel justified in maintaining an active disagreement with the author, and will speak of turns in the plot that strike us as “unfair” or “unjustified.” And even in a work that is generally admired, if we remain unconvinced that divine justice has been done, we may strike it and perhaps its author from our personal pantheon. Indeed, part of the interest in experiencing new works of art lies precisely in our freedom to judge their author’s intention on the basis of our own intuition of sacred/cultural providence.

    Today, when wokism incites people to express a priori contempt for Bach and Beethoven as dead white males, those steeped in Western culture have lost much of their former self-confidence in its “judgment of taste.” David P. Goldman in particular has ironically noted that it is in the autocratic “Eastern” world of China that the respect for, and performance of, the great Western musical classics is now at the highest level, while our orchestra directors increasingly concern themselves with diversity, equity, and inclusion.

    The question behind all this continues to be: why indeed do we care about such things? Why do we feel obliged to carry out an act of faith in “believing” in a writer or artist or composer, so that we feel let down when this faith is disappointed? After all, artworks are not religious scripture. When we speak of a detractor of Hamlet or the Mona Lisa as “blaspheming,” the term is given and taken with a grain of salt. But before we reach for the saltshaker, we must recognize that the similarity cannot simply be dismissed, given the proportion of our time and emotional energy most of us spend absorbed in worlds governed by their creator’s fictional sacred.


    The 20th-century history of cultural criticism, particularly that of literature, reflected an increased awareness that our attitudes toward God and toward the artist are versions of the same thing, that there is a significant homology between religious texts and literary ones. That René Girard among others became interested in anthropology through his activity in literary criticism reflected a growing intuition throughout the last century that artworks, and literary works in particular, provide the most important documentation of fundamental anthropological relationships, both those of a given epoch and in general. Although students are often asked to “read the Bible as literature,” the more important development is that over the past century our more astute critics have found insightful ways of reading literature as Bible, or what Northrop Frye called secular scripture.

    How then does the explicit focus on the connection between our experience of literary texts and the anthropology of the sacred advance our understanding of the human? To adopt this focus is not to reject previous analyses that have failed to take the sacred explicitly into account; on the contrary, like M. Jourdain’s discovery that he had always been speaking in prose, explicit focus on the sacred merely clarifies the category into which criticism and the study/enjoyment of literature have always fallen. But this realization obliges us at the same time to realize that the sacred plays a far greater role in our “secular” lives than we generally admit.

    Religious sects have often placed a taboo on secular and/or religious art. We usually interpret the first of these interdictions along the lines of “forbidding amusements,” such as dancing or playing games—setting aside for the moment that such activities too contain a sacred element—rather than as a way of safeguarding the sacred from profanation, as with the interdictions on creating images of Islam’s Prophet or the Jewish One God (even whose name in any language is never written or pronounced by Orthodox Jews, who write “G-d” and in Hebrew refer to him as Hashem, “the name”).

    But although the tension between art and religion is obvious in such cases, it is noteworthy that the interdiction, e.g., of the theater in Calvinist Geneva, is never referred to as a ban on the idolatry of the author-Subject. In contrast, we recall that in ancient Greece, the Homeric and other epics, and later, stage plays, were performed at religious festivals. The glory of polytheism, whose esthetic benefits at least have not lost their power, was that one needed make no hard distinction between a human’s and a god’s subjectivity in their domains of authority. The Greek tragedian’s interpretation of the actions of gods or of men was not required to pass a test of canonization; public performance was tantamount to consecration.

    For the sacred is implicit in every artifact of human culture. The originary hypothesis recognizes its role not simply in novels or paintings but in the sign that was the unifying element of the originary scene, making it the saving alternative to potentially deadly individual attempts at appropriation.

    This is in no way to deny the difference between the mediation of the sacred in the communication of a sign, a sentence, or a narrative told for a practical purpose, in contrast with a narration or an artwork that reconstitutes the originary creation of the human scene. But it is a difference only of degree.

    We accept the other’s subjectity, his controlling role in a communication of which we can be only passive recipients, with respect to everyday utterances, although we would not think to put this mastery in parallel with God’s role in his creation. The scene of language in this minimal sense is not experienced by the speaker as analogous to the universe created by the artist, into which the hearer is expected to enter in a respectful silence that has a clear similarity to that of the faithful in a religious ceremony. Indeed, the separation between these two modes was the basis for the distinction I drew in The Origin of Language between “formal” and “institutional” representation.

    Yet it is nonetheless true that the authorial role is not reserved to artists; it is a normal human one that requires no contact with the world of art or of religion to adopt. Each child learning language experiences the power it gives him over his listeners, and will at a certain point typically attempt to prolong it, proudly showing parents and teachers his drawings or recounting his adventures for the pleasure of holding their attention. In contrast with their passive training for religious activities, young humans have no difficulty in spontaneously adopting the authorial sacred.

    On the other hand, we must resist any temptation to take such activities for granted as though they were mere extensions of the “natural” attributes of our fellow primates. Just as even the most intelligent animals do not point, they do not author; birds sing but do not compose, which is no more than to say that they have no concept of subjectity, of being the Godlike composer, a concept that depends on the exclusively human idea of the sacred, of ontological transcendence.

    In these ominous times, if we are to arrive at a deeper understanding of the human in its specificity as a means to preserve our Abrahamic culture from decadence, we must above all learn, or relearn, our originary relationship to the sacred.

  • The Sacred/Significant

    The characteristically human configuration of the scene, normally with a central focus of attention, but whose authority may be relaxed to the point of a decentralized “happening,” implicitly depends on the originary subordination of the periphery to sacred central firstness. Any analysis of scenic/cultural activities must take this configuration into account, all the more when the scene takes on an anarchistic form as if in an orgiastic revolt against the originary superego. Animals hold no black masses; unlike reflexive inhibition, ontological constraint provokes perversity.

    It is difficult for us to register the fact that only humans experience scenes and signs, which depend on joint shared attention, that is, on the attribution to a designated object of a transcendental status which obliges us to abandon our previous activity to attend to it. Unlike Alpha-Beta seriality, this opposition between center and periphery is known only to humans. Thus our ape cousins do not point, in the sense of the Zen master’s “look at the moon and not at my finger.”

    Even the most elaborate example of one-to-many animal communication, the bee dance first analyzed by Karl von Frisch, does not involve anything like a scene. The returning bee does not provide a central focus, but in dancing makes physical contact with the individuals to which it transmits the parameters (angle/direction and distance) of the pollen source it has discovered. (See https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=bFDGPgXtK-U for a detailed discussion.)

    If serial and transcendental/ontological firstness are easily confused, it is because, beyond quotidian activities such as lining up for different kinds of services, the institutional use of serial firstness in elections, examinations, rating applicants for positions, etc., grants to the winners of competitions access to a higher (“transcendent”) status than those who are not elected or hired. Similarly, we stage athletic and other competitions to reaffirm the logic of ontological firstness: the first is/are pronounced not merely relatively but significantly superior, and accordingly receive medals and prizes as signs of this distinction.

    The historical passage from the serial firstness of the Alpha ape to the transcendental firstness of kingship began with the establishment of an egalitarian human society, defined by humans’ symmetrical participation in scenic activities, notably the division of food, under the aegis of the sacred. Only the Neolithic Revolution some ten thousand years ago, by introducing sedentary agriculture and its vast improvement in productivity, led to the replacement of this egalitarian system by social hierarchy, evolving from Marshall Sahlins’ big-man who eats less than the fellows he supplies with food into the emperor or pharaoh whose life is worth that of thousands of his countrymen.

    In administering our various institutions, we understand the firstness of supervisors on various levels as an ontological distinction opposing them to their subordinates, with the most exalted positions of leadership, such as kingship, being explicitly modeled on the transcendent status of the sacred. In contrast, comparable centrality in animal societies, such as the place of the queen among social insects, is not interactively but biologically determined.


    In anthropological matters, although it is constantly question of the sacred, defining what the sacred is is constantly deferred. Because the sacred is a dynamic phenomenon whose essence is relational and not a priori incarnate in any worldly or supernatural being, it is habitually apprehended in its cultural embodiments—gods, spirits, taboos—rather than grasped as an essence, a thing-in-itself.

    The dramatically enhanced mastery of reality by the human scene in the West since the start of the Industrial Revolution has made the persistence of its original sacred consecration come to appear to the scientific world as a superstition, super-stitio, a holdover from what Auguste Comte would call its “metaphysical” past. The social sciences are products of this gradual expulsion of the sacred from modern culture.

    In the absence of a genuinely anthropological conception of the sacred, two centuries of secularization have led to the near-universal refusal of the social sciences to recognize the sacred basis of the human scene, just as they do their best to ignore the ontological difference between human and animal signs. Linguists view human language as unique not in its very principle, but exclusively in its syntactical capacity to combine signs recursively. In general, the discontinuity that provides prima facie evidence of a qualitative, ontological difference between animal and human is treated as irrelevant, on the tacit assumption that it will ultimately be shown to be explicable by the cumulative effects of quantitative evolution.

    The great religions are those whose embodiments of the sacred clarify its sense; they have historically accomplished this more effectively than any metaphysical exposition of ontological transcendence, including even Derrida’s pregnant notion of la différance. But I think it is time for science to bracket the question of religious belief and seek to understand the sacred as an anthropological category. After all, if science and religion share one trait, it is indeed their common humility before revelation, whether empirical or transcendental.


    The ontological firstness of the sacred has the particularity that it can be defined only by its effects. Whence the strangeness of the nominal “the sacred,” which I find easier to conceive as the cognate of the French le sacré, as in Girard’s La violence et le sacré. This absence of a true noun is no accident. Nor does conceiving “the sacred” in the same way as “the green” or “the old,” that is, as the total membership of the category to which the adjective applies, tell us anything about what criterion allows us to identify it, given its lack of worldly/empirical reference.

    Could its context be defined in advance, the conferral of a status analogous to that of the “first,” but detached from its normal serial meaning, would be no more mysterious than naming the trump suit in a card game. The difficulty is that this status cannot be defined a priori otherwise than by its difference (or différance)—whence the ambiguity that makes sacré the equivalent of “cursed” and sacrer of “to swear”—which originally referred in both languages to swearing a sacred oath. Rather than lament this situation, we should understand it as a demonstration of the sacred’s fundamental nature, less in a speculative ontology of “reality” or “the universe” than in defining human language and the human as such.

    This understanding requires as its preliminary step that we accept to consider the terms sacred and significant as synonyms: what is sacred is what is worthy of being designated by a sign. Let us bracket for the moment the “aborted gesture of appropriation” that provides the sign with its hypothetical worldly source. Then we will say that the attribution of a sign to an object/activity, in positing it as sacred/significant to the human community, endows it with an authoritative firstness that demands the deferral of the community’s current activities in order to direct their attention to it on a higher level, that of the sacred scene ontologically transcendent to the world.

    Although helpful in rendering our experience of it, calling the sacred a force or a will suggests its emanation from a transcendental being, a condition unacceptable to empirical realism. The force of the sacred can equally well be understood as the collective will of the human community within which it operates, but only by refusing to consider by what mechanism this will is “collected.” The fact that both Freud and Girard, in conceiving their scenarios of human origin, invoke a pervasive originary interdiction—in both cases as the result of a speculative “primal murder”—may be taken as evidence of the common source of their intuitions in the sacred mediation of the relations between the human individual and the community.

    This “extraworldly” form of mediation is inaugurated by the exchange of the signs of human language in the context of the deferral of appropriative action. Language operates physically within individual nervous systems, but it functions as a system of communication grounded on a higher ontological level than any of its worldly manifestations, just as the “type” of a sign is independent of any or all of its tokens.

    In the past, the term representation/Darstellung was commonly applied to language. Today the term strikes many as naïve, suggesting something like the inhabitants of Swift’s Lagado’s carrying sacks of “representative” items to display in lieu of words. But Swift’s joke demystifies not representation itself, but the naïve notion that words are just another variety of worldly things. Linguistic types, ideas, signifieds, do not exist in nature; they are inventions of the human mind. Their concrete manifestations, whether in books, recordings, or everyday speech, are never other than collections of tokens—tokens which, unlike the examples of living creatures or astronomical or geological formations, cannot be understood within an ontology lacking the layer that assigns a “meaning” to the sign. The sacred may then be minimally understood as the agency that permits the sharing of this transcendental relationship so that humans can use language to communicate with each other, beginning with the originary event in which the reciprocal exchange of the sign communicates the significance, the sacred interdiction, of the central object.


