Author: staceymeeker

  • Conscience and Intentionality

    What the originary hypothesis adds to the social sciences is a criterion that distinguishes between the human and what preceded it in qualitative as well as quantitative terms. Clearly there is a sharp distinction to be made. Without denying the value of research into what might be called animal “meaning,” we cannot deny that this usage of the term is a metaphor, and that the proper meaning of “meaning” lies within human representational culture, language and religion, which has no parallel among animals.

    In the broadest sense, no living being, plant or animal, can survive without attributing “meaning” to the world around it, and reacting differently to percepts that possess different “meanings.” But when a cat sees a mouse, the “mouse-idea” it constructs is of a different nature from that which humans associate with the word mouse. The cat has no means to think about the mouse it sees, nor do the warning signals emitted by a vervet monkey share a thought (signifié) with its fellows. This simple truth is one that students of animal behavior do themselves no favors by not taking explicitly into consideration.

    The sign as a transcendental object whose being as a type is independent of its existence in worldly tokens is simply not available to our animal friends. This invention of a new mode of being implicitly dependent on the human community who share the meaning (signifié) of the sign is the first example since the Big Bang of an addition to the original ontology of mass and energy.

    Phenomenology was in its origins an attempt to study the “phenomena” of consciousness by bracketing the perceptive and other fields from which they derive. This procedure avoids Kant’s “things in themselves” to focus simply on the contents of our consciousness, inspiring a new examination of the human self that led to Existentialism and later to post-structuralism.

    Derrida’s early work La voix et le phénomène (1967) is devoted to what he does not yet call the “deconstruction” of the notion of presence that presides over Husserl’s concept of the phenomenon, defined as what is present “within” consciousness. As Derrida sharply points out, the very use of language to describe this mental content implies the speaker’s absence from the sign in the mind of the interlocutor who receives the description. This is all the clearer when language takes the form of writing, which Derrida considers more revelatory of the real essence of language because it makes explicit, through the non-presence of the author, that language operates via the différance or deferral of the “presence” it seeks to convey. The voix in the book’s title thus suggests a false immediacy that writing deconstructs, and with it, the still-metaphysical construction of the immediately self-present “phenomenon.”

    We can only endorse this critique of what Derrida rightly sees as the metaphysical basis of phenomenology, through which Husserl had believed that by “reducing” the external data of conscience to their phenomenal presence in the mind he had liberated human thought from the idealizations of metaphysics. But Derrida himself would have been the first to understand that there is no construction available to replace what has thus been deconstructed. Différance serves to “shake” (ébranler) the philosophical edifice but remains, as he later put it, in its “margins,” never attempting to get outside it, as though this were the ultimate illusion.

    And once one begins from the metaphysical understanding of language as a neutral substrate, an understanding that goes much deeper than the Platonic realm of Ideas, one can indeed never get out of it. Nor, as contemporary social scientists seem to think, does a discourse whose content is composed of empirically falsifiable assertions offer a reasonable possibility of arriving at an understanding of the anthropological origin of language. Even could we witness an originary event of language, our analysis would be necessarily speculative, and in particular, dependent on positing the action on the participants of the transcendent force of the sacred.

    I have no desire to out-Derrida Derrida by deconstructing his arguments in turn. On the contrary, I think that if any thinker arrived at the clôture of metaphysics, it was Derrida rather than the Hegel of the “end of history.” But the point of generative anthropology is to understand in worldly terms the origin of the human language that permitted the construction of the Ideas and their metaphysical context in the first place—language conceived not as a eternally given possibility that needed only to be discovered, but as a human invention, one incomprehensible without attributing to these first humans a “sense of the sacred,” of the paradoxical penetration of the transcendent into the real world.

    Thus the notion of presence, to which Derrida ultimately reduces the metaphysical, is as if deliberately designed to segue into the originary hypothesis. For this hypothesis is in fact all about presence, presence that emerges from worldliness, and that is not, as Derrida’s metaphysical mindset imposes, undone by différance, but on the contrary, constructed by it. For the presence of an idea to my consciousness presupposes a mental scene on which it manifests itself, and presence in this sense—as indeed in our common-sense cultural notion of presence, say, that of the “charismatic” figure whose appearance arrests time—implies precisely the contemplative awe, cut off from the interactional flux of life, that only différance permits.

    The notion of intending an object of consciousness implies standing back from it. Presence of this sort is not inherent in the existence of a sensorial field, which is found in animals and in a primitive sense even in plants, to the extent that they detect changes in their environment and undergo “tropisms” that prefigure animal movements. Presence to consciousness in the human sense is conceivable only across the néant that Sartre, to whose metapsychology no one seems any longer to refer, understood as constitutive of the pour-soi, human consciousness in contrast to the en-soi, which he describes as a world without “free space,” where all is squeezed together. Sartre followed Descartes in including animal consciousness in the en-soi rather than seeing it as a step in the direction of the human. One can argue about the process leading to the “excessive” mimetic intelligence of the proto-human, but the salient point is what was learned in our attempts a generation ago to “teach apes to talk”: that our lessons never led to anything like the human understanding of language. We succeeded in imparting to these fellow primates an improved signal system, but not a scene of language.

    The failure, or perhaps better put, the unwillingness of Derrida’s analysis to lead to a positive understanding of the différance of language, as opposed to putting it a marginal/deconstructive relationship to metaphysics, was the result not of a limitation of the philosopher’s intellect, but of his unexamined faith in the core principle of metaphysics. My earliest description of this principle in terms of my “formal theory of representation” was as a refusal to understand the “elementary” ostensive and imperative utterance forms as necessary predecessors of the declarative sentence rather than, as in generative grammar, “defective” forms of it. But it is more useful to take a broader perspective. Metaphysics misunderstands language because it attempts to conceive it independently of its worldly, anthropological emergence, as though it were an eternally existing possibility. This presupposition is in effect a transcendental faith that remains invisible to its believers. It is only when we situate the birth of language on its worldly scene of origin that we can understand its fundamental constitution.


    Another result of my recent reflections on the originary event is that what we call our conscience, the trace of the originary interdiction of appetitive appropriation by our “sense of the sacred,” must precede, as the source of deferral or différance, the implementation of linguistic communication via the sign. Given the danger of mimetic violence that gave rise to this sacred interdiction, language can then be understood as a behavior that functions to overcome this interdiction through reciprocally communicating by means of the sign the significance of the object within the group of participants.

    The originary scene itself is constituted only as a result of the deferral of worldly action, the presence of its central object being dependent throughout on the separation of the participants from it, until its dénouement when all participate in its division. At this point, the scene has mutated into a feast or fête in which the community celebrates the freedom it has gained via its obedience to the sacred will, each “intending” his own portion of the originally interdicted central figure.

    The Christian Eucharist clarifies this terminal feast by spiritualizing it. That communion is more fundamental than physical nourishment, as the parable of the loaves and fishes also makes clear, celebrates the successful inversion of generative anthropology’s ominous definition of the human as the animal that is its own worst enemy.

    In short, the intellectual activity of intentionality that begins with the inaugural semiosis of the sacred center is contingent on the common deferral of “instinctive” appropriative action that resulted from its interdiction. Conscience in this sense precedes intentionality and all that comes to be learned from it.

    The moral origin of our prized human intellect is perhaps what most of all the metaphysician wishes to put out of his mind. Yet it is this truth that explains our age’s otherwise absurd assertions that mathematical problems have no incorrect answers.

    Morality, but not ethics, must come before truth. Our society will continue forsaking truth so long as it persists in its chimerical attempt to define its ethic solely by humanity’s originary moral symmetry.

  • The Children’s Crusade

    In memoriam Thomas Bertonneau, 1953-2021

    Concerning our beleaguered nation, an astute commentator wondered: “Are the ones in charge very confident or desperate, or some bizarre combination of both?”

    Being very confident and being desperate converge when leaders feel that destiny is out of their hands, when they have put their faith in a transcendent power. This is, curiously enough, the phenomenon the US, and by extension, the West, faces today. I have already noted the curious fact that the woke movement has no Führer, that those who implement its directives are never truly their source. Not only are the Democrat leaders all of mediocre character at best (although some like Pelosi are highly skilled at “getting things done”), above all, they take their orders from without.

    The woke movement is embodied in an anonymous mass of young people, who may find their ideas crystallized in the writings of such as Ibram X. Kendi, but who receive these ideas in the first place from their own deconstructive moral intuition. We are witnessing the curious spectacle of corporate leaders and tech billionaires setting their moral compass, not even by the activists who shout slogans, but by the Twitter-fed intuitions in which these activists and their followers indifferently invent and discover the latest manifestations of the woke Weltanschauung.

    It is sadly fascinating how a generation of adults who brought up their children virtually without discipline are now willing to take orders from these children as the recipients of the woke revelation. If the Zeitgeist tells them that boys should use the ladies’ room—more precisely, if some young hysteric complains of unsafeness on learning that a boy-girl has been turned away—the adults hasten to obey this latest revelation like the followers of a holy man.

    But unlike the words of holy men, these dictates are intuitively unanimous. The woke intuition is always the same; it needs merely to fall on some new element of normality to detect an element of sinful non-reciprocity. Meanwhile, save in egregious cases like that of Jeffrey Epstein, where “suicide” is the appropriate solution, the sins of the powerful are overlooked or ignored. No one expects the authors of the Afghanistan debacle or those of the Trump-Russia-collusion scheme to suffer any punishment, nor the Bidens to be penalized for the contents of the famous laptop(s). The point of wokeness is not to attack individual but categorical violations of morality. A racist or transphobic remark threatens all of us, privileged cis-white as well as victimized trans-of color. While individual peccadilloes remain the privilege of the great, no moral scruples can be allowed to detract from the fight against “white supremacy.”

    The drawback to this soft totalitarianism is that, in the absence of a système concentrationnaire, it can only make examples of symbolic offenders like Derek Chauvin or the January 6 “insurrectionists” rather than shipping millions off to Auschwitz or Siberia—or Xinjiang. It relies on a combination of passive acquiescence and marginal manipulation of the electoral process, and thus lacks the solidity of the Hitler/Stalin model. What its current run of success suggests, however, is that “liberal democracy,” though it may be the best system except…, is fast becoming a non-viable utopia, for the moment still honored in the breach, but already incapable of keeping order in its own terms. For the chief difference between our totalitarianism and the hard version practiced in China, and in an explicitly anti-Western mode by our Islamic friends, is that our softness is not simply weakness, but a reflection of the woke “global” elite’s insistence on maintaining its privileges at the expense of the social order that nourishes them.

    Credo quia absurdum

    Christians have not accepted Tertullian’s (slightly modified) slogan, but the point of faith is that one does not need it to believe that 2+2=4 or that “the sky is blue.” Human culture, beginning with human language, would never have gotten started if the first humans had not felt compelled to believe that their “aborted gesture” was in fact a sign designating the sacred force that interdicted the object of their appetite so that they could peacefully consume it. This gesture was consequently the means of creating a new concept of community by intending the sign to possess a meaning common to all, for my gesture to be but one instance of a transcendent signifier.

    Religions in the real world ask their believers to have faith in apparently absurd realities, not simply as an “entry fee” that like a hazing or an “ordeal” obliges believers to commit themselves, but because such belief accepts one’s humility before the sacred will that in its providential concern for humanity commands the originary scene, and in consequence, the whole of human culture.

    Why bring this up now, in our “secular” world where Judeo-Christian religions no longer command respect, and Islam only as the religion of our “victims”? Because the often mentioned religious aspect of wokeness is real, and its real source of strength.

    As I said in Chronicle 695, however repugnant we might find Pelosi and co. kneeling in Ashanti scarves before the spirit of George Floyd, we should not see this expression of spirituality by some of the most cynical people on the planet as itself a gesture of cynicism. These acts performed by near-senile politicians in obedience to revelations transmitted to them by their children and grandchildren are surely far more heartfelt than most of the perfunctory invocations of the deity in the political sphere.

    These quasi-religious gestures, along with desultory riots and increased crime statistics in lower-class neighborhoods, are small prices to pay for distracting our society from its need to accentuate rather than relax its degree of meritocracy in the digital age. And it may well be that the current system is more stable than these lamentations suggest. The previously unheard-of level of symbolic fussing about race and gender is possible only because the basic economy, including its all-important digital element, has no difficulty finding, whether in the US or abroad, the employees it needs, and whether minorities really learn to compete or are bought off with welfare and affirmative action is relatively unimportant. Even the possibility that Chinese society may already be or will become in the near future more efficient than ours may not have the dire consequences that some of us fear.

    Perhaps, in other words, in the place of the top-down dictatorships of 1984 or the biological determinism of Brave New World, not to speak of the dictatorship of the CCP, soft woke totalitarianism from below may be more stable than we think. As in 1984, we all live in front of screens, which in their own way observe us, but instead of endlessly displaying the figure of Big Brother, the screens of 2021 alternate hedonism and righteous indignation in a proportion chosen by their individual users.


    Let us reflect more closely on the relationship between the woke conscience and that previously present in the minds of the new converts. How indeed do new religions act on the souls of their proselytes? Hitherto I have spoken of the human “conscience” as if it were, as the term Superego suggests, a fixed set of moral rules not modifiable by new inputs. But the least observation of the woke movement as of countless others reveals that the rules the conscience applies to one’s actions are not immutable, and that in the modern world they are particularly open to discussion and modification. How then is this related to the notion that the conscience is the trace of the originary sacred interdiction?

    As I have previously indicated, and as its name implies, wokeness does not present itself as a new revelation, such as those typically at the origin of new religions. Instead, its point is to awoken us to previously unnoticed violations of the originary moral model of symmetrical reciprocity that had lain hidden in hitherto unquestioned ethical norms.

    The white privilege/racism complex that all whites purportedly share is thus presented, not as a deliberate infringement of this model, but as the effect of unconscious habits so deeply ingrained in whites as the result of centuries of racial discrimination that even conscious efforts to remove it are never fully effective. The praxis thus imposed on them, often in Cultural-Revolution-like “training” sessions, requires them to meticulously examine their actions and attitudes in an effort to eliminate the least signs of racial dissymmetry, while recognizing that this elimination will never be complete. Instead of focusing the conscience on acts of consequence, we are asked to interrogate the least details of our attitudes and their possibly unconscious physical manifestations in the realization that they can never be fully purged of differential racial content.

    Up to a certain point, this is not unreasonable; people do make inconsiderate comments or gestures without intending to offend. But the secret of wokeness is that by instilling a constant awareness of the possibility of revealing a differential racial attitude, it seeks to inspire in whites a permanent sense of guilt. For we are all sinners against the golden rule, vulnerable to the accusation of retaining vestiges of historical non-reciprocities that modern societies have now repudiated.

    This is humiliating, but at the same time, empowering, since on observing any evidence of less intense concern on the part of fellow whites, one is led to feel superior, and encouraged to denounce attitudes that strike one as inappropriate. In short, this “conscience-raising” technique leads to a culture of denunciation remindful of the days of Bolshevism/Stalinism or of Mao’s Cultural Revolution.

    Why are so many white people in fact glad to discover their previously ignored or invisible racism, as though the ghost of past inequities had been called up to haunt them and to blackmail them into all sorts of—largely symbolic—gestures? How does a chain of moral reasoning that begins with the fact that white children score better on math tests than blacks persuade a young white woman to teach her elementary school pupils that there’s no such thing as the “correct” answer to a math problem?

    The effect of wokeness is to pit the moral model against firstness as such, using past American racial inequity as the model for all differential evaluation. Blacks serve here as a convenient symbol, and some, particularly the most cynical, are indeed helped by the resulting policies, but as black conservatives have never ceased to point out, the result of affirmative action policies has been to lower the level of black public school performance, as well as to increase the power of gangs and drug dealers in black neighborhoods—the increase in black-on-black crime not being, as they say, part of the narrative.

    This behavior can be explained from the standpoint of the self-interest of the elite, and indeed of the American economy as a whole. It’s a lot easier to keep people fighting over symbolic trivia than to attempt to fix the real problems of communities whose economic functionality has largely been destroyed by moving manufacturing jobs to China and elsewhere. But the secret of the attraction of wokism, like that of the Marxian socialism from which it derives, is the fragile status of firstness in market society. And in particular, its secret weapon is that mere material difference is far less productive of resentment than social difference. The essays of George Orwell (e.g., the 1947 “Such Were the Joys”) reveal the strength of his resentment as a “scholarship boy,” less of the wealth of the upper classes than of their sense of superiority—which reflected the conditions of a time before “labor-saving devices,” when only these classes could afford the servants that liberated the women of the family from the drudgery of housekeeping to practice what Veblen baptized “conspicuous consumption.”

    In a society like the USA, snobbery has found a new life among the jet-setters, but their snobbery derives precisely from the fact that they do not interact socially with the middle class. Thus the latter rarely feel snubbed. In contrast, they are sensitive to any residual sense of superiority they may feel toward blacks and Hispanics they meet as store clerks, nurses, house cleaners… Bernie Sanders can well rail against the millionaires and billionaires, but in the real world, wokism incites a virtue-signaling snobbery of the white middle class over working class whites that provides a hidden moral benefit while avoiding the need to compare oneself with the really well-to-do. Thus the society can profusely reward the masters of hi-tech without penalty, while leaving the White Guilters to take out their frustrations on the rednecks of flyover country and the diners at the Olive Garden.


    A clarification is in order concerning the relationship between our egalitarian moral “instinct” and its application to what I have been calling firstness, which might more simply be described as non-reciprocity.

    Returning to our hypothesis, the originary human community was limited to the participants in the scene, and later to the other members of the community who would presumably come to participate in ritualized versions of the scene preliminary to a communal “equal feast,” as epitomized by Robertson Smith’s camel sacrifice.

    It is plausible that in the egalitarian societies anterior to the accumulation of agricultural surpluses and the birth of social hierarchy, such unanimous rituals, in which the moral model derived from the originary event would be reenacted, remained the dominant function of what we would call religion. Whether or not a plurality of linguistic signs or utterance forms developed at this stage, the absence of socially mandated non-reciprocity outside of age- and sex-differences would suggest that questions of ethics did not come in conflict with this model, whose quasi-instinctive presence in all humans throughout history is well attested.

    Yet societies beyond the most elemental level cannot function in the absence of systemic non-reciprocity. Thus hierarchical society necessarily involves an ethical conflict between our “moral instinct” and the social order. It is here that we find the explanation of why historical religions invest the sacred with more than the enforcement of the “golden rule,” while recalling these moral roots in their more enlightened moments. Indeed, we can define the religions of the “Axial Age”—notably, Judaism and Buddhism, even Confucianism—by their reaffirmation of the foundational nature of these roots, in contrast with the “compact” religions of the archaic empires, which were, as Seth Sanders points out in The Invention of Hebrew (Illinois, 2009), revealed specifically to the rulers rather than to the people as a whole, and whose moral obtuseness supplies the pretext for the “enlightened” contemporary dismissals of religion such as that cited in the previous Chronicle.

    Given the contrast between the quasi-instinctive status of the moral model and the anti-intuitive ethical rules necessarily inculcated in children by adults, it is easy to explain why the breakdown of the pre-industrial order and the concomitant weakening of caste-like traditions led to the weakening of these religion-based ethics and to the rise of the epistemology of resentment, or victimary thinking.

    The clean bill of health consistently given to “socialism” by each new generation in spite of its disastrous economic and moral record is a tribute to the persistence of the moral model as its ostensible governing principle (“from each according to his ability, to each according to his need”) in even its most monstrously hypocritical implementations: Stalin’s USSR, Mao’s China, Pol Pot’s Cambodia, Castro’s Cuba, Chavez’ Venezuela, the Kims’ Korea… Wokism is a version of “socialist” theory tailored to liberal democracy, rendered both more hypocritical and less disastrous by concentrating its element of violence in the symbolic domain, in middle-class “cancelings” and occasional righteous riots.


    Can we reeducate our consciences to resist what the French call le racialisme? Is there an antidote to wokism that does not depend for its ethics on traditional Judeo-Christian religious institutions, themselves all too often awokened?

    Unlike the children’s crusade, this will require real leadership, inspired in good measure by Donald Trump’s pioneering example, but without the antinomian elements that made his triumph tragically incomplete. We can only hope that a newly emerging generation of political leaders will display the wisdom necessary to rescue liberal democracy from its heedless children.

  • God, Language, Paradox (20 Years Later)

    Paradox is less an idea than an anti-idea. Plato would have had no place for it, although Zeno, like the Buddhist Nagarjuna, much appreciated it. The one certain thing we can say about paradox is that it is wholly dependent on a system of representation. The “real world” contains no paradoxes; these are classically composed of propositions, declarative sentences, although the ingenious Batesonian idea of the “pragmatic” paradox allows imperatives to be included, as in the Jewish-mother paradox: “Be spontaneous!” Whether the Boy Who Cried Wolf should be credited with creating an ostensive paradox is a delicate question, although his deceptive cry certainly had a paradoxical effect, one that, as the tale is told, led to his demise.

    But whereas propositional paradox is material for amusement rather than serious study, religion is a wholly different matter. The sacred is indeed a domain of paradox, as we discover as soon as we seek to define it in worldly terms, but it is unworthy of serious minds to treat its paradoxes lightly.


    In his Ritual and Religion in the Making of Humanity (Cambridge: 1999) Roy Rappaport affirms that human language and religion were coeval. Without discussing Rappaport’s arguments, this coevality seems at first glance both intuitively obvious and without any clear foundation. We have become habituated by millennia of philosophical discourse to view language as a kind of celestial lingua franca that we less invent than discover for the purpose of expressing our ideas, whereas religious affirmations are objects of faith. Even those who consider religious truths to have been “revealed” understand these revelations as supernatural events; no one can point to an unambiguous worldly manifestation of God or any other celestial being. “Miracles,” which the faithful interpret as revelations of the sacred, are never sufficiently credible to persuade skeptics.

    Religion has lately come to be considered a kind of throwaway phenomenon, as typified by the following passage from the distinguished cognitive scientist Michael Tomasello. This is a passage that I have quoted several times in these Chronicles, not to bring discredit on its author, but on the contrary, to show that a serious empirical scientist no longer feels that, even in a work dealing with morality, the entire realm of religion deserves more than a perfunctory glance:

    One way that leaders throughout human history have sought to legitimate themselves and their laws from a moral point of view is to claim that they have somehow been anointed by a deity or in some other supernatural way. . . . A major source of wonder in human experience is where are [sic] our venerated ancestors who founded our society, and indeed, a key foundation of a religious attitude is the veneration and worship of deceased ancestors and traditions whose spirit somehow lives on (Steadman et al, 1996). Leaders then took advantage of this attitude and claimed supernatural sources for their leadership.

    A Natural History of Human Morality (Harvard, 2016): 131 (my emphasis)

    We have come a long way from Rappaport’s intuition in less than two decades.


    Language and religion are clearly two very different things. Yet the fact that in the one place in the universe where they exist they appear together, in all likelihood, coevally, suggests that we cannot neglect to seek their implicit connection.

    If we start from the common definition of God as a “supreme Being” who transcends all limitations of the real world, who is thus omniscient, omnipotent, omnipresent, yet not accessible to the senses, the danger is that God seems like a philosopher’s construction rather than an object of human experience.