    It sounds bizarre to claim that the reason that the notion of the sacred has been viewed as a bone of contention between believers and unbelievers rather than as a fundamental anthropological category is simply the result of a “misunderstanding.” Yet the history of revelation has always been that of simple evidence, simpler than Archimedes’ Eureka! because dependent, not on detecting a previously hidden connection, but on clearing away the fog to see what had always been there.

    The simplest way to understand the sacred is simply to consider the role of the signs of language in everyday life. Whatever I am doing, an utterance of language has in principle the capacity to preempt my attention. Unlike animal calls and cries, which humans use on occasion as well, the use of language is a cultural act, one that in principle is presumed to take precedence over the ongoing state of affairs. If the linguistic irruption is considered inappropriate, we may say that it is comparable to the misuse of a sacred privilege.

    The sacred can then be defined most simply as the authority behind such preemption, an authority that may be abused, but to which on first reaction we cannot help but accede. This form of preemption is not “instinctual” but cultural; the sign’s capacity to preempt attention, to transcend the current state of being into a higher ontological state, exemplifies human cultural life in its most banal as in its most exalted manifestations when solemn ceremonies interrupt the normal activities of the day. Understood in this fundamental sense, the sacred endows every cultural act with an ontological trump card.

    The sacred’s power of ontological firstness, not coincidentally analogous to the criterion permitting Chomsky’s characterization of human language as recursive or self-containing, is in effect all that need be said of human uniqueness. As Hillel said about the golden rule, “the rest is commentary.”

  • Firstness and the Sacred

    The term firstness suggests unproblematic seriality: the first is followed by the second and the third, presumably of the same qualities as the first, only a bit less exemplary. Yet seriality as a mathematical relationship has only an indirect relationship to higher animal behavior. Given the significance of mimesis as a factor in such behavior, as animals acquire higher levels of what we may call mimetic intelligence—ability to see themselves in the place of the other they imitate—firstness in relationships tends increasingly to take on the binary connotation of marked in opposition to all other rankings as unmarked. The First whom I imitate makes me second, but in comparison with him, so are all the others.

    This development, which ultimately dooms the serial Alpha-Beta hierarchy of ape society, is the key stimulus to the emergence of the defining trait of humanity: “symbolic”/representational language under the aegis of the sacred.

    Generative anthropology began over forty years ago as a hypothesis of the origin of language. It is only recently that, guided by the intuition of Roy Rappaport in Ritual and Religion in the Making of Humanity (Cambridge, 1999) that language and religion are coeval, I have sought to understand the sacred in anthropological terms, bracketing to the extent possible the element of faith in third-person or scriptural revelation that is essential to organized religion.

    In a full anthropological analysis of the sacred, this element must of course be analyzed in detail. But we must first understand the originary experience of the sacred, the aspect of human psychology that explains how, throughout the near-totality of our history, the members of human communities have shared the experience of an interdictive “will” or Superego, in such a manner that members of all cultures have until recently agreed near-unanimously to conceive the origin of this force in a sacred being or God.


    The term firstness first entered GA when Adam Katz used it to refer to the necessity that in the scene of the originary hypothesis, the interpretation of the “aborted gesture of appropriation” as a sign could not have occurred spontaneously to the entire group, but must first have been conceived by one or a few members, whose repetition of the gesture would subsequently transmit to the others the conception of it as a sign, as opposed to an unconscious indexical behavior, or an instinctive signal of the kind found in the celebrated repertory of the vervet monkey.

    It is only with respect to the sacred that the apparent awkwardness of the term firstness is fully justified. It expresses the anomaly of the sacred as neither a simple concept of thought nor of experience, yet as one which, regardless of one’s attitude toward religious faith, cannot be omitted from a hypothesis of human origin, hence of the human in general.

    The tolerance of higher animals for serial firstness as an organizing principle is illustrated at its highest level by the hierarchy of distribution practiced by the higher apes: the Alpha ape takes the first turn, whether in choosing the first morsel of a prey animal or a first female to impregnate, following which the Beta and the succeeding apes do the same. The scenario of the originary hypothesis leading to human language and culture becomes necessary only as a result of the breakdown of this serial hierarchy, which can be attributed to the increased mimetic tension resulting from the growing intelligence of these protohumans. It is at this point that the notion of firstness acquires the problematic, paradoxical quality of the sacred.

    The sacred can be most simply understood as the solution to the problem that mimesis poses to firstness, a means to restore order that no can longer depend on serial rivalry, which upon reaching a certain degree of mimetic tension becomes unstable. The “will” that interdicts the prey animal and situates it at the center of a scene can be understood as transferring firstness, which had previously regulated the order of distribution, but has now become the equivalent of marked as opposed to unmarked, to a higher ontological level, the sacred/interdicted central animal becoming accessible only subsequently, through its mediation.

    Thus we conceive the course of the scene as beginning with the abortion of the appropriative gestures attempted by the participants toward the object. Under the influence of its sacred interdiction, these gestures come to be perceived as not indices of incipient appropriation but signs of the object’s inaccessibility/desirability. The reciprocal exchange of these signs by the participants, which assure that the group acts in harmony, allow it to then approach the object and divide it up “equally” under the aegis of the interdicting sacred will whose firstness is not relative but absolute, ontological, leading to the scene’s successful resolution.

    Human Origin: Three Hypotheses

    In this light, we may examine generative anthropology’s originary hypothesis in relation to its two chief predecessors, the scenes of human origin of Sigmund Freud in Totem and Taboo (1913) and René Girard in La violence et le sacré (1972).


    Freud’s father-murder in Totem and Taboo, described as the collective reaction of the sons to the sexual deprivation resulting from the father’s monopolization of the family’s women, can be understood in less classically Freudian terms as a revolt against the firstness of the Alpha animal by the “unmarked” others, who had come to experience its status in non-serial terms.

    We hypothesize that the egalitarianism of the first humans originates in the expulsion of firstness beyond the worldly sphere, with humans sharing in equal parts the gift of the sacred will. Although Freud, given his sexual preoccupation, focused exclusively on the unequal distribution of the women, the primary distributive focus of public ceremonies has always been on food, which unlike sexual partners is both a constant necessity for all and of an easily divisible nature. In Freud, the sons, after killing the father, divide up and eat his body. This then becomes the source of the totem feast in which an animal sacred to the tribe is similarly divided among the participants—thereby translating their previous sexual frustration into alimentary terms.

    Leaving aside the distinction between sexual and alimentary appetites, the fundamental pattern of humanization in Freud’s scenario consists in the transfer of firstness from internal human relations to a new ontological level, that of the Superego, which imposes its will on the descendants of the sons implicated in the founding murder. This conception of the sacred/transcendent as the product of guilt rather than renunciation is implicitly retained in Girard’s hypothesis.


    In Girard’s “emissary murder” configuration we are struck by the insistence, in stark contrast to Freud’s father-murder, on the absence of prior motivation. Girard might have based his scenario on the Alpha-Beta configuration and conceived a resentful community ganging up on the Alpha ape, who at the point of taking first possession of the product of the hunt indeed stands in an analogous position to Freud’s father excluding the sons from his harem of females.

    But Girard refuses to define the firstness of the emissary victim by his serial status, preferring to turn his back on the rejected serial system and posit the near-arbitrariness of its selection, initially provoked by some arbitrary stigma (such as Oedipus’ sore feet) that allows the members of the group to cumulatively define themselves as united in excluding him and choosing him as their victim in the discharge of their mimetic tension.

    Thus, given a “mimetic crisis” in which the prior order of prehuman society had broken down as the result of a plague or other communal disaster, its members, needing to discharge their violent impulses, would settle on an arbitrarily chosen scapegoat, whose dismemberment would bring about peace, thereby leading to the divinization of the scapegoat-victim as responsible for this peace. The question of appetitive satisfaction, whether sexual or alimentary, is absent from this scenario, focused entirely on violence. In this way, Girard is able to conceive the equally unfestive Crucifixion of the innocent Jesus as the exemplary model of the origin of humanity.

    The fact that the collective camel sacrifice famously described in Robertson Smith’s Lectures on the Religion of the Semites (1889) involved a sacred feast rather than a lynching, or that the surviving pre-agricultural human societies are called “hunter-gatherer” because they obtain their protein from hunting animals, is ignored. Girard tacitly views the Gospel equivalence of Jesus’ blood and flesh with bread and wine, or for that matter, that between Isaac and the sacrificial ram, not simply as signs of deepening spiritual understanding, but as suggesting a historical progression from eating fellow humans to eating animals. Whence the attempts by Girard’s followers to find archaeological evidence of early human sacrifice, in obvious contrast with the dozens of cave paintings in which tiny, perfunctorily-drawn human hunters are depicted as attacking a meticulously portrayed bull or other large animal, clearly the sacral as well as the alimentary focus of the scene.

    Analogously, the collective murder of the Alpha animal, although it may well have taken place on occasion, shows no plausible evidence of having become the originary model of a communal scene ending in a festive communal meal like the “equal feast” of the Homeric warriors. Aside from the aberrant examples of the Maya and the Aztecs, which have been explained by the coincidence between the rise of empires in the Americas and the absence of large food animals, cannibalism has always been symbolic rather than alimentary. As witness the recent examples of jihadists ripping out and consuming selected organs of their beheaded victims.

    The key to understanding Girard’s originary scenario is its prefiguration of the Christian equivalence between the human and the sacred victim, taken literally rather than symbolically. As the ground-breaking theoretician of human mimesis and its place in culture, Girard was first to construct a theory of human origin that deserves to be called a generative anthropology. But his insistence on the realization of mimetic rivalry in murder over its deferral through sacred interdiction—as though Jesus’ claim to have existed “before Adam” must be literally implemented in protohuman history—is in my view unsustainable. No doubt for Christians the Crucifixion offers the definitive theological revelation of human origin, but precisely as such it could not have occurred at the beginning of the history in which Jesus participated—as the location of his “coming” in the New Testament in the “middle” rather than the beginning of history makes clear.

    Girard’s great intuition that humans’ uniqueness begins with their having become a greater danger to themselves than is the outside world does not entail that the resolution of the originary mimetic crisis required human sacrifice. The real point of his discovery is that the “excess” of human mimesis, a product of our growing intelligence, could be resolved only by going beyond the limits of animal communication to the creation of a meta-world of representation, the domain of deferral and sacrality.

    The sacrificial role of human firstness lies in its translation from the object of universal envy and resentment to the transcendental status of the sacred, as figured by the Resurrection following the Crucifixion. Like Jesus’ appearance to Saul/Paul on the road to Damascus, his reappearance to his disciples after death reflects the transcendental status of firstness that accompanies our accession to a fully human state.


    I have described the sacred as the source in the originary event of the interdiction of the central animal, preventing any individual attempts at appropriating it from leading to violence, and making the reciprocal exchange of the “aborted gesture” into the sign of sacralization/significance as well as of renunciation. We need not speculate on the specific path from fear of conflict to sacred interdiction, save to note that the communal accord as to this interdiction (“sacralization”) provides a practical solution to the problem posed by firstness when no longer confined to its serial meaning. The success of this development in the peaceful fulfillment of the alimentary goal that had motivated the original hunting expedition would have cemented this procedure in the human repertory—where it remains to this day, when we celebrate Christmas, like all festive ceremonies, by sharing a meal in common.

    In this perspective, the originary sign, the first utterance of human language, is the means whereby the nascent human community becomes able to share the common recognition of sacred firstness, the deferring force that creates the primary human institution of the scene.

    Without its sacred basis of cohesion, the scenic configuration characteristic of all cultural activity, whether language or art or ceremony, is inconceivable. The suspension of all other activity to focus on a central scene, whether passively, as at the start of the originary event, or actively, as in the concluding act of dividing the body of the central animal, depends for its cohesion on the transcendental control of the sacred. That today our ceremonies have often come to lack explicit transcendental guarantees makes the phenomenon of sacred firstness no less responsible for their inception, nor for their continued existence.

  • The Abrahamic Trinity

    In the previous Chronicle I emphasized the significance of Christianity’s insistence that we believe not merely in God, whose human-like qualities can be assimilated, as in Durkheim, to the sacred instrument of communal “solidarity,” but in the miraculous events narrated in the New Testament that occurred not in “ancient times” but at a midway point in history.