    The originary hypothesis in its earlier incarnations was not focused on the sacred, but on the origin of language and representation in general. Formulating the role of the sacred in the originary event is not as simple as that of language. Clearly the originary use of language must be minimal, and the “aborted gesture of appropriation” in its primitive form is essentially pointing—and we know that animals do not practice “joint shared attention,” pointing at something in order to communicate its significance to an interlocutor. (The fact that the vocal nature of all human languages suggests a vocal component from the beginning is not difficult to explain; we can assume that all members of a group, in the excited condition of discovering a new way to organize what has become a scene, would likely vocalize, and the unanimity of their gestures would lead to that of their vocalization.)

    The question then arises as to what precisely is the signified of this first sign, and although the pointing would have been directed originally to the central source of nourishment whose appropriation has been deferred, it can just as well be understood as directed to the center of the scene formed around it by the human participants, who all more or less equally experience the “resistance” of this center to their immediate presence, which it is plausible to attribute to a sense of (sacred) interdiction that pervades the group.

    Clearly it is necessary to distinguish this interdiction from the inhibitions studied by Pavlov as “conditioned reflexes.” It must be understood not a simple reflexive action, but as a conscious sense of the need to abort the appropriative gesture. That is, to use the age-worn example of two or more guests finding themselves unable to take the last canapé or piece of cake, even if this reaction feels “automatic,” it is instantly understood as motivated by the symmetrical presence of another rather than a knee-jerk reaction. In a hierarchical social order, the presence of others of inferior standing would not provoke such a reaction.

    I have called our intuition of the sacred that of a “will.” But stated in this manner, the term risks being misleading. “Will” in this sense is, by the terms of the hypothesis, a newly emergent phenomenon, not simply analogous, for example, to the paternal will that Freud conceived as the source of our Superego.

    Rather than thinking of the sacred, and by extension, God, as possessing a “will” modeled on that of human beings, we should rather understand this sequence in the opposite order: it is the sacred “will” that is first experienced as something wholly new, and our notion of a human will is subsequently modeled on it. A voluntary or intended action is not spontaneous, but mediated by what we have been calling deferral, prior reflection.

    In the originary event, the participants are faced for the first time with a situation where they experience a constraint consciously, the source of which is so to speak an imperative ordering them not to reach for the central object. The sign derived from the aborted gesture, and which we call an ostensive, must be understood in this context: as a designation that responds to an underlying interdiction. (In this sense, the imperative precedes the ostensive as well as being derived from it.) This modification of the hypothesis makes clearer why the sacred is implicit in language, why the substitution of the sign for its referent implies in its origin the “worship” of the will that enforces the interdiction.

    We can plausibly explain the origin of the sacred will by the experience of chaotic violence attendant on the breakdown of the old pecking-order hierarchy. In the past, inhibitions of this sort had meant either ceding the desired object to a higher-ranking conspecific, or learning to no longer desire it, as with a food source discovered to be poisonous. In the latter case, there need be no “conditioned reflex”; “the survival of the fittest” would lead the species to lose its initial attraction to this source—while in the other direction, the same force of natural selection would lead the food source itself (assuming its dependence on a living creature) to become more appealing to the species that had “evolved away” from it.

    But in the case of the will preventing the human attempt at appropriation, there would not be time to permit genetically driven evolution to take its course. No doubt, as students of animal behavior have pointed out, humans could only have emerged from already largely “domesticated” creatures not prone to instinctive acts of intraspecific aggression. But the fact that natural selection had not sufficed to prevent conflict implies that these proto-humans could survive henceforth only by inaugurating a new form of conscious reaction, one that sacred interdiction would provoke independently of genetic evolution.


    To understand the sacred in this way is to explain its coevality with language, as well as its universality, which appears so unintuitive to our secularized minds. The “mystery” then becomes how secularism is able to function, that is, how we are able to understand human intentionality while rejecting its sacred origin?

    It is at this point that we become able to grasp the anthropological role of metaphysics, which I have defined simply as the attitude toward language that refuses to explain its emergence from nature, but tacitly considers it, and mathematics even more so, as an eternally possible form of communication that at a certain point we “downloaded” from on high. Unlike the Platonic Idea, the originary sign is not “metaphysical.” It relies on mutual scenic presence, not on the unexplained discovery of a means of enunciating “true” propositions about Ideas. This explains why, for linguistics, the science of language, the ostensive and imperative are considered “degenerate” forms of the declarative sentence. This supposedly self-evident truth of structural linguistics reflects what Derrida might have called l’effacement de la trace.

    Could it be a coincidence that the re-emergence of the really self-evident truth that the sign is originally an ostensive, which allows us to begin the ultimate reconciliation of the sacred with the secular, coincides with the current crisis of the West, in which the social elite, following the lead of two generations of contempt for the Western historical ethic and its religious basis, wants to revert to paying lip-service to what is in effect the originary moral model, and finds in every historical divergence from it a fundamental immorality?

    This return to what is in effect the originary human scene, even its self-consciousness as an awokening, is certainly trying to tell us something. Nor should we overlook its fundamental hypocrisy, its virtually total restriction of moral equality to the symbolic as opposed to the material realm, which, in contrast with the genuine otherworldliness of true religious revivals, it conveniently leaves virtually untouched.

    The opposition this movement calls for is a renewed attentiveness to the density of human history, to what Hegel, at the height of the metaphysical era, called its dialectic, but in a mode of thought that begins not in the abstraction of Being and Non-Being, but with a hypothesis of the originary event of the human.

    To share as did the originary human community a common sign of deferred action imposed on all its members by a “sacred will” that had no precedent in animal interaction is to experience the origin of this community in a force embodied in no object but the scene itself. The scene was a dynamic configuration that reached its appetitive and species-preserving payoff in the concluding “equal feast.” To say either that this force of will was an emanation of the group as a whole or that it had its origin in a sacred being only now revealing itself to them is to express in our own vocabulary an intuition for which these first humans had but a single sign, one that allowed them to point to it.

    Animals could certainly “think,” and these first humans had only begun to discover their own “new way of thinking.” But this inaugural experience of the providential nature of the sacred, temporarily interdicting a source of nourishment only to teach us how to maximally benefit from it, must have provoked an immense relief and sense of reverence, a wish to remain certain of its protective, providential presence despite its worldly immateriality. The history of theology begins here and goes forward. But it always circles back to the beginning, whence the historical triumph of the One God in the West, and tacitly everywhere.


    The origin of paradox lies in the attempt to enunciate any truth about the sacred that would serve to represent it. The only non-paradoxical “truth” of the sacred is ostensive, the truth of the originary revelation of/on the sacred/human scene. This is no mere intellectual exercise; divining the “ways of God” or of Providence has been the key to our survival. Historically recorded revelations, such as that of Moses at the burning bush or Saul/Paul on the road to Damascus, however “dramatized” the narratives in which they appear, are moments of insight into these “ways” that have proved their historical validity. So are the works of art which all, in very different ways, seek to embody this originary paradox.

    Generative anthropology is a further development of this achievement. Its hypothetical originary scene is a supplementary “revelation” that explains what had not previously been explained. The fact that I have continued over forty years not so much to modify it as to enrich my understanding of it can serve as proof that this intuition was at the very least a project worthy of my own intellectual career.

    Whether others pursue it after me is not for me to say. It is rather for you, the readers of these lines.

  • Violence and the Sacred, 2021

    My objections to René Girard’s scapegoat model of the originary human scene should not be taken to imply that the sacred and human violence are not intimately related. But violence is sacred only in the sense that the sacred is taboo; the primary, although unfortunately not the sole, cultural function of the discharge of violence is rather, as we have all experienced, cutting up the meat for dinner.

    What the debacle in Afghanistan teaches us, as if we needed a reminder, is that the failure to master violence is not a sign either of sanctity or of repentance for past crimes, but of loss of nerve, in a word, cowardice, and that to the extent that we understand divine judgment, neither kneeling before BLM nor relinquishing power to the Taliban are expressions of saintly humility, but of cowardly abjection.

    The West’s decadence has no clearer demonstration than its increasing fear of exercising violence, even to the extent of obliging children to accept that they have lost at T-ball. Trump’s idea of withdrawal from Afghanistan was definitely a mistake, and it is surely unfortunate that he left Biden with this pretext for indulging his party’s instincts for abjectness, but we can be sure that Trump would have threatened and if necessary carried out a strong military response to the Taliban’s provocations, let alone quitting the US’s main air base in advance, supposedly to be defended by the Afghan army, which had no advance notice of the withdrawal of US support and intelligence, all leading to Thursday’s appalling massacre of Afghan civilians and American soldiers on top of the altogether unnecessary abandonment of millions of dollars of advanced military equipment.


    Violence is deliberate human destruction, aggression consciously determined. The sacred is the name we have given to the transcendental “will” that protects us from violence, whether conceived as that of God or as the intuited collective will of the human community as communicated through a unanimously shared sign.

    But the peaceful conclusion of our hypothetical originary scene, repeated in the communal feasts of every human culture, does not abolish the problem of human violence. The sacred does violence to human violence by interdicting it, but when interdiction fails, it must permit humans themselves to do violence to human violence by defeating it.

    Genesis tells us that the One God’s first response to human violence was an admission that his original creation-experiment was a failure; he destroyed the entire world of living things (land animals, at any rate) leaving only one family to restart the human as well as all other species. But he promised Noah not to repeat this destruction; he had “learned” to let humans make their own mistakes—a step that Girard understands as a movement in the direction of the Christian withdrawal from worldly violence. This can be further understood as teaching humans to take God’s providential will into themselves, in effect to reduce the apparent gulf between the will of all-powerful God and the separate human individuals and collectives that must intuit and implement it.

    Hence over the generations, God’s remedies for human violence became less violent; humans could no longer rely on him to pull their irons out of the fire. The sacred will that was revealed to us through our originary deferral of violence would henceforth serve us as a model, a “mediator” through whose inspiration we must resolve the problems caused by our own violence.

    The notion of the One God was both originary as an unthematized intuition and a major historical achievement when thematically asserted and developed through the fraternal-tribal culture that led to the Hebrew Torah. Similarly, GA’s “new way of thinking” is the beginning of a new level of human self-consciousness, a step in the direction of the “one world” that the different branches of humanity are still in appearance far from constituting, but perhaps (assuming it does not self-destruct in the process) closer than we think to realizing.


    Christianity, a Jewish sect that accepted the abandonment of the Jews’ tribal attachment to their homeland following the destruction of the second Temple as a means for bringing the One God to the rest of the world’s population, realized that only by God’s giving himself up to human violence in human form, forcing on our consciousness the equation of intrahuman violence with violence to the sacred itself, could God promise redemption through faith from this violence.

    The Christian pari is that if God is truly transcendental, to teach humanity the danger of violence, rather than destroying the human world, he must let this violence destroy God himself (as Son), for, given the transcendental nature of his being (as Father), his will remains (as Spirit) to serve humanity as example. Yet, on a concrete level, Jesus’ “pacifist” prescriptions in the Sermon on the Mount to love one’s enemy and turn the other cheek must be understood in their original Jewish context, as behavior within and in proximity to the “tribe,” not toward external enemies who cannot be made to share a sense of common humanity.

    Thus as the system of Christian nations began to emerge toward the end of the first millennium, in the battle against Islam and particularly in the Crusades, the Christian ethic was far from demanding mere passivity in the face of violence. The good must be defended whenever possible, and with violence when truly necessary. What must be destroyed is the human capacity for violence, and if that means killing an enemy, it never means desiring his suffering and death, merely preventing him and discouraging others from perpetrating violent acts. Whence the doctrine of “just war.”


    Judaism had sought to define the limitations of the nation under the One God and the means to sustain it. Following their expulsion from their homeland, the state of permanent exile imposed on the Jews a “tribal” ethic deliberately alien to the surrounding Christian and Islamic communities into which they always risked being absorbed. Although Judaism accepts converts, it has never conceived itself as a universal religion destined to absorb all of humanity, but as “a light unto the nations” setting its worship of the One God as an example for others—one that has in fact succeeded, albeit under less than utopian circumstances, in pervading virtually the entire human population, from the jihadists of Boko Haram to the East Asian disciples of Marx and Engels. As for antisemitism, there is no better proof of the Jews’ universal paternity.

    In contrast to the Jewish “tribe,” Christianity and Islam see their destiny in a universal human community. The first has given rise to an ensemble of separate nations which, although they include divergent forms of Christianity, can even in the East still be considered within the orbit of “Western” or Judeo-Christian culture. Whereas Islam seeks to extend the multi-tribal family configuration of Biblical Judaism to the entire world, any division into nations being subordinate to common membership in the Moslem Ummah.


    The Westphalian system of Europe’s competing Christian nation-states, divided among Catholicism and various Protestant sects, reached its reductio ad absurdum in WWI. The development of weaponry had rendered the limited wars of previous centuries impossible, and given the contrast between the relative triviality of the war’s ostensible object and the extent of its devastation, made apparent mockery of the just war doctrine that had implicitly kept war within “civilized” limits. At the same time, this unexpected level of destruction led to the diabolization of the losing German side, and to Germany’s subsequent radical rejection of the Westphalian pattern, in parallel with the equally post-Christian Soviet regime, both of which took on in very different ways the universalist character of Islam, with or without a “master race.” This brought about a second, at least marginally just—and maximally devastating—world war that reduced war as the chief instrument of decision among states to marginal conflicts and unrealizable threats.

    That the damage thus inflicted to the West’s sense of its historical mission was only partially restored by the Cold War has now been made all too clear. The seemingly triumphal victory-by-default over European Communism in 1989-91 has been followed over the twenty years since 9/11 by the increasingly humiliating demonstration of the West’s inability to deal with its superficially far weaker Islamic rival.


    How, despite the liberal-democratic West’s (and East’s) enormous preponderance in economics in technology on the fall of the USSR, which had seemed to justify Fukuyama’s triumphant declaration of the “end of history” as a dialectic of political systems, have we reached this nadir a mere thirty years later?

    It would be putting things backward to attribute this failure to the West’s latter-day internal opposition under the flags of anti-colonialism and anti-racism. The similar opposition to the much more serious and deadly Vietnam war was far more potent—nor were the protesters altogether wrong-headed in viewing Ho Chi Minh’s forces as a true national-liberation movement, as witness Vietnam’s subsequent virtual alliance with the US against China and North Korea. In contrast, all the talk of “Islamophobia” following 9/11 has had a narrowly ideological focus, as though an anticipatory concern for American Muslims outweighed in importance the deaths of 3000 Americans.

    It is all too clear that the failure in combating Islamism that has seemingly reached its climax in the botched withdrawal from Afghanistan is a direct consequence of the West’s loss of confidence in what I have been calling its “firstness,” its sense of cultural superiority, not as a means of conquest but of liberation, in the wake of the failure of the naively optimistic neo-conservative attempt, centered on the 2003 invasion of Iraq, to impose liberal democracy on the Middle East.


    The “post-colonial” resentment the West has aroused, as much within its own territories as on an international scale, like the analogous victimary resentment in American race relations, was a reaction not to oppression, but to the disappointment that the end of oppression often produces, the long-awaited utopia failing to provide the anticipated satisfactions. But the resentments of the formerly oppressed have been of far less significance than their echo among “white” Westerners themselves in the ever-proliferating mode of White Guilt, which our woke era applies to an ever-expanding set of ascriptive victim-categories.

    The West has so to speak misread Churchill’s quip about democracy as “the worst system except for all the others” as a demonstration that any benefits the West may have conferred on the rest of the world or on its internal minorities were nothing but signs of “racial” oppression. This auto-condemnation is a tacit avowal not, as it fancies itself, of the superiority of an imaginary multi-cultural egalitarianism, but rather of the apparent necessity, hence superiority over our “worst system except…”, of totalitarianism, or what Eric Voegelin had called, in reference to the archaic empires, compactness. For it is the totalitarian ideology of submission that is shared by both political Islam and “socialism with Chinese characteristics,” two spin-offs of Judeo-Christian civilization that have renounced its troublesome dialectic between God and Caesar.

    In the more obvious case, by admitting China into the WTO and broadly accepting its form of market “capitalism” as a foretoken of its eventual adherence to Western principles, we were blinded by our economic relationship, advantageous in the short term, to the fundamental opposition between the West’s Millian principles and those of a monolithic state whose sole principle is its own self-interest, which it uncompromisingly imposes on the totality of its population and on all who would do business with it.

    And yet it is ironically apt that what may well be the end of the “American century” was inaugurated on the twentieth anniversary of 9/11 by the “defeat” of “the world’s most powerful military,” not by an increasingly wealthy and militarily powerful China, but by the Taliban, an atavistic incarnation of Islam—now gifted with a panoply of up-to-date weaponry courtesy of the American taxpayer, by way of demonstrating that the West can indeed share the violent business end of its technology even with the most backward social groups—”colonialism” without its usual humiliating implications.

    That Biden’s actions seemed almost deliberately intended to turn our departure from Afghanistan into a rout symmetric with our initial routing of the Taliban in 2001 is but an unconscious homage to the superiority of totalitarianism, which is, after all, the most direct way of affirming the superior status of the community over the individual.

    Nothing in our society of woke Newspeak can possibly possess the sacral aura of submission to the will of Allah—or even to Xi Jinping. The final result of our Afghan adventure—like the persistence of jihadic resistance to Israel, also in the teeth of vast military superiority—is an apparent demonstration to the Islamists that their very long term strategy, stalled for a century by the newly industrialized West’s willingness to use force, is destined for ultimate success, because founded on a genuine faith in God’s will such as the Judeo-Christian world, and even Israel itself, can no longer command.


    When I claim that the Judeo-Christian religious configuration cannot solve this problem without assimilating the insights of the originary hypothesis, I am motivated not by vainglory but by the evidence. Nor is it a matter of replacing these religions by new and improved versions. What Generative Anthropology offers to the world, both the West and the “rest,” is a new way of understanding the fundamental anthropological problems that religion has always dealt with, and will presumably continue to do so, but within a new framework that allows us to demonstrate the inherent separation between the empirical sciences of nature and the paradoxical self-understanding of self-thinking creatures.

    Human science is not “hard” science; the masters of representation cannot simply, as can the rest of the universe, be defined by representation. What we call paradox is another word for the transcendental freedom embodied in language itself—and the denial of this freedom through abolishing firstness in the name of “equity” can do no more than help restore humanity to its mute, prehuman state.

  • Woke Sexuality

    It has become common to speak of a plurality of sexes, with new ones being discovered all the time. But loose talk of free choice of sexual identity in such domains as Facebook hides the real crux of woke sexuality, which has nothing to do with free choice.

    Although feminism was the most universally grounded of the ascriptive liberation movements that have marked our history since the turn of the twentieth century—it has become difficult to conceive that at that time virtually no women anywhere were allowed to vote—woke institutions have made it clear that the interests of women as a biological group must take second place to the principle of gender self-definition. Women who resist this principle, for example in rejecting the idea of males “identifying” as women on girls’ sports teams or in ladies’ shower rooms, are not only reviled as TERFs**, but our purportedly conservative Supreme Court has recoiled at the idea of imposing the constitutionality of biological sexual difference  (https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bostock_v._Clayton_County).

    The idea that there are as many genders as we can think to invent is one of those unanticipated yet seemingly inevitable consequences of libertarian modernity—an easy idea to entertain, since it has no real consequences beyond one’s profile on Tinder. Likewise, “gender fluidity” remains a behavioral concept that as far as I know has not led to contestation of legal rights. In contrast, wokeness imposes a binary choice: not of sex, but of gender, which is most simply defined as the sex of one’s soul.

    The woke assert the rights of the transgendered over the cisgendered even at their most dubious—can transgendered boys not be aware of their advantages in competing against girls? In contrast with the social nature of racial distinctions, the principle, not of sexual choice, but of fidelity to one’s true sexuality, entails the denial, within the human community, of the most clearly biologically defined distinction of all: that between male and female.

    The originary moral model is one of unanimous reciprocity, the in principle unlimited exchange of signs that are all instances of the same sign. It is against this configuration that all examples of firstness can be seen as oppressive. Normality, in contrast, excludes unanimity of this sort; it is an ethical conception that sets different norms for different classes of people, the most fundamental classification of all being once more that between male and female.

    In principle, the ethical notion of the normal is a negative one, defining the limits of specific behaviors beyond which they become subject to complaint or stigmatization. Modernity has tested many of these limits, those of acceptable dress, for example; but even permissiveness in the acceptance of traditionally deviant conduct such as homosexuality had never previously required overt denial of biological reality, to the point where even scientists are forbidden to make hard and fast distinctions between the two sexes.

    Until not long ago, homosexual activities were classified as crimes, although widely tolerated in private. The decriminalization of such activities has taken place in the context of a broadening conception of human rights that is reluctant to stigmatize “victimless crimes.” But the real turning point in the notion of normality that contributed to the tide of wokeism cannot simply be described as an increase in tolerance, and certainly not as a consequence of Millian liberalism in the sense that the individual should be free to do anything whatever provided it does not impact someone else; e.g., “the liberty of your fist ends at my nose.” On the contrary, the watershed occurred not in the domain of ethics but in that of human nature.


    The traditional reason for stigmatizing homosexuality was that it was unnatural. Even among the Greeks it was common to mock those who were particularly predisposed to homosexual practices, and in particular, those adults (erastes) who were given to taking the passive role in their relations with their adolescent eromenos. I believe the homosexual practices associated with British public schools led to similar distinctions. The important point in such cases was the “objective” naturalness of the practice itself, not its naturalness with respect to the particular individual involved.

    Thus, until the modern psychiatric era, and despite general awareness that some people were more attracted to these practices than others, the notion of the homosexual was not distinguished from practitioners of other vices such as being a habitual gambler, a drunkard, a compulsive seducer… In a word, homosexuality was seen as a vice, a trait de caractère, but not a fundamental category of human being, a “third sex” analogous to the two biological sexes.

    The postwar decriminalization of homosexual activity was first understood in this minimally Millian sense: such activity harms no one, or in any case, no one beyond the “consenting adults” who engage in it, so it’s really not the society’s business. On the surface, this would seem to be the consistent liberal position; and I am fairly certain that when the laws criminalizing the practice were repealed, that was how the legislators and judges—and the homosexuals themselves—understood it. This is not to say that there was not a general conviction that engaging in such practices was “perverse” or abnormal, but such abnormality was no longer considered a reason to make it illegal. This was a triumph of classical liberalism.

    We should note that nothing in this liberal stance suggests the possibility of a right to homosexual marriage. This emerged as the result of the efforts of activists in the homosexual community to in effect abolish the age-old category of “vice” as an activity that is stigmatized without being declared illegal. To argue over the extent to which this abolition is inherent in liberalism exemplifies the irrelevance of philosophizing that purports to find in the “inherent” meaning of words the answer to all moral problems. If one is a liberal, one must conclude….