    Judaism is by no means deism, but from an anthropological perspective it can be interpreted as a belief in a providential sacred adapted to the history of a people that, given their sense that God is One, were able to form a nation composed of several tribes united in this belief, thereby offering the first example of what would emerge from the Middle Ages as a community of nation-states. Christianity, which adopted the national concept at the time of the Reformation as already implicit in the separation between God’s kingdom and those of the world, was from the outset a trans-national religion, and the tension between church and state, absent from Islam and no longer relevant to the Jewish diaspora, gave rise to the world community of nations as we know it today, within which the ancient empire of China is seeking aggressively to recover its role as the Middle Kingdom/Empire.

    It might seem unfair to blame the current crisis on the deficiencies of Christianity and/or of Judaism as its “elder brother,” but the very term blame already suggests that the central problem of Judeo-Christian morality, one no doubt greatly exacerbated in Christianity but with its roots nonetheless in Judaism, is its reliance on a sense of guilt that is the inverse of the resentment felt by the “victims” of firstness. In this context we should recall that Nietzsche, although he rejected his sister’s antisemitism, was not exactly an admirer of the Jews, with whom he contrasted the “heroic” Greeks—this is, after all, his connection to the Nazi sensibility. Nietzsche considered the Jews the original “men of resentment,” and Christianity merely an extension of this aspect of Judaism:

    It was the Jews who, in opposition to the aristocratic equation (good = aristocratic = beautiful = happy = loved by the gods), dared with a terrifying logic to suggest the contrary equation, and indeed to maintain with the teeth of the most profound hatred (the hatred of weakness) this contrary equation, namely, “the wretched are alone the good; the poor, the weak, the lowly, are alone the good; the suffering, the needy, the sick, the loathsome, are the only ones who are pious, the only ones who are blessed, for them alone is salvation.”

    The Genealogy of Morals, First Essay, par. 7. Trans. H. Samuel, Edinburgh, 1913 https://www.gutenberg.org/files/52319/52319-h/52319-h.htm

    One may well ask how any religion, or any world-view for that matter, can avoid the issue of resentment/guilt that attends firstness from the outset. But what is needed is not avoiding but “repairing” the Christian moral doctrine, whose evident corruption is the clearest sign of the current crisis. Making George Floyd into a saint on the example of Jesus’ frequentation of publicans and prostitutes is an inevitable temptation so long as one seeks confirmation in a moral “instinct” that, precisely, fails to distinguish between loving the sinner and excusing his sin. The fact that a wise priest or rabbi could explain this in terms consistent with his theology matters little if the religion in itself does not effectively implant this truth in the conscience of the faithful.

    In any case, it makes little sense to seek to distinguish between today’s Jews and Christians, when many of the leaders of antizionist organizations are themselves Jews, even in Israel itself—where those who believe in Israel’s right to exist without apology are largely confined to the—majoritary, but hardly uncontested—”Right.” The most we can hope for is that the current wave of antisemitism will alert today’s Jews to what their European forbears found out in 1933: antisemitism isn’t “prejudice,” nor does it depend on specific Jewish sins: making the first become the last is a quasi-permanent Western, and human, temptation.


    Is there not a contradiction, one might ask, between explaining wokeness and the epistemology of resentment, of which it is so to speak the reductio ad absurdum, as on the one hand founded on our “moral instinct” as it emerged in the originary event, and on the other, as reflecting a deficiency in Judeo-Christian religion? At the very least, we cannot take the angelistic position of denouncing this “deficiency” without noting that, like all religions, those in question were created precisely for the purpose of deferring resentment.

    But as Hegel well knew, deferral is not elimination, even as he conceived an “end of history” on the necessarily indemonstrable model of the Last Judgment. No one can truly stand above the dichotomy between first and last, winners and losers. Reflecting on it, writing about it, even declaring it to have been “transcended,” whether by the Crucifixion/Resurrection or the Bolshevik creation of a “New Man,” is merely one more mode of deferral. And if Derrida had reflected more deeply on his idea of différance and the “play” it allows in the conceptual realm, he would have realized that translating his metaphysical language into that of historial human reality would have changed nothing in its embodiment of paradox. The empirical world contains all the richness of metaphysics, along in addition with the assurance that as long as it endures, it will never be exhausted by our reflections.

    Which is to say that nothing is gained by seeking le ver dans le fruit, the “fatal flaw” that has made Judeo-Christianity apparently incapable of maintaining its sense of purpose as the spiritual basis of world hegemony. The very nature of firstness in the broad sense is as a gift to the world, even if it is originally sought in utter selfishness. The superiority of Judeo-Christianity is at least not to have been conceived in such terms, like those of the “compact” empires that preceded the Exodus. The Jews conceive themselves as a “light unto the world,” and Christianity is best seen as a way of making this light shine not just on but within the rest of the world.

    Nonetheless, it is not because the West has been characterized by a particular lack of respect for its Others, a domain in which it has done far better historically than any of its rivals, but because no existing religious configuration could have prevented the tensions that the current crisis reflects: that the current state of affairs in the US, and to a lesser extent in all Western democracies, which gives the predominance of institutional wealth and power to a “globalist” elite, obliges it in what remains a regime founded on free elections to ally itself with a demagogically controlled underclass against the once-respectable middle and working classes, whose interests it as far as possible ignores.

    Recent signs suggest that this is not truly a stable configuration, that “liberals” sympathetic to BLM and the like are beginning to see through the pretense of “social justice” and its pernicious consequences. If its enemies just give it a little more time, Western society may well find the means to renew its self-confidence before losing all credible authority.

    Or if it is truly too late, and the US must take a back seat to Chinese autocracy, even this need not mean the end of the world as we know it, or of the human race. It may even be that it will only be as a result of attaining hegemony in a still-peaceful world that China will lose its resentful edge, and then, as the West has done, responsibly make of its prosperity a gift to all humanity.

    As David Goldman recently pointed out in a conversation with Caroline Glick (Mideast News Hour, Ep. 28, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=CvT4_CWtZBA ), China is not interested in conquering the West so long as it can exact “tribute” from it in economic terms. Meanwhile, as Goldman has also pointed out (see Chronicle 664), China is far outdoing the West in its preservation of the best of Western culture, particularly its classical music, which does not require translation.

    China’s maintenance of civil order may be tyrannical, but today both Europe and the US show signs that Western public authority, hamstrung by its focus on “human rights” and aversion to punishment, is unsustainable, as witness California’s allowing theft below $950 virtually without penalty, judges setting zero bail (or, as in the case of the Waukesha massacre, $1000 for a career violent felon), and European “no-go zones” dominated by criminal gangs—marks of a perverted Christianity that defines magnanimity as condoning vicious behavior.

    Judeo-Islam?

    Today when Christianity shows signs of not being able to carry to a successful conclusion its mission to bring the One God to the entire world, it is useful to reflect on both the residual advantages of Judaism and those of Islam, the third member of the Abrahamic trio.

    In this context, the survival and flourishing of Israel is of the greatest importance. The fact that it is virtually the sole modern state to exceed the demographic replacement rate is a reflection on all the other democracies whose citizens are increasingly less inclined to found families, and whose growing immigrant populations are, understandably, increasingly less desirous of “assimilating” Western values.

    Islam’s claim to be able to outlast Judeo-Christianity (“you’ve got the watches, but we have the time”) is not an empty boast. The demographic Islamification of Europe seems virtually assured within another generation or two. As a counterweight to this decline, the survival of the Jewish state, hopefully in increasing cooperation with its Muslim neighbors, stands as a defiant counterexample—not of triumph, but of a new mode of cooperation that may lead in this same time-frame to Judeo-Islamic fraternity becoming a more powerful force for world order—and ultimately for the integration of all world cultures—than Judeo-Christianity. Stranger things have happened in history.


    The current French presidential campaign has been shaken up by Eric Zemmour, a pied noir Jewish polemicist who has made a career of denouncing, in a series of widely-read books (notably, Le suicide français, Albin Michel, 2014 and this year’s La France n’a pas dit son dernier mot, Rubempré), France’s failure to defend itself from the threat of the grand remplacement. This phenomenon is being experienced throughout Europe, and more in France than elsewhere, as the root population fails to reproduce itself and is increasingly replaced by Muslims from the Near East or Africa, who in turn are increasingly militant in their affirmation of Sharia and less willing to assimilate into European society. Zemmour’s joining the race has drawn greater attention to this problem of immigration/integration, obliging the other candidates to take firmer stands than in the past.

    The Jewish population of France and Europe in general is far from having developed “Abrahamic” relations with its Muslim neighbors. A recent couple of violent murders of elderly Jewish women by young Muslims in Paris illustrates on the contrary the anti-Jewish animus associated with the “Palestinian” cause so congenial to the Europeans and above all to their Middle-Eastern immigrant populations. But this only makes the Abraham Accords of greater interest as potential signs that the continued success of Israel, hopefully backed up by more positive American support than that from the current administration, may accomplish what the earlier round of Western colonialism could not: creating a truly “level playing field” for Jewish-Muslim, and in consequence, for Muslim-Christian, relations.

    Viewing tiny Israel as a “colonial power” may be the formula of the irredentist Arab population of Palestine (although were it not for the ill-conceived 1993-95 Oslo Accords, that situation might well be closer to a solution), but Israel’s Arab neighbors need fear no desire for territorial expansion and can be brought to welcome its economic and military strength. Symbolic gestures, such as this year’s Hanukah menorah in Dubai, suggest that neither the anti-Jewish passages in the Koran nor the Muslim doctrine of world conquest need be obstacles to peaceful cooperation. In this regard it is significant that the EU remains, far more even than the current US administration, hostile to Israel and wedded to the Palestinian-oriented “two-state solution”—which the Palestinians themselves have never shown the least willingness to adopt.


    Middle-East historian-journalist Daniel Pipes in particular has insisted on the distinction between Islam and Islamism, and on the real possibility of promoting a Modern Islam in opposition to the atavistic jihadist movements. (See in particular his 2013 Commentary article, https://www.commentary.org/articles/daniel-pipes/can-islam-be-reformed/, where he answers the question in the affirmative; he has not since changed his position.) Indeed, the cliché about the Jews being better integrated into Muslim than Christian society throughout the Middle Ages and Early Modern era is based on real historical experience and not invalidated by occasional lapses. What changed all this was the creation of Israel, which led Arab countries like Egypt, Iraq, Yemen, and Libya to virtually expel formerly their formerly considerable Jewish populations. But precisely the direction of the Abraham Accords is to welcome the Jews back, if not into the countries themselves, then into neighborly relations which in time will restore at least partially the Jewish communities in these countries.

    On a more abstract level, the theology of Modern Islam has much to choose from in the Koran to contrast with the hostile passages quoted by jihadists and those who agree that they represent the true path of Islam. The Islamist critique of Western civilization, as typified by Sayyid Qutb’s rejection of it after his 1948-50 study visit to the US, is not for all that totally unfounded. Western secularism has fallen away from the social order formerly regulated by Christian morals, and a dose of genuine Islamic piety, as opposed to Western Islam’s terroristic or criminal excesses (grooming gangs, the drug trade…), would not be unwelcome.


    The continued existence of GA, demonstrating my conviction that it is more important to understand the originary basis of human enterprises than to immerse oneself in the details, I am not afraid to risk the scandalous proposition that it may well be that a Judeo-Islamic rapprochement can furnish a solution to the cultural decay of the West that Judeo-Christianity has not been able to accomplish.

    The Christian relationship with Jesus, particularly in Evangelical sects, may be understood as an attempt to reproduce the Jews’ “familial” relationship with the One God—something found in numerous parables that show rabbis arguing with God—as Abraham did at the time of Sodom and Gomorrah—and sometimes even persuading him of the superiority of their viewpoint. But this sense of quasi-familial intimacy at the same time creates a separation between the Jews and those who are not (yet?) members of the family.

    Islam, as we all know by now, means “submission”—in French, Soumission, the title of Michel Houellebecq’s 2015 best-seller about an Islamic take-over of France. We can to be sure interpret “submission” as an abdication of our human judgment, a mode of abjection rather than an affirmation of our creation “in God’s image.” But it can also be understood very differently, as an unqualified confidence in sacred providence.