    I rather doubt that John Locke or J. Stuart Mill ever thought about homosexual marriage (an online article, https://polsci101.wordpress.com/2009/12/07/mills-view-on-homosexuality/ attempts to extrapolate a Millian perspective on the question), given that it impacts the Burkean social unconscious rather than the legal realm. It is certainly of historical interest that activities generally considered vices were tolerated in certain societies but forbidden in others. But in the contemporary world, the sea change has taken place not so much in the realm of morality as in that of our concept of human nature. Once homosexuality was no longer a crime, the contemporary mind was open to the idea that the category of “vice” itself was no longer legitimate. If an activity was not considered illegal in the sense of doing harm to non-consenting others, then one could no longer make any distinction between our right to practice it and other forms of private activity.

    This would still not suffice to justify homosexual marriage. What was insisted on by its proponents was that homosexual desire differed only in its object from heterosexual desire, that the couples it brought together were not merely the equivalent of married couples, but that the society must recognize such unions as marriages tout court.

    The important point here is the exact opposite of the liberal argument; it has nothing to do with permitting sexual freedom. On the contrary, the point is that because homosexual desire is as natural to some people as heterosexual desire is to others, these two natural tropisms should be accorded the same degree of cultural validity. Those homosexuals who would go yet farther and justify pedophilia (“man-boy love”) have remained marginalized. But once it became generally understood that the social purpose of marriage is not to carry on the reproduction of the race, but to consecrate a couple’s sexual affinity, there could be no difference in their legal status; we must not judge “whom one loves.”


    It is in this context that we should understand the trans movement. Once more, activists defending a marginalized group, here far less numerous than homosexuals, make the same argument: not that one should be able to “choose one’s sex,” as websites like Facebook allow one to do, but that what used to be understood as the mental illness of gender dysphoria is, once more, redefined as a natural tendency that, as an expression of what I will again call one’s soul, ipso facto overrides one’s merely biological/physical sex. The reasoning is similar to that concerning homosexuality, save that it is not one’s sexual desire but one’s “gender,” i.e., one’s “true” sex, that is understood as the objective reality of one’s nature, whether or not it corresponds to one’s biological sex.

    Homosexuals are a largely successful group who have shown their ability to function in society and whose implementation of the new marriage laws does not appear to have led to any grave problems. Nonetheless, by imposing the principle that human rights include the right to “follow one’s nature” within Millian limits, regardless of long-held social norms, the homosexual movement inaugurated a seismic shift from traditional, Burkean society, as the rapid transition of “gay marriage” from incredulity to inevitability demonstrates.

    No other society had ever offered marriage to homosexuals, not as implementing some exceptional custom, but as a henceforth unproblematic extension of what marriage had always been. It is the insistent unmarkedness of homosexual marriage, whose couples commonly refer to each other as husband or wife, that is truly revolutionary.

    It is this revolution that has led to the emergence of transsexuality as not only no longer a perversion or symptom of mental illness, but as existing in perfect symmetry with “cisgenderism,” to the point at which the entire respectable world increasingly takes seriously proposals to eliminate from official documents words such as mother and father, let alone pregnant woman, and even to cease indicating sex on birth certificates, the newborn not yet having reached an age at which it can choose, or better, come out in its true sex, whether or not in correspondence with physical organs and sex chromosomes.

    It is obvious from these observations that what drives the woke obsession with transsexuality is quite the contrary of an ultra-liberal insistence on freedom of choice. On the contrary, wokeism denies freedom of choice, whether in racial or sexual matters. The difference between race and sex is that race is an external characteristic, based on objective criteria such as skin color, but imposed by the society rather than the individual, whereas sex is, independently of sex organs and chromosomes, a quality of one’s soul.

    On the surface, changing one’s race should be much simpler than changing one’s sex, given the distinction between the continuously varying physical characteristics that manifest one’s race and the discontinuity of the labels affixed to them. Similar arguments are available in the case of sexuality, but the underlying dichotomous nature of biological sex, admitting only of rare exceptions, is understood as imposing a binary choice on individual psychology. Thus although it is common for people to say, e.g., that they are “three-quarters feminine and one-quarter masculine,” or that their gender is “fluid,” this is a mere description of one’s psychological tendencies, one’s tastes, not the equivalent of the binary distinction that it is felt that everyone must respect.

    In the case of race, it is society rather than biology that imposes digital rather than continuous selection. In particular, the “one drop” rule tends to classify even today those with any detectable African ancestry as black—whereas the analogous mixture of white and Asian would be called Asian-American or Eurasian. But although changing one’s racial appearance is not difficult, and a number of whites have recently passed for blacks, whether to enjoy the privileges of affirmative action or, conversely, as in the 1964 movie Black Like Me, to experience the negative social effects of blackness, race-bending, unlike gender-bending, is not tolerated by the woke.

    The idea of a “true” race borne in one’s soul is not accepted; in whichever direction the white-nonwhite identities are switched, the switcher is seen as a fraud, or at best, a sociological experimenter. If one can truly “pass” in one direction or the other, one is free to choose, but dyeing one’s skin is felt as essentially inauthentic; race, unlike sex, is understood as a social construction. The fact that sex is not, even when it is redefined as fundamentally a matter of conscience and not chromosomes, pays in fact indirect homage to the biology it affects to ignore: even if they be called genders, there remain only two sexes.

    This difference in attitude is not really inconsistent. If we recall that the principle of wokeness is faithfulness malgré tout to the originary moral model, then racial difference is understood as ascriptive in the strong sense that race is ascribed to each individual by the society, all parties being presumed in agreement as to the apparent race of each individual. Attempting to change one’s race is not a sign of faithfulness to an inner identity, but simply an attempt to deceive.

    In sexual matters, no doubt women were long denied equal legal rights, independently of their abilities. But today, when equality in rights and achievements has largely been met, an injustice far more egregious to the woke mind than sexual discrimination in the old sense is the classification of transsexuals as abnormal members of their biological sex and their consequent restriction, for example, to its toilets and locker rooms.

    The analogy is drawn between appearance and reality in both cases. For race, differences in (all but physical) performance ipso facto reflect racism that distorts the (moral) equality of all, which should presumably result in equivalent statistics. For sex, my appearance as a man is taken as a physical fact, in contrast to what in the binary domain of sex is the bearer of moral reality: the sex inscribed in my soul. Thus the transsexual is a victim to the extent that he is judged by his sexual appearance, even if this “appearance” is substantiated by chromosomes and sex organs. Whatever one may think of it, the logic is the same, and restricting the name “woman” to cis-women a denial of the “true” femininity of the trans-woman, by the equivalent of a throwback to the days of the imprisonment of Oscar Wilde.


    Once society is determined to be incapable of judging the normality, short of harming others, of the soul’s convictions, it will be forever embroiled in such disputes. That less scrupulous societies, focused on the propagation of their ethic as well as their gene pool, will take advantage of such complications, is the price we pay for “the worst system except…”

    Let us hope that our incomparably shameful withdrawal from Afghanistan may serve as a warning signal that the level of our moral narcissism is approaching the lip of the vessel.

    **Trans-Exclusionary Radical Feminist

  • Armageddon, or “We’re all Jews now”

    in memoriam René Girard

    When I was in school, I learned about white Caucasians and black Africans and yellow Asians and red American Indians. But skin color was not the same as race; darker-skinned (Asian) Indians were of the same Caucasian race as myself.

    Today, “white” means European exclusively. Even Near-Easterners, whose physical features are close to those common in Southern Europe, must be looked upon as “brown” people, as are the populations of Latin America, whether or not of Amerindian descent.

    A growing number of antisemitic incidents, although almost all carried out by non-whites, have provided the Left with a new pretext for evoking the bogeyman of white supremacy to distract from the real terrorism emanating from the Left, as they had served as a sadly effective means from scaring Jews and other liberals away from Donald Trump—David Duke voted for him!

    Yet this current rash of incidents is but a footnote to Jewish history. What is of real significance is the spread of the paradoxical Jewish-firstness role to the entire root population of Western civilization. The same shamefaced repudiation of what used to be called Jewish “stiff-necked pride” and is today deemed “white privilege” has now, in the form of White Guilt, spread to the entire respectable population of European origin, whether in the US or in the nations of Europe—the unabashed remainder being classed with neo-Nazis and other deplorables.

    Thus the typically apologetic self-presentation of Western Jews, rooted in centuries of real oppression, has now become all but obligatory for whites—and even more broadly, for all non-victimary, that is, unmarked categories, even including women, who may be marked with respect to men, but not with respect to transwomen: whence “pregnant persons,” “chest-feeding,” men on girls’ sports teams, etc.

    As for heterosexual or even homosexual cis-normality, although one may not be expected to feel shameful about it, it is no longer considered inoffensive to treat it as a norm. If pregnant person makes 0.001% of the population (surely an exaggeration) feel less unsafe, then the other 99.999% had just better bow to their presumed wishes—even though, as with the Cleveland Indians, so named after a real Indian—uh, Native American—there is no evidence that anyone other than Newspeak activists has ever been offended by terms like “mother” or “pregnant woman.”

    The connection between this behavior and antisemitism in the narrow sense is the common thread of disavowal of firstness, now no longer limited to the ancient priority of the One God, but applied to the firstness of the Christian West in applying the Hebrews’ religious breakthrough to the liberation of individual minds that allowed it to create the world of modernity—in contrast with China which despite its many science-related discoveries, remained a feudal monarchy. The shameful Jew role must be experienced by as many people and as often as possible. The woke conscience is satisfied only by the affirmation of the victimary in every single manifestation of human culture—ideally, in every sentence. (What are your pronouns?)

    Thus George Orwell’s prophecy has at last come true, although the imposition of today’s Newspeak is yet more sinister than in 1984. In the novel, it was imposed from above, albeit destined to take over the language as the old words were forgotten. But the source of today’s Newspeak is a grass roots operation centered in the social media.

    The populations in 1984 were coerced by threats of punishment, as in the USSR or today’s PRC. We don’t need a gulag—the mob’s pressure forces administrators to impose whatever manner avoids offending it. Just as numbers of clicks and likes determine popularity (and income) among “influencers,” activist voices impose wokeness as an ongoing critique of every element of culture.

    In the place of the Burkean “silent majority” that maintains the inertial traditions of a society, the “cake of custom” that can be changed only slowly and for good reasons emerging through the political process, we have reduced the decision procedure to counting made-up minds on Twitter. Thousands of people sit at their computers every day seeking and finding new sources of outrage, and it is this dynamic that obliges the heads of corporations and universities and governmental agencies to pursue their never-ending purge of normality.

    Today, Jews and whites throughout the West increasingly see themselves in the same spotlighted position of guilty firstness. Whites remain the majority and dominate the ruling class in all Western countries, while Jews, the majority nowhere for two millennia, are now defined no longer as a frequently persecuted minority but as the colonial oppressors of the “indigenous” population of the “apartheid” state of Israel.

    Being self-conscious of the “privilege” of firstness is not in itself a bad thing. But rather than the bathwater of the babe of civilization, firstness is its very womb. Centuries of resentment-epistemology have led today’s woke to deny every mode of human superiority, including that of human life itself, treating us as usurping colonizers of Gaia who would do better to leave the Earth before we destroy it—as though this one among billions of planets would be of any significance in a universe deprived of, as far as we know, the only creatures able to conceive of significance—which is another name for the sacred.


    In the face of the woke takeover of the near-totality of our institutions, from government to academic to military to business to foundations and NGOs, what still sustains the US and the rest of the West is the residual civic ethic of its populations. If I send my child to school, he is going to learn about CRT, and perhaps not much else, but in his everyday dealings with others, he will see little of this. Race relations in the US are generally quite cordial, as are those between the sexes. How can this social capital be salvaged while there still remains enough of it to resist the institutional pressure that erodes it?

    The key is to arrest the progress (the “march through the institutions”) of the epistemology of resentment, increasingly dominant since the French Revolution, and which since the 1930s has largely replaced with “Cultural Marxism” the materialism of Das Kapital.

    This leftward movement had begun in reaction to the feudal system, merit-based in its inception, but that continued long after the erosion of its base in medieval agrarian society to privilege members of castes (nobility and clergy) whose claims were no longer grounded in social utility. In Totalitarianism, Hannah Arendt famously explained modern antisemitism in these very terms: at the beginning of the early modern era, “court Jews” had been protected by rulers as useful intermediaries, international bankers, etc., but in the emerging bourgeois era this role had lost its importance, whence the growth of the modern antisemitism that led eventually to the Holocaust.

    In contrast to resentment of obsolete caste privileges, today’s woke religion is founded on resentment of “privilege” per se, no longer in the sense of inherited status, but of the statistical advantage of more established groups (whites) over those less so (blacks and others) in qualifying for desirable social roles. The point is no longer that the rewards are not matched to the abilities, but that historical inertia has led to the concentration of these abilities among one population as opposed to the other.

    Of course the success not merely of Jews, but of certain Asian groups, notably Chinese and Japanese, contradicts the notion of “systemic racism,” particularly in the light of the severe discrimination exercised against these groups in not so distant times by the 1882 Chinese Exclusion Act and the confinement of Japanese-Americans during WWII.

    Yet the lower qualifications of certain minorities, along with their much higher crime rates, is taken as ipso facto proof of racism. The society as a whole is made responsible for inferior performance on the basis of historical conditions that may no longer obtain, but whose prolonged effect is laid to the charge of those who share the race of the former perpetrators.

    Thus do the institutions of our increasingly digital society not only ally themselves with, but deliberately incite minority resentment, focusing respectable minds on White Guilt and away from their “post-national” economic stance, profiting from Chinese and other international trade. The shameful genuflections of the corporate world toward China, whether in Hollywood or in product advertising, need no demonstration here.


    In the digital age, the split that Charles Murray revealed between professional Belmont and working-class Fishtown was only the beginning of the coming apart of American society. In Belmont, people like myself are well regarded: full professor at a major university…. Whereas from the standpoint of the separation that more and more marks the American economy, people such as I, who might well eat at the Olive Garden, are scarcely differentiated from the hillbilly deplorables in flyover country.

    When Barack Obama threw his recent “scaled-down” 60th birthday party, I don’t need to do research to know that few or none of the attendees arrived on commercial flights. It is this Belmont++ class that protects itself by translating the trends of the social media into vast sums that subsidize not only Antifa and BLM, but the foundations and NGOs and above all, the media that contribute to the woke brainwashing of the American public, not merely stoking minority resentment and white guilt, but implementing the various aspects of the cancel culture. The digital economy gives them the power to do this by virtue of its extraordinary ability to concentrate wealth in a few hands. We are at the antipodes of Marx’s “labor theory of value.” One “worker” today can earn an income a million times greater than another.

    The black/colored minority is offered symbolic triumphs like writing Black as opposed to white, but is if anything discouraged from improving its human capital—as witness abolishing advanced math classes and denouncing the “whiteness” of getting the correct answer. In short, the teaching of racial resentment in preference to the three Rs, the gifting of points on objective examinations like the SAT—which are now being abandoned altogether in the interest of “diversity.” All this only accentuates the digital divide that cuts off minorities from real achievement and subjects them to what Dinesh D’Souza rightly calls the “Plantation” of welfare and false sympathy, benefiting mostly an updated class of race-hustlers whose arrogance far outclasses that of the Al Sharptons.

    So long as academic merit can be associated with “white privilege,” the very notion of meritocracy is discredited. Yet one does not abolish the necessity of matching ability to responsibility by disguising it in symbolic rituals that only make the inferiority of minority performance more obvious. Noble figures like Thomas Sowell who have been saying this for years gain respect, but have little public influence; the smart money is elsewhere.

    We can only hope that the shamelessness of the current administration will provoke a sufficiently strong reaction, hopefully honored not only at the ballot box but in the back rooms where the votes are counted, to allow a return to what at this point need only be called common sense. The very point of wokeness is to discredit common sense, that basis of Burkean social solidarity. But we can hope that all has not succumbed to the new religion, and that political leaders will be found to overturn this truly dangerous insurrection against American democracy, in contrast with the pitiful riot of January 6.


    What historical lesson do we learn from making the entire root population of the West share the stigmatized role of the Jews? Of all the paradoxes their conception of the One God has given to history, this may well be the most consequential—although if the consequences turn out badly, there may be no one left to tell the tale.

    The coincidence between the Assumption of the Virgin and the fall of Kabul may give us a hint. If Christianity is a dialectical synthesis between Judaism and pagan Classicism, Islam is quite different. Where Christianity offers as our model/mediator the “prince of peace” whose crucifixion is a prelude to his resurrection, Islam rejects all dialectic in favor of submission. In a word, in claiming to be the originary truth distorted by its Abrahamic brethren, it simply abolishes firstness as a human category.

    This justifies acts of barbarism that the West has long renounced. Yet war, the ultimate means of defending one’s right to exist, is full of acts of barbarism. The end of WWII with the destruction of two Japanese cities full of people is no accident, nor is the West’s mourning for them expressed so masterfully in Duras/Resnais’ Hiroshima mon amour. WWII was marked by especially cruel atrocities on the Axis side and notably by the Holocaust, but there were plenty on our own, as our moralizers are happy to tell us. Well, that’s what war is, or at least became after the French Revolution. Nor is it a coincidence that René Girard’s last book, Achever Clausewitz, had total war at its center.

    If the West has not won a war since WWII, the reason is here. Jewish firstness is essentially chronological, and thereby indelible; it does not require to be defended by military victory. Whereas Christianity, other-worldly as is the basis of its theology (“My kingdom is not of this world”), in principle leaving the world to Caesar, nonetheless revealed itself to be history’s most successful means of world conquest. I still believe in Fukuyama’s idea that liberal democracy is, as Churchill put it, the worst system with the exception of all the others; this paradoxical structure is that of Christianity itself, whatever the clerical authorities think of credo quia absurdum.

    Today’s “strong horses,” the Muslim Taliban and the Chinese, didn’t invent the weapons of modern warfare, but they show themselves willing, as the West is no longer, to use them without compunction. Just as Muslims (or Asian Communists) make no claim of firstness, but submit in principle to the sacred will, as Westerners can no longer do without sharing the guilt of its violence. The ultimate sense of Girard’s la violence, ou le sacré, is not the simple equation of the two as a danger to be conjured, but the reservation of violence as the ultimate weapon of the sacred will, the principle of “holy war.”

    The West has no more holy wars to win, hence it can no longer defend itself from the soldiers of Allah or those of Mao. It can only deter them with threats of total violence that, as it becomes every day clearer, cannot be carried out. Fleeing Kabul under attack by a semi-primitive militia is not a sagacious move to cut our losses, but a full-fledged surrender, not merely of our “interests” in Afghanistan, but of our ability to assert the dominance of Western values, however benign, over the rest of the world.

    It is characteristic that, in witnessing the debacle, the MSM never neglect to blame it on Donald Trump, as though his statements about leaving Afghanistan obliged Biden to honor his commitment. I cannot imagine Trump presiding over such a catastrophe, and neither really can his detractors. But such is the current state of the Decline of the West, Die Untergang des Abendlandes.

    Let us hope that, before it is too late, Israel will absorb the lesson of this world-historical humiliation.

  • Paradoxes of Jewish Firstness

         for Adam Katz

    In a response to Chronicle 705 (“The Jews”), Adam suggested that the uniqueness of the Jews should be “thought in terms of some particular, ongoing, historical relationship between the Jews and mimesis.” This particularity is, in a word, what I have been calling firstness.

    My use of the term is something of a neologism. In C. S. Peirce’s vocabulary, firstness refers to what is in effect a “romantic” notion of primal perception uninfluenced by cultural/semiotic mediation, rather than, as I use it here, to a necessary role in a human mimetic relationship. As the root of authority, hierarchy, etc., the firstness of the first user of the sign is his role as the instigator of mimesis, the first to intentionally perform an act that will be imitated by others.

    In this definition, the core meaning of the term does not distinguish between the firstness of authority and the merely temporal priority of being the first to discover something or to perform an act; what is essential is this priority itself. This is not to deny the difference between inventing a new mode of action and merely being the first to employ it in a given situation; this notion of firstness is context-dependent. But whether the context be the known universe or two people en situation, what defines firstness is a deviation from co-temporality, a break in symmetry, a temporary or permanent hierarchization.

    This suggests that, given the Jews’ historical discovery of the One God, nothing should prevent us from exploring the relationship of the Jews to other aspects of mimesis, whether in the arts and sciences or in the broader aspects of life-style.


    It is useful to examine in this context a recently republished 2015 article by David P. Goldman (“Spengler”), “Why Greeks Hate Jews, or Talmud and Tragedy” (https://pjmedia.com/spengler/2021/07/25/why-greeks-hate-jews-or-talmud-and-tragedy-2-n1464588). Goldman proposes a fundamental cultural disjunction that separates the Jews from the Greeks, and by extension, from the entire world of “Gentile” Western culture.

    Hebrews and Greeks, Athens and Jerusalem, have been traditionally considered the two principal sources of Western civilization. Goldman surely knows as well as I that neither alone can be held responsible for the greatness of this civilization—about whose survival in its recent crises both the real and the pseudonymous Spengler have been less than sanguine.

    Goldman shares with René Girard the view that the West is above all Biblical, Jewish, before it is Greek. Which explains, if not justifies, his Schadenfreude toward the antisemitic Greeks of today. The Jewish population, far less numerous than the Greek in antiquity, is today considerably greater, and whereas Israel has become a regional economic and military power, Greece is a perpetual embarrassment for the European Union’s financial system.

    Yet the real question is why, although the Greeks are far from alone in hating their Jewish rivals, no one, including the Jews, particularly hates the Greeks. Antihellenism is not in the dictionary.


    For Goldman, the Jews revere life in its everyday sense, and Jewish law and custom are focused on sanctifying its practices, from lighting the Sabbath candles to seeking reconciliation rather than punishment and compromise over violence. In contrast, the Greeks, in his view, hate the Jews because they can love life only as mediated by an ideal representation. Men love beautiful boys rather than the mothers of their children, tragedy over survival, idolatry cum resentment of superhuman yet man-like gods over faith in the One God.

    Goldman’s position is summed up in the following citation:

    By their persecution the Gentiles defy this challenge [of the Jewish community] from the side of Eternity and finality. They always accuse the Jew of provocation, because although he is quite capable of playing Red Indian out of love for his neighbors, he is incapable of any of their idolatries, and though he can shed his blood for his country, he will always feel that no skyscraper, no man-of-war, no Venus of Cnidos, and no glory of arms is more important than the tears of the widow or the sigh of the orphan. [Eugen Rosenstock-Huessy, Out of Revolution (Eugene, OR: Wipf and Stock, 1969); 226-227)]

    Or, one might add, the pots and pans of the kosher kitchen. The truth is that Jews look at the cultural exertions of the Gentiles as children’s games that grownups should find boring. For the players, though, these are not mere games, but a response to existential despair.

    Goldman’s intuition here, as always, contains a profound truth, but I beg to differ with him concerning the real focus of his comparison, which is, once more, on firstness.