    The root of Islam is in the sense of exclusion from the already Judeo-Christian Middle East by the desert Arabs who made up Mohammed’s first followers (assuming that Mohammed really existed, which, unlike Jesus, is not altogether certain). The role played by the Muslims from the beginning was that of the outsiders of “Western” civilization, including its “Eastern” version headquartered in Byzantium. And Islam’s propensity to violence, which is far more central to it than to its fraternal religions, reflects this resentful stance, as does its doctrine that lands it has once occupied remain permanently in dar es islam.

    Yet as the religion of outsiders, Islam, unlike the Jewish “tribe” or the Christian “family of nations,” was conceived from the beginning as truly a religion for all humanity. Not that it need conquer and replace Judaism and Christianity, but that in a true Abrahamic synthesis, all three could find their place, because all three express an essential aspect of the One God—one anticipated, one might say, by the Christian Trinity.

    In this context, one recalls the most memorable passage of Malcolm X’s 1965 Autobiography. On attending the annual Hadj, Malcolm is struck by the complete sense of fraternity in Mecca among the varied population of the celebration: Muslims from all over the world united in worship of, in submission to Allah:

    There were tens of thousands of pilgrims, from all over the world. They were of all colors, from blue-eyed blonds to black-skinned Africans. But we were all participating in the same ritual, displaying a spirit of unity and brotherhood that my experiences in America had led me to believe never could exist between the white and the non-white.

    America needs to understand Islam, because this is the one religion that erases from its society the race problem.

    The Autobiography of Malcolm X, Ballantine Books, 1992, p. 371

    Southern Christian churches, even well after the Civil War, had remained segregated; this is inconceivable in a mosque. Nor is Allah thought of by anyone, as many Jews conceive the One God, as a kind of family member. Allah is transcendent, point à la ligne, and transcends everyone equally, from descendants of the first Muslims to yesterday’s convertee.

    In Abrahamic terms, Isaac and Ishmael are brothers, and if the Judeo-Christian West has always valorized the  legitimacy of the one over the inferior status of the other, born to a handmaid and not a wife, Jesus would have insisted that the true brotherhood of man maintains no such distinctions.

    Let it suffice to declare that if these three “Western” but really Middle-Eastern religions can come together in brotherhood, humanity will have taken a truly giant step toward a fraternal world order.

  • Generative Anthropology and the Sacred

    In 1971, René Girard inaugurated a new anthropological conception of the sacred with La violence et le sacré. When I published The Origin of Language ten years later, I had little idea that the “generative anthropology” that would derive from it would require a modification of Girard’s etiology. It was only much later that I came to reflect on the essential connection between the sacred and the Derridean category of différance/deferral that is the foundation of the sign and of human culture. Reflection on the sacred has been part of a reformulation of the originary hypothesis that has evolved over time, as I have sought to conceive the first human event in accordance with the spirit of Occam’s Razor. I have attempted to provide a formulation for the sacred as an anthropological category not governed by the exemplarity of the Crucifixion that motivated Girard to define the sacred as the paradoxical equivalent of violence: la violence ou le sacré.

    Given this model of the originary event: a scene centered on a source of nourishment, the cadaver of a large animal, as the original object of a protohuman group’s mimetic contention, but deferred by what is experienced as a sacred interdiction, the participants’ relation to the central animal reflecting both this interdiction and its appetitive attraction—the first desire in the human sense. It is this experience of the sacred that motivates the aborted gesture of appropriation‘s coming to be perceived and exchanged as a sign.

    No one gives the order to forbid appropriation; its source is the common intuition of the danger associated with the least disturbance of the symmetrical situation of the participants around the object. This sense of danger is experienced as an interdicting force which, under the condition of the success of this originary scenario in peacefully distributing the nourishment, will be preserved by the group as a valuable form of behavior that promotes its solidarity as it sustains the participants: the sacrificial feast. I have spoken of this interdictory force as a “will” forbidding the appropriative action. This is not meant to imply that it need have a human-like subject. Yet we know from history that this force has until recently always been attributed to a transcendental intentionality analogous to that of a human decision.

    This passage from the originary deferral to the final feast becomes the foundational model for this community, as it remains to this day on “festive occasions,” both religious and secular. The sharing of the ostensive sign turns the ensemble of individual renunciations of the object into a communal celebration of its significance to all that typically involves the sharing of its benefits as nourishment.

    Religion and Negentropy

    The structural “survival of the fittest” that allows negentropic systems to arise within an entropic universe is not, in abstract terms, a model of providence. But when this evolutionary process comes to produce creatures capable of reflecting on their own and above all their community’s self-preserving properties, these creatures cannot help noting the analogy between their individual capacity for self-preservation and the sacred interdiction that has preserved their community from mimetic violence. Thus after the successful termination of the originary event, the originary deferral of appropriation would come to be attributed to the “providential” sacred intentionality experienced as the force that preserved the nascent human community from self-destruction.

    It is here that Girard’s la violence ou le sacré is misleading. For the ambiguity of the sacred that allows sacrer to mean “curse,” by emphasizing the symmetry between the sacred dread of violence and the violence itself, evacuates the providential nature of the event that makes it an instrument of salvation—and this because, in the Christian Crucifixion/Resurrection, only the infinite power of God, incomparable to that of human intentionality, can transform this greatest of all sins into an instrument of salvation.

    At this point, therefore, we must consider how belief in such religious doctrines has contributed to the viability of the communities that adopt them and in consequence to the longevity of our species. Those religions that have survived over the centuries can be understood as the “fittest” in this regard. In our era, when the more socially advanced communities, particularly in the West, increasingly lack any commonly agreed-on set of rituals or beliefs, this lack of common faith is compensated, if at all, on the intellectual plane, by the opportunity it provides us to comprehend religious phenomena in anthropological terms.

    Behind this interrogation lies the disquieting realization that deferral is not victory, that the deferral of destruction may only prepare a more total destruction. Might it not be a foregone conclusion that the intelligent creatures generated by negentropy will, as a result of the conjunction of mimeticism and the drive to self-preservation, eventually develop instruments of destruction whose ever-increasing capacity will reach the point—at which we already are today—where a single action might provoke, deliberately or not, the species’ annihilation? Can our sacred and/or secular mechanisms of deferral continue to preserve us indefinitely under such conditions?

    Judaism and Christianity

    From a Judeocentric perspective, Christianity is a means of transmitting to those outside the Hebrew nation its communal relationship to God. Hence despite the significant difference between the Trinitary Christian God and the One God of the Jews, both Christians and Jews can agree that they worship the “same” God, the God who is One, and that the Trinity is for Christians a necessary extension of this oneness rather than, as some Muslims and Jews would insist, a plurality.

    The moral teachings of Christianity can all be found in the Jewish tradition and are in any case not incompatible with it. What then is the significance of the irruption of the sacred into the historical world that the New Testament adds to the Old?

    Jesus’ appearance on earth is not comparable to God’s appearances in the Tanakh. God’s interventions in the Old Testament world can all be understood, if not simply as “metaphors,” then as attributions to the sacred of real worldly events; commentators have long noted the rough correspondence between the Genesis creation story and the earth’s early evolution. In contrast, Daniel in the lions’ den or Jonah in the whale use the stuff of legends to illustrate moral principles. Similar details in the New Testament, such as Jesus walking on the Sea of Galilee, may be viewed in a similar light.

    Yet the identity of the historical figure Jesus with a person of God, an idea not formulated in the New Testament itself but accepted as a canonical interpretation of it, is a miracle of another kind. The insistence in the Catholic Church of Christ’s “real presence” in the host, and even its weaker Protestant version as a “symbol” of what must nonetheless be believed as a sign of Christ’s incarnation as a person of God, is not comparable to any Hebrew belief.

    If Judaism can arguably be reinterpreted as an anthropological doctrine by substituting for God the Sacred as I have attempted to define it in these Chronicles, this is emphatically not the case for Christianity. The series of miracles that make up the life of Jesus, even before his resurrection, have no parallel in the Old Testament, nor can they be credibly interpreted as “anthropological.”

    Faith in Jesus involves the specific attribution of reality to his miraculous birth, whose later extension to Mary’s Immaculate Conception illustrates Christianity’s credo quia absurdum drive to insist on the preternatural experiences of nominally ordinary people like Mary and her mother, Saint Anne. Unlike the miracles of the Old Testament, these are central to the fundamental dogmas of Christianity in all its forms.

    The sacred manifests itself in the New Testament as able to affect reality directly in “contemporary” times inhabited by living witnesses, beginning with the Crucifixion, a well-attested historical event, the account of which is followed by the sign of the Resurrection in the empty tomb attested by witnesses. These texts are attributed to Jesus’ contemporaries and near-contemporaries. Our calendars remind us daily that Jesus’ appearance on Earth is a watershed in history, unlike the Hebrew calendar that begins with the origin of the universe.

    I insist on this contrast because Christianity gives the sacred a role it does not have in Judaism, one that never allows God’s worldly presence to become implicit. And to this insertion of divine presence into the center of history corresponds an eschatology of the “Second Coming” that will leave all human souls to their immortal destiny in Heaven or Hell. Accordingly, faith in the immortality of the soul plays a far more essential role in Christianity than in Judaism, where one commemorates the death of one’s loved ones without necessarily imagining them as surviving in the “other world.”

    That supernaturalism is so prominent a feature of Christianity reflects the fact that its New Testament, being secondary to the Hebrew scriptures, is unlike them obliged to provide evidential proof of its connection to the sacred. Jews are expected to worship God and obey his commandments, but there is no Jewish “credo,” no “confirmation,” beyond that of the Shema that one is obliged to pronounce just before death: Hear O Israel, the Lord our God, the Lord is One. The bar/bat mitzvah is a demonstration of a young man/woman’s readiness to participate as an adult in religious practices; it does not involve a statement of belief.

    The contrast is between a tribal/national initiation that takes inclusion for granted and a “universal” initiation that welcomes the believer into a voluntary rather than biological community. In doing so, it emphasizes the individual’s choice to attach himself, not to an organically functioning society but to a “community of faith” independent of socio-political structures. The emphasis on God’s Kingdom being “not of this world” reflects the detachment of the Christian from the bonds of biological continuity, including, especially in the early centuries, a real tension between Christian belief and family life. Where the Jew sees himself as always-already part of a multi-millennial history, the Christian, whatever his nationality, is above all an individual bearing a personal relationship to the Trinitary God. Such a relationship cannot be mediated by one’s posthumous connection to the ever-surviving Jewish people; it requires living beyond death:

    25 Jesus said unto [Martha]: I am the resurrection, and the life: he that believeth in me, though he were dead, yet shall he live:

    26 And whosoever liveth and believeth in me shall never die. (John 11:25-26, KJV).

    Christianity’s considerable supplementary burden of belief must be understood as a measure of the worth to non-Jews of finding in one’s soul’s immortality a transcendental substitute for the Jews’ “national” relationship to God—one from which would evolve in the Early Modern era a community of nation-states under the overall aegis of one or another form of Christianity. The successful development of the West, with its breakthrough into modernity, exemplifies the power of what Girard would call in another context the montée aux extrêmes in the service of a not merely “anthropomorphic” but truly anthropological God, one whose very reality includes his incarnation as a human being.

    That the sacred is necessarily coeval with the human and its sign-system is most fully realized in the Christian religion that demonstrates this coevality in “real time.” Christian anthropology is founded on the transcendental claim that it is only through the Crucifixion and Resurrection that we discover that, were the One God not also the human Son, as well as the Spirit who allows God and man to communicate, we could never have emerged from our prehuman state to know the sacred at all.

    The rest, as they say, is History. It was in the Christian world that humanity discovered the limitless potential of the mastery of the life-world promised to it in Genesis, the wonderful and horrible results of which we know so well. For just as Western civilization’s success was the fruit of Christianity’s “absurd” belief in the Incarnation, so its current failings cannot be understood otherwise than as the long-term effects of this same belief.

    The contemporary West’s unholy conjunction of a pusillanimous caste-bound society with the symbolic egalitarianism in which it hates its own firstness—and even more, that of the Jews—is as much the product of Christianity as the creations of the Age of Faith and of the modernity that succeeded it. Yet the West remains the land of freedom and opportunity for those excluded from it. Can it relearn to rejoice in the firstness it has brought to the world, following the example of the One God of the Hebrews?

    [to be continued]
  • Liberal Democracy

    Recent discussion on the GAlist points to an epistemological crux: to what extent does the originary hypothesis itself depend on the success of this governmental structure, which as Adam Katz rightly points out, is not the official name of any national or other government. It should also be pointed out that it is not the unofficial name either; it is an ad hoc construction, used by me and many others, but one too ill-defined to attract much attention from political scientists. But the fact that the latter prefer to debate about categories such as liberalism, neoliberalism, conservatism, populism, etc., is an indication that these terms are insufficiently general to characterize modern polities in the manner that “liberal democracy” may be said to do: as providing a political marketplace that, regardless of details, pragmatically seeks and finds more often than not (or has until recently) a good enough solution to go forward.

    We all recall Churchill’s remark that “democracy” is the worst system with the exception of all the others. The hidden implication in this boutade is that the term democracy suffices—even in a nominal monarchy such as the UK—to designate something like liberal democracy as its political system, and that any further precision would miss the point.**

    In a word, the superiority of such a system depends on the very messiness, with its “checks and balances,” that avoids centralized dictatorship and allows the citizenry as a whole the best chance of profiting from its common sense in choosing among potential leaders. By putting a maximum constraint on decision making and a minimal constraint on choosing one’s representatives at all levels, liberal democracy maximizes at every stage public feedback for political actions. The result is to maximize as well the number of degrees of freedom in the system. Even the left-wing elite’s current monopolization of the MSM, including the social media, cannot prevent the public from rebelling; the Rittenhouse verdict, the Virginia election, are recent examples.

    The possible alternatives within the liberal-democratic system—most commonly, parliamentarism vs a strong executive, although Israel offers a variant that puts great power in the hands of a self-perpetuating judiciary—are uncountable, but until recently the leadership of the USA reflected not only its size and natural resources but its e pluribus unum system of states whose relative independence, guaranteed by the Constitution, permits a great variety of local legal systems within a single federal nation—something that Europe with its divergent national histories could not achieve.

    The alternative forms of government, “all the others” in Churchill’s phrase, are all more or less despotic, ranging from démocratures to fully totalitarian regimes. Whatever we think of China’s chances for overtaking the US in world leadership, there is little reason to persist in the optimism which flourished under Deng and his immediate successors that China was evolving toward a “capitalist” system. Nor has Russia since the demise of the USSR become notably either more democratic or more successful economically, despite Putin’s skills at geopolitical manipulation.

    In a word, as the tide of immigration, legal and illegal, reflects, the USA and its liberal-democratic variants remain the “best hope” for those seeking a better life. The choices remain largely the same as at the time of WWII, save that the weaponry is now too powerful to permit an all-out war to settle the issue. This suggests we should keep our bets on the side of democracy and hope that its political system can muster the maturity to throw off its current woke tantrum and mobilize in its own defense.


    Its propensity to messiness and/or undecidability was the very point of the complex multi-layer government instituted by the US Constitution. Even FDR’s depression-cum-wartime presidency was unable to profoundly modify it—such as by “packing” the Supreme Court—and the recent experience of the Biden Administration strongly suggests that the current reign of the Woke, which seeks to impose itself by its very outrageousness—calling women “menstruating persons,” capitalizing Black but not white—will soon lose all credibility. As they say, Let’s Go Brandon.

    By electing Biden and Harris (and even if there was some hanky-panky, they clearly had a majority of the raw vote), the American public seemed to be trying to show the world that its system was so perfect that it could work even under the most clearly incompetent leadership pair in history. At least half the electorate felt that despite Trump’s accomplishments, he was a troublesome outlier, and that the longtime political hack Biden, nearly in his dotage, would demonstrate by his very normality the superiority of American “business as usual”—as though Trump’s victory, and his very candidacy, had not been a response to its recent decline.

    Wokism in the US should be seen as the terminal triumph, and hopefully the last hurrah, of the “plantation” system described by Dinesh D’Souza (see Chronicle 637), in which the elite, today globalist rather than national, dominates electoral politics by taking the underclass as its clients in opposition to the middle class. Today’s clientele is no longer the white “ethnics” of the old city machines, but blacks and Hispanics whose upward mobility is blocked by the welfare system and the deliberate discrediting of “racist” policing and incarceration policies, extending to schools where delinquency is rife and the teachers’ unions, a powerful “plantation” constituency, make little effort to enforce discipline.

    My analysis of wokeness has emphasized its derivation from the epistemology of resentment that first attained supremacy in the French Revolution, that with the progress of industrialization was further elaborated in theories of socialism, and finally exacerbated by the anxieties of the digital age, which has sent manufacturing jobs overseas, leaving few avenues for the traditional working class. Wokeness’ specific character as a “children’s crusade” (see Chronicle 711) reflects the infantilization of a self-indulgent affluent culture that increasingly takes its cue from adolescents as the only element of the population that can be accredited with “authentic” desires. The enormous success of the Harry Potter novels (see Chronicle 211)—whose billionaire author has now been denounced as a TERF—was an early sign of this. Committees of distinguished academics, such as those who removed Woodrow Wilson’s name from the fellowship I held back in the 1960s, took their cue from the young statue-destroyers out of a sense that this “unspoiled” generation had a keener moral sense than those of us who have had to compromise with reality.

    Behind this sentiment lies the key element of decadent softness, the result of over 75 years of general peace, leading to the end of universal military service and two generations of squeamishness in the face of violence, which only criminals and superheroes are permitted to reject. (Think of Dirty Harry, or James Bond in a more ironic mode, as transitional figures.)

    Today the power of wokeness is waning as a result of the Afghanistan fiasco and the administration’s general incompetence, but above all because such offenses to common sense cannot help but wear themselves out unless sustained by an implacable central power. Such a power emerged in Russia and Germany and China, but “the American way,” even if no longer defended by Superman, is unapt to produce it. “Critical race theory” has much in common with Nazi antisemitism, but is most unlikely to lead to extermination camps, even for the deplorables felt by many to deserve them.

    We must nonetheless look with a critical eye on a political system that has allowed such an aberration. As China-watchers warn us, we cannot afford to let the pendulum swing so far for so long, relying merely on our confidence that liberal democracy always eventually corrects deviations from common sense. What is more, the ground-level solidity of the society that has permitted these deviations is increasingly uncertain. No doubt the need to reproduce the population is likely to favor those families solid enough to transmit their values to their children, in contrast to the vast numbers of young people who fail to marry and have few or no offspring when they do, but such processes take a long time.

    It should be noted, however, that even this is not a definitive condemnation of our worst-except-for-the-others system. What it points to is that this system does not exist in a vacuum, and that if its positive achievements are not easily imitated by truly backward societies, this is not the case for the higher-level despotisms such as China, Russian, and Iran, which can also arm clients throughout the world.

    As Girard always maintained, the jihad impulse, although in theory motivated by the desire to “save for Allah” as many souls as possible, is most strongly driven by the mimetic hatred spawned by the very attractiveness of the West. But this also implies, as 9/11 showed us, that the West’s ability to ignore it is running out. In this regard, by rejecting “forever wars” and beginning the process of seeking a “deal” with the Taliban, Trump indeed bears some of the blame for the Afghanistan disaster, having provided Biden with what he no doubt saw as a chance for one-upmanship.


    Following its hesitant beginning with the late Colin Powell, the emergence of black conservatives in continually growing numbers is not only the harbinger of a new electoral breakdown, but can be hoped to be the beginning of the end of the racialist coda to the success of the civil rights movement. Biden’s revealing quip during the last election that If you have a problem figuring out whether you’re for me or Trump, then you ain’t black should serve as a watchword for all minority groups that see the current Democratic Party as their savior.

    With the ultimate failure of black racialism, this party itself will be obliged to rid itself of the distasteful characters that are all too often its public voice. Self-styled hater-haters are not the solution to lowering the political temperature and restoring civility in disagreement. Yet common sense moves slowly; this is a time for mobilization. Hopefully a serious outbreak of violence will not be necessary to focus the mind.


    A full theorization of liberal democracy would require tracing its history from its sources in Hebrew and Greek cultures through Christianity. GA is not a new version of the Hegelian dialectic, whose evolution takes place in time but is ruled by a logic inherent in the “ideas” that history incarnates. There is no substitute for painstaking research, and the aim of these Chronicles is not to replace it, but to encourage it.

    It would make me more than happy to know that this “new way of thinking” might be of help in reinforcing the basic convictions of common sense now under fire from woke extremism, and above all in reconciling those not religiously inclined to the foundational nature of the sacred. The epistemology of resentment can take one only so far. Describing all of Western or world history in the Howard Zinn mode as the amoral triumph of might over right simply precludes any attempt to evaluate historical ethics in their appropriate context. In this respect, Steven Pinker’s statistical verification of the rule of thumb that the “arc of history” leads to the maximization of society’s degrees of freedom (“justice”) is a useful antidote.

    Faith in the originary hypothesis, like faith in a religion, provides a tentative conviction that human history is worthwhile. With or without the “immortality of the soul,” we must accept Pascal’s pari on divine providence, whatever the ultimate source of the sacred—and whether or not seeking to define this source is a worthwhile enterprise. No theoretical model can guarantee humanity’s survival, above all now that we actually possess the means of self-destruction. Our ability to survive will test the strength of our originary gesture of deferral, and as far as we know, set an example for the universe of the success or failure of any negentropic system. Small consolation, admittedly, if we end by blowing ourselves up—which is why we must set our minds to avoid it.

    **In an earlier version of this Chronicle, I had capitalism instead of democracy in Churchill’s quip. Thanks to Matthew Taylor for pointing out this error. Fortunately it does not greatly weaken the point, since “democracy” is clearly used as a generic term that includes republics and parliamentary monarchies, as opposed to Aristotle’s more restrictive definition.

  • Morality and Ethics

    The core of generative anthropology is its insistence on providing an anthropological basis, demonstrated or hypothetical, for the Ideas that philosophy and social thought have long sought to derive from the authority of classical sources or more simply from the thinker’s own intuitions of the words. GA’s “new way of thinking” takes a less exalted idea of these intuitions, even when bolstered, as in Heidegger, by the real or fancied etymologies of the Ursprache. Whatever objections one might have to the originary hypothesis, it serves as a plausible, shareable basis for an anthropology.

    The fundamental distinction between morality and ethics can be ferreted out by reflecting on the words themselves, but it can be derived concretely from the originary history described by the hypothesis. These terms refer to different stages of human organization. Morality is the model of human behavior realized in the originary event, where the participants exchange the sign in reciprocal symmetry, focused on the central object and culminating in its peaceful division, whereas an ethic is an ensemble of laws and rules, explicit or tacit, that permit the functioning of a social order of whatever dimensions.

    On the basis of the hypothesis we can distinguish between two levels of moral intuition. It is not a matter of linking these functions of the “superego” to the father—or mother. Their distinction lies not in the way in which the individual encounters them, but in the originarity of their source. Moral consciousness or conscience is shared by all humans; it derives from the inaugural experience of humanization, the acquisition of speech in the originary scenic context subject to the “will” of the sacred. Moral reciprocity strikes us as “natural” because it does not depend on any specific social arrangement; on the contrary, specific social arrangements tend to supersede the originary symmetry that nonetheless remains fundamental and is emphasized in religious ritual.

    This does not mean that we can “deduce” ethical imperatives as modifications of the moral model. But the fact that in the absence of ethical constraints, the default norm of peaceful behavior, say among a group of friends deciding on what film to watch, is dictated by this model suffices to demonstrate its fundamental nature. That less peaceful groupings such as criminal gangs tend to reproduce the serial structure of ape societies demonstrates the fragility of the moral order, but the very existence of language and its related cultural mechanisms of deferral gives proof that this solution cannot function overall.

    Reminders of the originary scene of symmetrical exchange in the sense of Durkheim’s solidarité are visible not only in the egalitarian societies that precede the Neolithic establishment of sedentary agriculture but in those cultures, notably those of the West and of Buddhism, that have liberated our originary moral conscience from what Voegelin called the “compact” ethic of social hierarchy.


    Understood in this manner, the phenomenon of socialism, born in the 19th century, appears as a modern intensification of the primacy of morality over ethics, anticipated by all kinds of egalitarian movements throughout history, generally with much the same lack of success.

    A consistent failure under its own name when it has been able to take power in modern societies—will China prove a durable exception?—socialism’s success in the past appears limited to “other-worldly” or sacred-oriented organizations, such as medieval monasteries, which were (ideally) egalitarian in distribution, although not in authority. Even the Israeli kibbutzim, inaugurated with great enthusiasm by a broadly skilled and educated population, have virtually disappeared in modern Israel’s industrialized economy, mutating either into residential cooperatives or professionally differentiated workplaces.