    The crux of Goldman’s argument is found in the contrast he draws between the Greek and the Jewish response to a parable found in identical form in both Greek mythology (Nietzsche’s account of Silenus’s words to Midas, in The Birth of Tragedy) and the Old Testament (Ecclesiastes 4:2-3): that what would be best for man would be never to be born. The difference being that in Ecclesiastes, it is followed in Chapter 9 by an exhortation to enjoy life. And as a final proof that Jews cannot take such nihilism seriously, Goldman cites a well-known Jewish joke, found among other places in Freud’s Wit and Its Relation to the Unconscious:

    Two yeshiva students are learning Ecclesiastes. Moshe says to Yankel, “He’s right! Life is so painful, pain is so long, joy is so short, it’s better never to have been born.” “Yes,” says Yankel, “but who has such luck? Not one in ten thousand.”

    It is worth mentioning that in the light of the Hindu-Buddhist idea of karma, this paradoxical state is indeed the ideal. Nirvana is being without existence, subsistence without desire, or in our terms, an ensouled but not desiring existence, in accord with what I spoke of in Chronicles 515516 as the Buddhist ideal: the scene of representation emptied of its central object.

    Eastern religions aside, Goldman’s point is that the Greeks, who are usually understood as worshipers of the senses as well as the founders of science, at least in its principles (although it is the Jewish element of Christianity that focused scientific reasoning on the study of the real world), were in fact haters of real life. The Apollonian ideal is sterile, whereas the Hebrews sanctified home and family, love and marriage. Goldman demeans tragedy as a life-evading dream in contrast with the Biblical focus on the flourishing of the human community. Whereas frères ennemis Eteocles and Polynices both fight to the death, Jacob outsmarts Esau without violence and lives to found Israel.


    I can sympathize with Goldman’s rejection of the esthetic “culturalism” that also repelled Girard. Yet neither of us would subscribe to this anti-dialectical view which, as Hegel would have noted, is consequently unhistorical. Western civilization cannot do without the metaphysical element introduced by the Greeks, and although this element is not unproblematically life-affirming, one can hardly imagine Einstein formulating the Theory of Relativity by meditating on the Talmud.

    I cannot accept the side of Goldman that affects to deny the values of the modern world while being perforce enmeshed in them. If the decline of the West be the sign of the historical failure of Christianity, then it is also the failure of Judaism. An ultra-traditional Judaism that rejects the Greek element of our civilization may be worthy of preservation as a symbol of Jewish survival, but only within a world that has not rejected the rest of that civilization.

    And however much the Greeks “hate” the Jews—the point of departure for Goldman’s essay was a 2015 survey by B’nai B’rith showing that Greece is among the most antisemitic of countries, more so even than Iran or Turkey—the very principles he enunciates suggest that the appropriate Jewish response is neither to hate in return nor to “turn the other cheek,” but to point out that the most valuable contributions of Hellenic culture to the modern world were made via its dialectical subsumption into the Hebraic world-vision that produced Christianity—and Islam.


    As I have pointed out in other contexts, the ethical function of firstness is as a source of benefit to the human community. One of the differences between my thinking and that of Girard is my “Jewish” reluctance to share his focus on sacrifice as the means of revealing this firstness. Only by giving himself up to human violence can God in the person of Jesus liberate man from original sin. In contrast, the Jews do not focus on each soul’s participation in eternal life via resurrection in the flesh. What they see as eternal is the Jewish people, and it is this people that plays a role analogous to that of the Son in Christian eschatology.

    No doubt this “tribal” relationship could not be extended to the entire world. Judaism’s universalism is paradoxical; its One God could be adopted by the Gentiles only via its Christian and Muslim offshoots, whose respective means of persuasion were self-sacrifice and conquest.

    The Jews gave the One God to the world, but since the Enlightenment, Christianity (like Islam at an earlier time) has offered the Jewish participants in its culture the means to observe the transformative adaptation of their faith by a world of peoples that bear no originary relationship to it, for whom the One God is God, but their God only through the mediation of Jesus.


    In Originary Thinking, I proposed that secular cultural discourse since the Greeks could be understood in terms of a series of “esthetics,” from Classical to Post-Modern. The most important contrast was between the Classical esthetic of ancient Greece and Rome and what I called the Neo-Classical esthetic of Christian Europe.

    The characters in Classical drama never have to ask why they are “on stage,” since their lives as monarchs and warriors, not to say demi-gods, are endowed with significance a priori, just as are the characters of the Bible story. The Christian era realizes the boundary between the sacred/significant and earthly kingdoms as one that the individual, even if destined for kingship, must cross for himself. Indeed, the very notion of fiction only really applies to such characters, whose lives involve a “moment of truth” in which they accede to scenic significance, the worldly analogue to sacrality.

    I focused my discussion of the Neo-Classical esthetic on Renaissance tragedy, but one can find this new characteristic much earlier—in the 11th–century Chanson de Roland, for example. The central difference is the element of “play within a play,” in which the scene itself becomes a thematic locus of significance. The personae of Renaissance drama are characteristically faced with a moment in which they are obliged to take the stage, to enter on scene. Hamlet is of course the exemplary case, but, for example, Racine’s tragedies, which adhere strictly to unité de lieu, all treat the unchanging stage as a locus of danger, which the characters often seek impotently to leave. Phèdre throughout her play wishes she could be elsewhere; Hippolyte seeks to flee the stage only to find death.

    Goldman’s “T.S. Eliot vs. Jewish Humor” (https://pjmedia.com/news-and-politics/david-p-goldman/2021/02/14/t-s-eliot-vs-jewish-humor-n1425557) focuses on a defense of Hamlet against T. S. Eliot’s hostile critique, which Goldman interprets as consubstantial with Eliot’s well-known antisemitism in its rejection of what Goldman calls the tragi-comic, a “Jewish” irony applied to the solemnity of tragedy.

    This parallels my distinction between the Classical and the Neo-Classical whose very structure may be seen as ironic: the tragic hero has in substance to choose to become a tragic hero. It may be Hamlet’s duty to avenge his father, but he is not fated to; it is his free choice, and his failure to really make this choice might be better called comi-tragic than tragi-comic.

    Goldman backs up his argument by another reference to the Jewish never-being-born joke, and in doing so, tacitly concurs with my Classical vs Neo-Classical distinction in which the latter may be said to add a Jewish element to ancient tragedy: an implicit ability of the character to see himself outside the play, even as he can do no other than to perform it. I wish Goldman had taken this opportunity to revise his theoretical stance toward “Gentile” secular culture, whose problematic, paradoxical, Jewish element his polemic against Eliot allows him to recognize. But let us continue.


    If there is one sign of the universal penetration of Western culture throughout the modern world, it is certainly fictional narrative. However disturbing we may find Hollywood’s current subservience to China’s politics, there is no doubt that the novel and film, both products of the West, remain the dominant cultural forms of modernity.

    I bring this up in the present context because, in still another recent (also reprinted) post, “Why I Don’t Like Fiction” (https://pjmedia.com/spengler/2020/12/30/why-i-dont-like-fiction-n1293428), Goldman expresses his hostility to fiction in essentially the same terms as his dismissal of Greek tragedy in “Talmud and Tragedy”: fiction is a dreamworld that Greeks (and Christians) need because, unlike the Jews, they are unable to grasp the sanctity of the quotidian family life that sustains the existence of the Jewish people.

    As a full-fledged member of Western society, Goldman’s rejection of fiction is more curmudgeonly than consistent. He explains reprinting this piece as a reaction to a New Yorker article on Virginia Woolf (whose—Jewish—name he Freudianslippingly misspells). Goldman refines his definition of “fiction” so as not to reject “all imaginative prose,” but only those narratives that “help us work through our own existential quandaries by proxy,” a category he exemplifies by Goethe’s Werther—the Ur-Roman of mensonge romantique, which provoked numerous suicides in its day.

    As Girard would have told him, this way of reading a novel shares the character’s romantic lie rather than transcending it toward la vérité romanesque. Goldman is not really unaware of this. Thus he opposes to Werther’s romantic suicide, Wilhelm Meister’s “abandon[ing] the novel for life instead of death” in the work that exemplified for Lukács die gereiften Männlichkeit. But the key is nonetheless that Lukács and Girard both view Meister’s story as a whole; it is through the novel that he arrives at maturity, just as the protagonists of Mensonge end their spurious quests by “converting” to a true perception of their previous slavery to mimetic desire.

    For Girard the novel is an exercice spirituel, a transcendence of false desire that recapitulates the author’s own experience. Whereas Goldman treats the bildungsroman as a reductio ad absurdum: the hero sets an example for the reader by leaving the novel, not as the fulfillment of a learning process but as a rejection of fiction for reality—a self-deconstruction of the work, and of literature itself.

    The paradoxicality of Goldman’s expressed judgment, which denies its own premise that “fiction,” like Greek myth, is the work of a people who cannot accept reality and are consequently doomed to “hate the Jews” and decline into historical irrelevance, is not truly defensible as an analytic perspective, but it offers a precious insight into the dilemma of the Jew in Western Judeo-Christian culture. Goldman’s affected rejection of fiction is not a real option for a modern Jew who seeks an anthropological understanding mediated through his own participation in this culture.


    As we have seen, experts on the Jewish question are semi-consciously in denial of what really makes the Jews “different.” Here, as in so many things, the Jews are exemplary, although, as also in so many things, their firstness makes their state of denial all the more deplorable. The self-effacing liberal Jew is not so much hostile to Jews as such as to the idea that they are different from everybody else. Thus he is sure to include in any denunciation of antisemitism a strong affirmation of its shared identity with racism, sexism, and the rest—in pitiable denial of two millennia of Jewish history.

    And thus this Jew may come close to real antisemitism in refusing to recognize the specific problems posed by Israel’s rejection by its Muslim neighbors, a rejection that has only now (as a legacy of the “antisemitic” Trump) loosened up a bit. Whence the multiplication of explicitly anti-Zionist Jewish organizations such as J Street, B’Tselem, IfNotNow, etc., and the apologetic tone of most of the others.

    Perhaps antisemitism will end only when all humanity recognizes its common brotherhood, but in that utopian event, antisemitism will surely be the last prejudice to disappear. It is this, in a perverse way, that the liberal Jew recognizes by continually emphasizing other peoples’ sufferings over his own. This is not the generosity of firstness but a variant of the same phenomenon as groveling before BLM—save that, whatever expiation European imperialism may owe its former colonial subjects, it is surely not for the Jews to make it.


    Goldman’s is but one of countless examples of the paradox of Jewish firstness, which cannot be “solved,” but can at least be recognized, and yet that is invariably (with the exception of Adam’s and my book), not even denied, but ignored—much as generative anthropology has been ignored.

    Which leads me to a consoling insight.

    In today’s world, saturated by the internet’s infinite digital access to information and opinion—which in its early stages I naively saw as an unproblematic source of liberation (see Chronicle 10, September 16, 1995)—there is virtually no intrinsic source of intellectual authority. As opposed to the sciences, humanistic thought, like poetry or the plastic arts, is judged by “experts” whose extensive knowledge, echoed within a professional clique, no longer bears a guarantee of valid judgment.

    But however disappointing this may seem, it is in fact a real opportunity for original thought. How much better to be ignored than persecuted, better not merely for one’s personal well-being, but for the opportunity it provides for years of reflection in tranquility. Just as our internet culture obscures new ideas by its sheer inability to choose among them, this culture permits new thinking on the “Jewish question” in an ambiance equally sheltered from the quest for fame and the unilluminating heat of polemics.

    The happy few who read these Chronicles should appreciate this. Firstness is an unsolvable problem, but it is no doubt only under such conditions as these that its hitherto obscure paradoxes can begin to be revealed to the light of day.

  • The Jews

    As I have complained too many times, Adam Katz’s and my book, The First Shall Be the Last: Rethinking Antisemitism (2015), although sponsored by the Institute for the Study of Global Antisemitism and Policy (ISGAP), was received by ISGAP itself with an utter lack of enthusiasm, has been reviewed only in Israel by GASC friend Roman Katsman, and has remained wholly absent from recent discussions of antisemitism.