    Yet the persistence of the socialist dream in the face of the most egregious counter-examples is understandable, given the foundational role of symmetrical reciprocity in the emergence of language and the recognition of the sacred.

    Wokeism is in this regard a reductio ad absurdum of the socialist dream of reducing all ethics to the moral model that operates by separating the real economy (infrastructure) from the ideational superstructure in which the moral reigns supreme. Society remains largely as it was, but awoken to its “inequities,” which it repairs symbolically with affirmative action and the like, but chiefly by demanding penance from the privileged whites for the “systemic racism” whose persistence is assumed.

    How can this notion of “equity” focused on symbolic reparations rather than serious demands for modifying the economy be justified? By the fact that the fundamental currency of human exchange is, after all, language—the exchange of signs without which the originary central object would never have been peacefully distributed. Wokeness postulates that were our language, internal as well as external, perfectly egalitarian, differences in wealth and privilege would presumably be unimportant. In an affluent society enjoying “perpetual peace,” the difference between a college student and a billionaire may be dismissed as trivial.

    Wokeism carries out what can be seen from the perspective of Sirius as a fascinating experiment in what might be called performative anthropology—bracketing practical life in order to seek humanity’s must fundamental human, that is, cultural, motivations. The insistence on absurd restrictions on language, personal “pronouns” and the like reflect, like Orwell’s Newspeak, this fundamental intuition. In the last analysis, wokeness can be understood as a perverse way of expressing the same fundamental intuitions as generative anthropology.

    But whereas the originary hypothesis reflects a life-or-death “mimetic crisis” in which humans had to find a way to control the connection between their growing intelligence and its contribution to mimetic conflict, wokeness “starts over” by bracketing, not just the basic needs of life, but all considerations of material existence, as if unproblematically guaranteed by a “parental” social order. It is a way of thinking for children in secure families preoccupied exclusively by “moral” problems.

    Which is to say that it seeks in its own perverse way the root of our moral intuition by inverting the urgency of the originary event, going from a fundamental state of creaturely peace to a thought experiment of resentment. The overwhelmingly peaceful interactions of whites and POC in American society are reinterpreted in such a way that the whites are made to imagine the feeling of minority resentment, and thereby discover the imperative reciprocity of the moral model, reconstructing a “mimetic crisis” from the imagined reactions of the other to one’s own inauthentic affirmations of reciprocity. The only exchange of any importance is symbolic; any data invoked in support of wokeness’ “antiracist” message is intended to support the essential point of the whites’ semi-conscious deformation of the moral model of reciprocal exchange.


    From the standpoint of originary morality, all ethical systems are compromises; natural and social inequalities make symmetrical reciprocity an ideal unrealizable in most worldly interactions, however prominent it remains as an underlying principle. The current mania of judging past ethical arrangements from the standpoint of an ideal present defines as authentic our unreflective reaction to exotic practices—a reaction, ironically enough, strictly tabooed with respect to the practices of non-Western societies.

    The death penalty, for example, was universally accepted a couple of generations ago; today, most Westerners—but not authoritarian societies such as China or Iran—view it as “cruel and unusual.” Execution, like all forms of corporal punishment, even spanking, offends the sensibilities of the Western educated class. The idea that someone who may have committed a series of unspeakably cruel murders should not be put to death is certainly not a direct consequence of the moral model. Nor is it a genuine expression of Christian charity. Rather than “judge not, lest ye be judged,” it expresses rather the social justice explanation of criminality as the fault of “society,” other recent consequences of which have been the abolition of cash bail and the non-prosecution of minor offenses.

    The extension of this intuitive criterion to more complex institutions leads to facile condemnations of the patriarchy and ahistorical denunciations of slavery as an “abomination,” as though the fate of defeated enemies in ancient wars should have obeyed modern humanitarian principles. Slavery, even at its worst, began as a way of including the conquered in the victors’ economic system rather than simply slaughtering them. Yet more egregiously, value judgments concerning women’s inferior economic position in pre-modern society tend to be formulated independently of the internal economy of the pre-modern household, devoid not just of “labor-saving devices” but of external sources of basic materials like cloth, thread, salt, and milk for one’s children, not to speak of hot and cold running water.

    Nonetheless, the idea of moral progress, that “the arc of history bends toward justice,” cannot be denied, and it is the fundamental moral intuition of human reciprocity that defines “justice.” The very point of liberal democracy, until now the most effective social order, is to allow for reasoned debate rather than civil war in negotiating the multiple resentments aroused by society’s failures of reciprocity.


    Coda: Jewish firstness

    A propos of my recent Chronicles 717718 on “The Jewish Question,” Adam Katz raises the following point:

    Should not the constitutive insistence that Jews are “not like the other nations” be considered here? Is that not a unique claim? Are there other nations that define themselves in this way from the beginning, rather than just distinguishing themselves from rivals? This assertion is central to scripture, and has remained central throughout Jewish history. If you begin with such a claim, aren’t you declaring eternal mimetic rivalry with everyone else? Others, then, have no choice but to either see you as radically different, or as only pretending to be so (and in that case being radically different nevertheless). The reason for this constitutive difference is relevant, but what if the self-distinction is itself the most important thing? (I can’t recall if Eric has ever discussed this.) Wouldn’t it be impossible to have a non-paradoxical relationship with other peoples in this case? Or an insignificant one? Even saying “I don’t care about the Jews” would raise the question of why you make a point about declaring you don’t care about them in particular. In this case, It would be a question of how Jews figure others just as much as how others figure the Jews. (What came to be known as “Judaism” was developed against certain conceptions of Hellenistic and Roman culture.) And this claim seemed to have been provocative even before other nations had accepted the God of the Hebrew bible—the ancient Greeks and Romans remarked on it, at times rather resentfully, I believe.

    I am not qualified to judge the uniqueness of the Jews’ claim of uniqueness, but it seems to me that every society in its patriotic moments considers itself superior to its peers, and that this is all the more true of every religion. This makes all the more salient the fact that only the Jews are hated for it—and this, because however one mocks their claim to be “the chosen people,” in the hierarchy of Western religions, the Jews’ primal status cannot be denied.

    The answer to how to do away with antisemitism is that it cannot be eliminated by denying its foundation, any more than the West’s superiority in science and industry, which created the modern world and has now led to the adoption of its own mode of “Jewish guilt,” can be denied.

    The solution to resentment is not denying it or simply putting it aside; it is overcoming it through the realization that the superiority of “the Other” benefits in the long run the entire human population. The jihadists may hate the West, but as Girard pointed out, they nevertheless “belong to” Western civilization, not least in their use of its weapons—which, unlike its music or feminine apparel, are not considered haram.

    The only way that the world’s societies can learn to live in peace is to accept the firstness of each as a gift to the world as a whole, and seek always to forgive each other for their acts of injustice. But like the ethic of a single society, the ethic of international relations cannot be derived a priori. If history’s arc “bends toward justice,” the bending can return us to originary harmony only to the extent that it at the same time extends over new degrees of freedom that can absorb the energies otherwise expended in resentment. Thus has the human race progressed until now.

    Judaism has never denied its asymmetric relationship with the religious world that emerged from it. Christianity, in its effort to transcend it, created the Trinity, in which the Son’s coming is presumed to have given all persons, Jew or not, equal standing in the face of God. Jesus’ moral doctrine is not essentially different from that of the rabbis; as Hillel famously put it, the golden rule “is the whole Torah; the rest is explanation.” Christianity made explicit the universality of the One God by transforming Hillel’s parochially uttered comment into a world-wide declaration: accept the divinity of Jesus, and you are absolved of all difference of originarity.

    Before leaving this subject, we should note that both Hillel and Jesus emphasize the universal priority of the moral model. Social institutions cannot operate according to the golden rule; soldiers at war cannot turn the other cheek. We all know this, but understand that the point is to return to this model as the ultimate criterion of human justice, viewing all deviations from it as concessions to the greater good of the communal whole.

  • The Jewish Question Part II

    Xenophanes:

    (15) Yes, and if oxen and horses or lions had hands, and could paint with their hands, and produce works of art as men do, horses would paint the forms of the gods like horses, and oxen like oxen, and make their bodies in the image of their several kinds.

    (16) The Ethiopians make their gods black and snub-nosed; the Thracians say theirs have blue eyes and red hair.

    Early Greek Philosophy, John Burnet, 3rd edition, 1920, p. 119. Translated from Die Fragmente der Vorsokratiker griechisch und deutsch, Hermann Diels, Walther Kranz, 1903.

    Xenophanes’ understanding that each group has gods that resemble it, so that the divine as such must be abstracted from these, is a valid anthropological deduction, but the foundation of a theory of religion rather than a religion.

    What the Hebrews discovered was that their god, properly understood, was the One God, because all humans derive their humanity from the same scene. The specifics of the sacred being are unimportant; the sacred is above all the will that is the source of our humanity, our language and our self-consciousness. Although each group sees god(s) in its own image, unlike horses and lions, Thracians and Ethiops are both humans whose racial differences are unimportant, as are their different languages, provided that each community can communicate within itself, and by extension, to all the others.

    This simple intuition is the most consequent of religious revelations because it establishes humans not merely as a single biological species, but as constituting, beyond all cultural differences, a single and unique community. Languages can be mutually translated, and although religious practices are not simply equivalent, they can all be seen as proposing variations of the same conception of the sacred. The direct consequence of this is that all humans share the same moral intuition, however diverse their ethical laws. This is the basis of the conception of the nation as opposed to the tribe, whose difference from other nations does not extend to its relation to the sacred: the eventual foundation of the European congress of nations that created the modern world.

    But this revelation has a single locus in space-time. The infuriating thing about Jewish firstness is that it cannot be historically effaced. It is the enormous chutzpah of claiming to worship ab ovo the One God, not the best or most powerful but simply the One, that makes the heirs of this belief objects of eternal resentment.

    One can well say, with John Paul II, that the Jews are the “elder brothers” of the Christians, as well as of the Muslims; that they have given their revelation of the sacred to the world, and that as with all firstness, it should be understood in the first place as a gift, not an assertion of superiority or a mode of exploitation.

    But as Mauss discovered, gifts are meant to be exchanged, and this is a gift that has no counterpart. The only remedy is to accept the gift in good faith and seek to offer to the world gifts of one’s own in the measure of one’s ability.

    To the extent that generative anthropology can help make this acceptance easier to bear, it is in providing it with a hypothetical basis. As a result of their experiences, at least partially understandable through the biblical narrative, the Hebrews discovered an essential quality about the sacred; but they did not invent the sacred. The Hebrew contribution to the Western, Judeo-Christian conception of God is secondary to the sacred’s fundamental characteristics that all such conceptions share. The better we understand the anthropological basis of the sacred, the less we need resent the historical accidents of its revelations.


    “First they come for the Jews…” Usually after they “come for the Jews,” they go home, unless they happen to throw in a few other stigmatized groups. But unlike like these other groups, the Jews are not merely despised, but resented for their firstness. The core of antisemitism is the inescapable dissonance between resenting and denying this firstness, as in denying the Holocaust while regretting its incompletion. The Jews are the only category of victims to whom the stigma of “blaming the victim” does not apply; they are excluded from “intersectional” groupings.

    The friends of the Jews, Evangelist Christians and Mormons are among the most fervent Zionists, far more consistently than American Jews themselves. Instead of mocking their beliefs as relics of ancient superstitions, we should respect them as expressions of cultural wisdom. They understand that the Jews embody the foundation of Christianity and modernity, and that their return to Israel is an event of world-historical significance, an affirmation not merely of “Western civilization” but of the modern world and its potential. Religious intuitions/revelations can express anthropological truths whose rational exposition is too far away from realization, just as the originary hypothesis solicits a “faith” that cannot be demonstrated with direct factual evidence.

    Whence the world-historical potential of Donald Trump’s Abrahamic initiative in spreading to the Islamic world the reconciliation with its Hebrew “elder brothers” that has been made by the most enlightened Christians.

    Not only did Trump’s daughter convert to Judaism to marry a Jew and raise those Jewish grandchildren that liberal Jews have so few of, Trump alone of our presidents dared to take the decisive step, in the face not only of the increasingly antisemitic Democrats but of “respectable” Republicans, of moving the American embassy to Jerusalem as a mark of the definitive installation of the Jews in their ancient homeland. No more emphatic message of international affirmation had been given to Israel since Truman recognized it in 1948.

    This is a major point in favor of viewing Trump as a world-historical figure, whose quirks of personality must be understood as the price paid by us and Trump himself for his having the audacity to stand in opposition to Western oikophobia. Along with his ally Ben Carson, Trump was sole among the more than a dozen GOP hopefuls in 2016 to recognize the danger of the victimary: what was then called PC and has now mutated into wokeness. His MAGA slogan was an affirmation of national pride that was unusual only in its apparent audacity.

    The resistance of so many American Jews, and not a few of those in Israel, to Trump’s encouragements to claim full nationhood and abjure what David Wurmser called the Jewish attitude of the galut or state of exile, which persists in Israel itself despite its 70-odd years of existence, only underlines the significance of these initiatives. Rather than characterize the West, and the Jews, by their moral failures, both should be judged on the basis of the moral as well as material benefits they have brought the world. It is our Judeo-Christian moral conscience that has allowed us to condemn slavery when it continues to be practiced in less advanced societies. Ideas like these seem banal, but their limited currency today demonstrates that the wisdom of common sense demands more maturity and courage than does woke virtue-signaling. As the land symbolic of the postwar re-beginning of Western civilization, Israel must resist this exilic temptation, lest it spread, as it now risks doing, to both the European heartland of this civilization and its bulwark in the USA.

    Today Americans are becoming become aware of the awful consequences of 2021’s so-called “return to normalcy” that is in fact a submission to the victimary pseudo-religion promoted by the near-totality of American society’s elite, some merely as virtue-signalers, and others recognizing the political advantages of doing away with America’s once majoritarian “middle class.”

    Trump alone stood viably against this trend, and his treatment at the hands of his political enemies throughout his term shows how low not only patriotism but the simple respect for reality has sunk among the bureaucrats who control American educational institutions, commerce and industry, and above all, government.

    Why indeed have the Palestinians become so dear to so many, like the poor girl whose heart was hurt by our supplying Israel with—purely defensive—Iron Dome rockets? Clearly, the real source of the vast sympathy for Palestinians is simply that they are “victims” of the Jews. Trump has been the only American (and pretty much the only Western) politician to treat Israel as a fully legitimate country rather than as coequal in its claims with the Arab groups who rejected the Balfour declaration and have sought ever since to make the land of Israel Judenfrei “from the river to the sea.”

    The Abraham accords have no doubt benefited from the Arab-Sunni reaction to the danger posed by Iran to the status quo in the Middle East. But this tactical rapprochement should be understood in a far broader context. Just as Christians have learned (more or less) to accept the “seniority” of the Jews without denying their own religion, the same can happen in Islam.

    No doubt, in comparison with Christianity, Islam’s generally hostile relationship to the Jews reflects a far more adversarial theology, as shown by the numerous anti-Jewish passages in the Koran and Hadiths. Unlike Christianity, which seeks to spread its faith throughout the Earth while always retaining the distinction between God’s kingdom and that of the world, Islam promotes an active program of world conquest, in the context of which any territory once occupied by Muslims can never in principle be relinquished. Although the Koran is highly dependent on the Old Testament, Islam inverts this dependency by representing itself as the “true” version of what had previously been revealed to the Jews (and Christians) only in distorted form.

    But if Islam can accept the loss of Spain and other European territories, it can accept the legitimacy of Israel. If there is a self-serving element in any such agreement, so much the better. Israel doesn’t need charity from the Islamic world, but simply a chance to live together in peace. The Palestinian population has much more to gain in the long run from cooperation with the Arab world and with Israel than from dependence on the Muslim Brotherhood and on Iran’s fanatical regime, deeply hated by the majority of its own population.

    The potential consequences of a fully-developed Abrahamic alliance are far-reaching. The establishment of a sense of religious brotherhood would help diminish the Muslim/Christian tension that is undermining the unity of Europe, while encouraging the modernization of the still-medieval aspects of Sharia. The decline and defeat of jihadism would unleash the potential of Asian and African nations now preoccupied with the threat of religious civil war.

    There is no overriding necessity that mimetic rivalry find its outlet in destructive violence. Reassuring words do not themselves constitute a solution, but the Abraham accords are not mere slogans. Whatever hope remains for the West to contribute to the betterment of the human race, this potential alliance is a far better way to initiate the rapprochement of the Judeo-Christian and Muslim worlds than surrendering Afghanistan to the Taliban.

    It is in fact of great significance that this step toward unity has occurred at the very moment when the postwar world order under Pax Americana appears to be breaking down. The extension of peace between Islam and the Judeo-Christian religions to the still incompletely modernized lands of Africa and the Middle East could be the crucial watershed in the extension of modernity, instead of just its weaponry, to the entire human race. It is still not too late for the West to learn once more to believe in itself and its values before war once again turns all the advances of modernity against its inventors and humanity as a whole.

  • The Jewish Question: Part I

    For Srulik

    I have long been a fan of Caroline Glick, the Chicago-born Israeli author of The Israeli Solution, and the sharpest commentator I know on Israeli politics and international relations. Not surprisingly, CG has remained a strong supporter of Netanyahu and is highly critical of the current coalition regime.

    The other day on her quasi-weekly webcast, where she is usually accompanied by her Tel Aviv colleague Gadi Taub, she had as her guest David Wurmser, a cofounder of MEMRI and a longtime Middle East consultant under Republican administrations. Unlike most policy experts, Wurmser was willing and able to grant “the Jewish question” its full historical significance.

    Judaism as the source of Christianity and Western civilization is rooted in the land of Israel. Yet this territory’s partial reoccupation by the Jews is not merely resented as a “colonial” import by many local Arab-Palestinian populations—and indirectly by the many nations and NGOs who support them—but condemned as the entirely unjustified usurpation of a territory that their ancestors never occupied. Not only is the current leader of the PLO/PA the author of a dissertation denying the fact of the Holocaust, but the entire Palestinian enterprise is founded on the barefaced denial that those who today call themselves Jews have any connection whatever to this land. As Wurmser was not afraid to point out, virtually the whole of Europe, the homeland of Western Civilization, generously funds the Palestinian “resistance” against the Jewish state.

    These nonsensical claims serve the same function today as the story of Jews murdering Christian children to use their blood in matzoth back in 13th-century England. Although one cannot deny the usefulness of the updated definition of antisemitism put out in 2016 by the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance, antisemitism can be defined most simply as the unconditional hatred of Jews. If this year it be called “anti-Zionism,” that is as unimportant as the term antisemitism itself, which reflects an obsolete racial doctrine that has never been applied to other Semites. Israel is the only one of the world’s nations whose very existence is denounced as a crime.


    Given the fact that, unlike most Jews from Russia and the rest of Europe, let alone the Middle East, those of my generation have benefited from lives virtually untouched by antisemitism, I feel a special responsibility to make clear to the world the crucial centrality of the Jews/Hebrews to Western and world culture.

    As an attempt by humans to “think ourselves,” generative anthropology cannot avoid the fact that the modern world is a Western creation—whether or not Asians can learn to operate it better than Westerners remains to be seen—nor that the “West” is built on a Jewish foundation. In a word, Western civilization is Jewish monotheism de-tribalized by Christianity. Nor can the latter deny the firstness of its Hebrew element, despite its rejection of the human component of the Trinitarian God.

    Unlike the theological reflections of Xenophanes, which encourage us to detach the sacred from the particularities of its human history, the universality of the Hebrew conception of the divinity does not expel its historical concreteness. The Hebrew One God remains a “tribal” divinity, not in an exclusive sense, but in an originary one. The One God originated not as an abstraction, but as the embodiment of the sacred for a particular community.

    It is the Jews’ firstness with respect to this foundational principle of Western civilization that explains antisemitism. It also explains how easy it is for Jews, and not only in the US, to take the side of their haters against themselves: how does one dare claim membership in the “chosen people”?

    The White Guilt we hear so much of lately is a pan-Western derivative of Jewish Guilt, a term that, ironically, has come to designate a psychological handicap characteristic of Jews in societies that “tolerate” them too much for their own sense of well-being. In particular, this guilt explains the strange reluctance of the Jews to seek and claim victory—a characteristic that increasingly clings to the West as a whole. It is as if WWII itself were less a great triumph than the ultimate debunking of the very notion of victory.

    Why, if we really know that Jerusalem is a Jewish city, did Moshe Dayan let the Muslim Wakf retain control of the Temple Mount after the victory in 1967? To paraphrase Chronicle 705, can we imagine Muslims putting Jews in charge of the Kaaba? Given that Israel was willing to leave the El Aqsa mosque untouched (one can imagine what would have happened in the contrary case), it certainly wasn’t required to forbid Jews to pray anywhere in the area.

    And why are the Left Bank territories still called “occupied”? Russia illegally annexed Crimea; do we call it “occupied”? Do we seek to open a separate consulate in Sebastopol for Ukrainians? It is only the Jews who not only get treated this way, but who treat themselves this way. One might even speculate that the reason that Israel remained generally popular until 1967 was not simply that it was perceived as the underdog, but that as such, it sought victory. If you want people to treat you like a winner, you mustn’t be afraid to win.


    Adam Katz’s and my The First Shall Be the Last, which defended these ideas, was about as much a non-event as a book can be. That it was virtually disowned by the organization (ISGAP) that sponsored it says enough about its impact within the “anti-antisemitism” community. And we should not overlook the fact that this reaction is substantially the same as that met by the first book concerned with generative anthropology, The Origin of Language (TOOL) published by UC Press in 1981—and regretted by them ever since. As the UCLA representative of the Press told me some years later when I proposed another manuscript, “we have to eat.” Can the common fate of these two books have some significance other than the poor judgment of some editors in bringing untimely or unworthy volumes to print?

    Rather than a kind of mental disease, or an example of “scapegoating” in which the identity of the victim is simply arbitrary (why this goat?), Jew-hatred is a phenomenon of world-historical significance. That anti-antisemites are loath to explain this for fear that the reasons behind antisemitism might appear, or function, as a justification, is hardly a valid argument. As we should not be surprised to observe, antisemitism didn’t go away in 1945, and today it may well again be as pervasive as, say, in 1930… or 1330. People don’t need new reasons to hate the Jews. The point is to understand the anthropological roots of this hatred rather than reacting punctually to its accusations, or attempting to weigh the difference between being antisemitic and opposing Israel’s policies. And yet there is a quasi-pathological reluctance to do so.

    The parallel with the origin of language should be obvious. Linguists shrug their shoulders: who really needs such a theory? linguistics is about the languages we have, regardless of how they emerged from our prelinguistic state. Anthropologists don’t need such theories either: they need data, not speculative hypotheses. As for the religious community, it is wary of anthropological explanations of the sacred; faith must be kept alive, not distracted with imagined godless scenarios.

    But what if they are all wrong?


    The sacred cannot be understood as a speculative construction, as though—Max Müller thought in these terms—”newly created” man awoke from his anti-Darwinian slumber (see Chronicle 192) and wondered what indeed was the source of the “being” that he saw all around him. Müller imagined that he found it in the sun

    Girard (and Freud before him), however fanciful their scenarios, conceived the origin of humanity as dependent on the resolution/deferral of a conflict. In Freud’s case, the “father’s” monopoly of women led to his murder, a scenario which, relieved of its erotic element, is not far from a variant of the originary hypothesis. The Freudian “father” is a quasi-mythical equivalent of the Alpha in animal hierarchy, and although the latter does not command the group nor keep all the females for himself, his monopoly of firstness suffices to make him the object of general resentment.

    The core of Girard’s hypothesis, truly game-changing whatever its secondary deficiencies, is that the minimal content of the sacred is its preservation of the human community against the violent potential of internal mimetic rivalry. That is, Girard anticipated GA’s “definition” of the human as the only species that is its own worst enemy. All varieties of the sacred can be understood as variations on this theme. Although the sacred addresses each member of the community individually, as Durkheim understood, the latter’s solidarity must be regularly reinforced by the repetition of the originary exercise of reciprocal exchange and sacrificial feasting.


    What specifically did the Hebrews contribute to our understanding of the sacred? In a world in which the several communities each have their own images/intuitions of divinity, understood in the wider world as distinct individual gods, the Hebrews understood that God is One.

    This can be seen as originating in the attempt of a weak people to bypass the competition among the gods whose power reflected that of powerful empires by asserting that victory and defeat in intersocietal competition are irrelevant to God’s governance. But whatever the source of the original intuition, the epistemological consequence is that by invalidating the relevance of divine “competition,” the idea of the One God puts all nations on the same moral level. God is the protector of humanity as a whole, and his choice of the Hebrews as “his” people can be justified only a posteriori by their moral exemplarity—which, as the biblical story shows, they rarely claimed to have maintained even under the best of reigns. Recalling that reciprocal symmetry is the basis of human relations in general attaches the One God to the originarily human in a way impossible for any “local” god.

    No doubt, as in all history, fortuitous factors played a role in this revelation, notably the relatively acephalous governance of the Hebrew tribes, coupled with their widely shared alphabetic literacy, and perhaps also their failure, once settled in Canaan, to establish a durable military-economic power. Nor do we fully understand the relationship between the Hebrew experience and the “Catastrophe” of the 12th century BC, as reflected in the Trojan War and the destruction of the Hittite and Minoan empires. And who knows how the Hebrew One God would have fared over the past two millennia in the absence of the Christian and Islamic “heresies” that spread its lesson throughout much of the world?

    But the simple fact that the Jews are hated today as they were two thousand years ago, that their very historical reality is denied, suffices as a demonstration of their firstness. Originary resentment is focused on the sacred itself; it is the sacred’s transcendence of this resentment through its gift of peace in the sacrificial feast that makes it nonetheless indispensable. The “chosen people” of the One God who in fact embodies the sacred for all were fated to take this resentment on themselves.

    We should recall that, even allowing for the diplomatic disculpation of the Romans in the way the Gospels tell the tale, Jesus was crucified by them, not his fellow Jews. Guilt for the Crucifixion, in other words, belongs to the pagan world. But no doubt it was only by transferring this guilt to the Jewish people that Christianity could induce the rest of the world to benefit from the Hebrew “discovery” of the One God.

    John Paul II’s acceptance of the Jews as Christianity’s “elder brothers” dissolves this ancient rivalry, although it remains unclear to what extent his papal successor, along with what remains of the Christian West, have absorbed this lesson. Those who piously respect the sanctity of pre-Columbian burial grounds find no contradiction in generously financing those who deny the Jews’ historical connection to their ancient homeland.


    The sequel to this Chronicle will attempt to draw some further conclusions concerning the West’s contemporary dilemma.

  • Originary Thinking and the Elan Vital

    Henri Bergson is barely remembered today outside of France, and if at all for his theory of the comic in Le rire: Du mécanique plaqué sur du vivant, the humiliation of life through physics, as when a purposeful walker slips on a banana peel. Under the influence of Darwin, Bergson’s “vitalist” thought attributed to living beings an élan vital, a drive to maintain themselves and reproduce, and he was ready to attribute this élan in a less advanced form to matter itself.


    As AI moves inexorably toward the Singularity, predicted for the 2040s, when machines will become more intelligent than humans across the board rather than merely better at mathematical calculations or playing chess, I thought I should get in a few human thoughts while we’re still ahead. These thoughts are in response to what has been so far the only dynamic internal challenge to GA, that of Adam Katz, who is, as his forthcoming book review makes clear, attracted to a less “humanistic” understanding of originary thinking than mine, one that brings together, as Bernard Stiegler seeks to do in his La technique et le temps, the two halves of the division between tekhne and episteme that Stiegler sees, in a manner not altogether incompatible with the GA critique of metaphysics, as the point of departure for Greek philosophy and its prolongation in metaphysical/scientific thought.

    As a preliminary reflection in this domain, I thought I would try to take “originary thinking” as far as it can go, answering, independently of Heidegger’s never-quite-stilled reminiscences of the Schwarzwald and its pre-Christian nature mystique, his Urfrage: why are there “essents” rather than nothing; Warum ist überhaupt Seiendes und nicht vielmehr Nichts?

    One might think that if there is one question we certainly cannot answer, it is this one. We have no access to extraworldly decision processes, and if one thing is clear, it is that we cannot hope to answer it by seeking in the depths of our brains/minds/souls the “meaning” of Being and/or Nothingness. We can nevertheless attempt to explore the issue from a perspective more epistemological than ontological; as Kant might say, we need not trouble ourselves about the Ding-an-sich.

    One thing that the progress of the cognitive sciences reveals to us is that the “mystery” of life is most simply understood as the propensity of things that last to… last. All of Darwin is contained in that negentropic principle. One needs no external will, no watchmaker God, simply “stuff” let loose in time. For as the billennia and trillennia go by, the stuff will form structures by chance, and those structures that don’t endure will come to be replaced by those that do.

    The theorists of the Big Bang occurring 13.8 billion years ago and its succeeding nano-seconds have gone into great detail in retrodicting the origins of the universe we now experience. But if we assume not just a paltry few billion years but a truly unlimited amount of time—say, the time necessary for me to bet a billion dollars a second on the outcome of the Monte Carlo “paradox” and in the end turn a profit—then whatever material we began with will have arguably achieved an extremely high level of organization. Unless, of course, as our religious tradition and others suggest, negentropy holds within it a perverse tendency to turn on itself and accelerate the triumph of its entropic enemy.


    The emptiness of questions such as asking whether or not the existence of time calls forth beings rather than nothing—or what “time” would mean with no beings to exist “within” it—is precisely why people no longer take metaphysics seriously. All too clearly, these are the kind of questions one comes to ask as a result of possessing language without ever having thought about how language came to exist; it doesn’t matter where the words came from, one feels one can just use them to ask whatever one likes.

    How then can we handle the situation in order to situate the human and its language in what we might call the history of “systems”?

    Although blind faith in the uniformitarian principle incites our scientists to obsess about life on other planets, the fact that so far we haven’t observed any strikes me as a pretty good indication that it doesn’t exist, and certainly not on the level of ETI. Regardless, even if we are (for the moment) unique, we need not consider ourselves the first or last “intelligent” creatures to evolve, since we have no idea how long the universe, or multiverse, has existed, or even if it makes sense to conceive of such a duration.

    Once again, given “stuff” of some minimal level of complexity and mobility, and as much time as necessary, the stuff will spontaneously counteract entropy by arbitrarily forming negentropic structures, things like protons and electrons, atoms, molecules, and all the rest. Hence given enough time, it would be inevitable that “life” would evolve, creatures capable not just of forming and enduring but of reproducing themselves with variations and hence of “evolving” over time into increasingly capable creatures. This is Darwin’s theory in a nutshell, which in effect requires no premises other than those used to explain the origin of the stars, or of our solar system: “stuff,” and time.

    In this context, then, language being a useful device, it makes sense to assume that at some point it would evolve. But here is where our “materialists” go wrong. I note not altogether parenthetically that Terrence Deacon’s long-awaited 2012 Incomplete Nature, where he describes quite persuasively in systems-theory terms How Mind Emerged from Matter, unexpectedly deals not at all with mind’s greatest achievement, that of human language—and this despite Deacon’s illuminating focus on language in his 1997 The Symbolic Species.

    Why indeed would he not take this step? Could the explanation be the same as that for his refusal to engage with the originary hypothesis, about which we exchanged a couple of emails in the last years of the last century, and this after his having been just about the only cognitive scientist to conceive a “scenario” for language origin rather than simply assuming that it “evolved”? (See Chronicle 490.)

    Human language is not simply a useful tool; its emergence is necessary, as Girard understood concerning human culture in general, to provide a means of allowing creatures of a high level of mimetic intelligence (as if any other kind could emerge among living creatures) to function together in sufficient harmony to pursue existence and evolution by deferring mimetic violence. The terms of the originary hypothesis indeed imply that proto-humans who did not “discover” the sacred and language would have died out, precisely because their growing intelligence would have made them otherwise incapable of living harmoniously—on the principle that humanity alone among the species poses the chief danger to its own survival.

    No doubt in the broader scheme of things, this “discovery” is just one more example of evolutionary adaptivity, a way of permitting a higher level of intelligence to operate in a complex society. But given that in humans, the origin of language accompanies that of the sacred, and that we have no counterexamples, the question, not of “the existence of God,” which is not a truly intelligible idea in any case, but of the sacred’s conceptual necessity, must go unanswered. Were AI indeed eventually to evolve a mode of “life” independent of humans, whose existence might then no longer be “necessary,” this would only corroborate the necessity of a Creator outside the universe of his creation…

    Hence we must return to Roy Rappaport’s intuition, now abandoned by the social sciences, of the coevality of language and the sacred. The sacred is not an arbitrary addition to the evolutionary schema. It is the communal deferral it commands that permits the generation of language as a means of communication among individual beings, each capable not merely of perceiving external reality but reflecting on it in such as way as to be able to share thoughts about it with his fellows. Language “exists” nowhere but in individual minds, but its objective or “inscriptive” reality is shareable. And this shareability that makes it so useful a tool is predicated on the emergence among the first humans of the intuition of a sacred will preventing mimetic conflict and concomitantly inaugurating communication through symbolic signs.

    Given that there are no other examples in the animal kingdom of truth-capable or propositional languages, it is empty speculation to assume that such languages could emerge without requiring the evocation of a sacred interdiction to provoke the institution of the “symbolic” sign. The fact that contemporary social science finds no reason to consider this filiation is of no value as evidence; and whether AI itself can evolve a different conception of language does not remove the sacred from the filiation that led to it from its biological creators.


    What of the future? If a mere few billion years sufficed to produce all this, assuming the universe has unlimited time at its disposal, one might expect far more. Asking where we are in “universal” history only poses new questions: if the negentropic principle is in principle eternal, what reason can we give for the inadequacies we still find? In a trillion, a quadrillion years, how much better will things be? Or will they be at all? No doubt the overall entropy of any “universe” continues to increase, but if so much matter/energy came together at the start, why must we assume that the universe’s total supply of matter/energy is thereby exhausted? If in the beginning there was Nichts, then whatever source supplied the original stuff need not exhaust itself in that single act. The fact is that, however naïve these speculations may appear in comparison with those of serious cosmologists, the more we learn about the universe, the less we are able to comprehend even the sense of what it means to speak of its “origin.”

    Was the Big Bang truly the beginning (or rebeginning) of “everything”? Is ours but one sub-universe in a multiverse? None of these speculations is satisfying; the originary principle of the system remains hidden. And the disquieting fact that the composition of matter/energy, which the 20th century seemed to be on the way to successfully theorizing, continues to grow more complex with each generation of particle accelerators, suggests to some that there are an infinite number of layers and that the multiplication of “elementary” particles will never end. At least if the Singularity bears the fruit its conceptualizers endow it with, machines thinking billions of times faster than humans will have a better chance than we at understanding the universe, or in other terms, embodying the universe’s self-understanding.

    This might seem to be the “destiny” of the universe as an entropic system: negentropic subsystems emerge within it and maintain themselves, and ultimately come to “understand” the universe as a whole. At this point, we might say that they “master” it, as God made us the “masters” of the Earth and its creatures. What that will allow such beings to do with this mastery we clearly cannot conceive. In contrast, thinking of humans, as Pascal always saw us, as intermediate beings, neither tiny nor vast, divine nor infernal, is probably the best way of understanding ourselves in every sense.


    The purpose of GA is not to master the universe and resolve its mysteries, but to help us to operate for the best in our limited locality, expanding it as we can, less with a “sense of our limitations,” given how far these have already been pushed back, than with an understanding that we have limitations, and that so to speak by definition we cannot grasp what they are.

    In the back of our minds while conceiving such speculations remains the sinister thought that the conquests of deferral such as we have known them have regularly brought along with them the dangers of ever-greater violence. Since Hiroshima, we have been faced with a realizable vision of humanity’s self-destruction. The deferral of violence can work well almost everywhere, but if a single act, a finger on The Button, can precipitate the apocalypse, how much longer can we expect to remain immune from it? Is it this that explains what, all things considered, might appear as the brief duration of our present universe?

    Generative anthropology cannot answer such questions. But as for the origin of human language and the culture that has accompanied it, the originary hypothesis must be recognized as having provided the only explanation so far of the inextricable relationship of the sign to the sacred that enables it and to the mimetic violence it defers. The foundations of cosmology may remain ever beyond our grasp, but we can indeed make progress in our worldly self-understanding by going back, once more, to the origin of language.