    Documenting antisemitism is surely important, yet thinking antisemitism is taboo. Most accounts of antisemitic acts treat their motivation as both eternal, hence unnecessary to discuss, and irrational, as a “disease” that is both like all other racial/ethnic/religious hatreds, yet somehow unique—the one “phobia” excluded from “intersectionality.” So unique that its uniqueness itself remains outside the realm of polite discussion. For to insist on this uniqueness all too clearly provides a “justification” for antisemitism. As people used to say more freely than today, the Jews are hated because they claim to be the chosen people. So do lots of other peoples, but if only the Jews have forever been hated for it, this can only mean that their claim of chosenness is somehow true—and condemnable for its very truth.

    To attempt to explain antisemitism to those who presumably oppose it is to encounter a resistance so firm that it does not view itself as an article of faith, but merely as a consequence of the simple fact that antisemitism cannot be explained otherwise than by the long series of false accusations—blood-libels, conspiracies, “protocols” and the like—on which it has been based for two millennia. Jews enjoy the thought that transparently absurd accusations, such as the source of the term blood libel, bleeding non-Jewish children to make matzoth—the least bloody-looking flatbreads imaginable—demonstrate Jew-hatred’s irrationality. Suggesting that there is some real basis for hating the Jews must therefore be simply unthinkable. And thus, the accused once proved innocent of these charges, there is nothing more to be said on the subject.

    Which is, however unoriginal, a curious attitude indeed for an Institute for the Study of Global Antisemitism and Policy. Particularly when today’s version of antisemitism is focused on a new Jewish atrocity: Israel’s crime of acting as though it were a legitimate nation-state. Let it then prove its legitimacy to those who deny it!

    I write these words on Tisha B’Av, the most solemn day of the Jewish calendar, on which we mourn as one the destruction of the two ancient Temples in Jerusalem. It is no coincidence that the recently reemphasized Muslim claim on Jerusalem has been focused on the Temple Mount, the holiest Jewish site. Imagine that the Jews are in charge of the Kaaba in Mecca, which they insist is a uniquely Jewish shrine from which all non-Jews should be barred, and you will begin to understand something of the paradoxical chosenness of the Jews.

    Just as this chosenness is so localized that it can only be universal, it is so universalized that its localization must be denied. Thus it is an inevitable consequence of the Jews’ firstness that—unlike our “Native Americans”—they have no right to a worldly home of their own, even in the land to which they gave its name. Aside from Donald Trump, so frequently compared with Hitler, no contemporary Western politician has fully affirmed their right to this territory, which is uniformly considered as “originally” belonging to the Palestinians, whose roots in the area were no more than a generation or two old, and who had never had a nation of their own, or even a name. Yet their brief residence provides them with roots, unlike the “wandering Jews.”

    This having been said, the fact that the Jews continue to survive, I being one of them, is in itself a sign that, so far at least, not only humanity as a whole but Judeo-Christian Western culture possesses a persistent anthropological viability, one that may survive the decline or even the destruction of the major Western and Western-inspired polities, perhaps even of Israel itself—despite its exceptional demographic status as virtually the only advanced economy that more than reproduces itself over time.


    A decade ago, I drew an analogy between the paradoxical status of the Jews and the classic paradox of the “barber who shaves everyone who does not shave himself” (see Chronicle 405). The Jews, or Hebrews, as the first people of any importance who declared the uniqueness of the One God, are the people who shave away everyone’s particular gods, yet not their own, because by being the first to do so, it is their God who becomes the One God. Although the Hebrews, as the plural term elohim demonstrates, must once have conceived gods as a plurality, nonetheless, by writing the Torah and passing it down to the Christians (and the Muslims, but that is another story), and thence to the entire world, they are the only people who can claim a familial relationship not only with Jesus but with the patriarch of the Old Testament.

    Readers of these Chronicles may recall that in response to Adam Katz’s article “Remembering Amalek: 9/11 and Generative Thinking,” I removed from my description of the originary event the assertion that the group spontaneously reinterpreted the aborted gesture of appropriation as a sign. Adam had pointed out that, given that this was an act of reflection rather than a reflex, it must have been grasped individually by each member of the group, and in such a situation, one or a small number would be first to reconceive the aborted gesture as an intentional sign.

    This first signer would be in the same position as the Jews in relation to God: it would be his sign that the others would be repeating. But under the circumstances, there would be no collective memory of this priority. The first use of a sign is only a useful act to the extent that others can imitate it, not as a model but as a template without priority over its manifestations. The supplement of firstness here has a purely serial quality. Although the idea of the sign is precious, however deeply the signers understand the roots of their action, it can function only by being shared “equally.” Indeed, in a sense, we don’t “understand” speech at all; we merely note that it works, the proof being that no one to my knowledge had ever previously attempted to describe its worldly origin in an event, as an element of human history.

    In contrast, the historical transmission of the concept of the One God necessarily involved a communication of intentions, not to speak of scriptures. God’s self-definition in Exodus 3 is both universal and specifically addressed through Moses to the Hebrews. There are no other holy books that contain anything like Ehyeh asher ehyeh, or that can be compared as wholes to the Torah. This firstness is a historical, not an archaeological fact: the Jews influenced the other peoples of the Middle East and their Christian sect colonized the whole world.

    And the Muslims did them the honor of taking virtually all the material of the Koran from the Bible, all the while claiming that this was the true original that the Jews and then the Christians had distorted. If one day the Abrahamic religions can genuinely commune with each other, this can only be done by finessing this claim of firstness. Given that Roman Catholics, after millennia of anti-Judaism, now see the Jews as their “elder brothers,” there is no reason why a similar development cannot take place with Islam. Muslims have every right to assert the greater authenticity of their version of the Biblical revelation, without denying the Jews’ temporal priority.


    I hesitate to say it, but it is not altogether a bad thing to witness the rebirth of left-wing antisemitism after generations brought up in the mythology that antisemitism is strictly a phenomenon of the “right.” I was struck how upon Trump’s election in 2016, liberal Jews, and even more, liberal “friends of Jews,” spoke of it as a calamity on a level with Kristallnacht, although Trump has never to my knowledge uttered a single word suggesting anti-Jewish sentiments, not to speak of his unique record of friendship to Israel—and the fact that, as the joke goes, the difference between Trump and a Jewish liberal is that Trump has Jewish grandchildren. Antisemitism is endemic to Judeo-Christian society, and the Nazi brand was modeled not on rightist snobbery but on leftist hatred of conspiratorial bloodsucking Jewish capitalists. If people would take more seriously the fact that Hitler’s party was called “socialist,” they would see the Hitler-Stalin rivalry as more of a contest of evil twins than of light and darkness, however much gratitude we owe the USSR for bearing the brunt of the war on the European continent.

    I certainly do not look forward to seeing Jews become objects of discrimination or physical violence, but learning to fear such possibilities is a welcome education. I must say that in my nearly 80 years in the US I have never been subject to antisemitic insults, let alone physical violence or economic discrimination. In the course of my academic career, being Jewish was almost certainly more of an advantage than a handicap. Hence Jewish friends from Europe are scandalized by what they interpret as my “sheltered” or “privileged” existence, although my life is quite typical of the lower-middle-class children of the Bronx that I grew up with. But in addition to their American setting, these conditions reflect the unusual circumstances of growing up in the shadow of the Holocaust, and it is better to realize that such favorable conditions should not be expected in the future, and certainly not awaited as the result of future catastrophes.


    Which leads me to speak of Israel.

    It would be nice to be able to say that Israel’s overall success demonstrates the ultimate viability of the Judeo-Christian West, and that the latter’s current domination by ever more extreme forms of victimary thinking is only a temporary aberration, as a different result in the (hardly transparent) 2020 USA presidential election might have suggested. Israel’s emergence as an independent power capable of forging alliances with the traditional Sunni Arab states is a considerable achievement, and a sign that the endemic Palestinian problem is now more of an obstacle for the West, including the US Democratic Party and university campuses, than it is for Israel’s Arab neighbors.

    The situation is still too unstable to permit Israel’s success to become an established element of the world-historical dialectic, as Hegel might have put it. The intensity of Muslim hostility remains high, and the durability of the Sunni alliance may well depend more on the threat posed by Iran and its terrorist non-state allies than on any sense of cultural affinity. However, let us stipulate that these fears are unjustified and that the Middle East is indeed undergoing a major realignment in which Israel is respected for its economic and military strength and as a useful ally whose Jewishness does not offend the surrounding Muslim states in the way that it does Iran and its satellites.

    We are familiar with the Christian Zionist enthusiasm for Israel as the return of the Jews to the Holy Land that is to signal Jesus’ second coming. The obvious reaction of the Enlightened is to pooh-pooh this idea as one more ancient superstition. Yet the centrality of the Jews to the West’s current decline and possible renaissance is demonstrated by the Holocaust, the key act of WWII all the more by its apparent gratuitousness, followed by the Jews’ return after two millennia to the land of their ancestors.

    As for the apocalyptic Second Coming, observing Iran’s anti-Israeli propaganda and its race to acquire atomic weapons, we must agree that the Jews’ “return” and the hatred it inspires among fundamentalist Muslims, for whom Jerusalem even more than Mecca is the focal point of their promised world-conquest, is not without major world-historical, if not world-terminal, consequences.

    The utter lack of enthusiasm expressed by, Trump excluded, the leaders of the West concerning Israel’s “right” to Jerusalem, not to speak of the “occupied territories,” is a tacit postwar endorsement of Hitler’s intuition that Jewish national ambitions, however modest, are secretly incompatible with the survival of Western civilization.

    None of this is inevitable, of course, but in our media-enveloped world, we are so insistently coerced to pay attention to the narrative that the media and their woke “influencers” constantly stream at us, that we must make a real effort to discover for ourselves what is really important. Jews would be greatly aided in this quest by daring to consider themselves as, if not the “chosen” people of the West, then its exemplary, characteristic, totemic, bellwether, canary-in-the-coal-mine people, and not just in the vulgar sense that “first they came for the Jews…”—as though this would deter the perpetrators of the next pogrom. The fact that there is no really appropriate word for the Jews’ particular role in Western civilization is only one more indication of their uniqueness.

    And the conclusive proof of the truth of these words is the degree to which they would stimulate the antisemite’s hatred—the Jews’ small numbers making their drive to control the world all the more diabolical. If only Hitler had finished the job… as so many are no longer ashamed to regret.


    Where do these reflections leave us? With the sense that the world-historical problem embodied by the Jews, the problem of firstness, is indeed the key to human history. Humans are happiest in shared reciprocity, in Thanksgiving and Seder feasts, but it is not in these moments of celebration that their creativity is demonstrated. Such creativity is normally the work of an individual or a team working together toward a goal, always at least implicitly in competition with others.

    The seemingly eternal blessed/accursed sacrality of the Jews, whose discovery of the oneness of God, the unity of the sacred, is the most fundamental of all contributions to human self-understanding, demonstrates on the highest level that humanity’s problem of firstness is both necessary and impossible to solve—that although there can certainly be an end to the human race, there can never be a metaphysical closure, an “end of history.”

  • Thoughts on Morality and Ethics

    Although generative anthropology is based on a scenic hypothesis rather than empirical observation and confirmation, its phenomenological nature brings it closer to natural science than to philosophy. As Plato’s Socratic dialogues make clear, the basis of philosophy is faith in language as the ultimate repository of human (self-) knowledge. The substance of these early dialogues is the attempt at defining words, whose status as Ideas is grounded in a vaguely conceived transcendental universe where they exist unencumbered by the timebound associations that obscure their “ultimate” sense. Heidegger’s critique of Plato’s doctrine of Ideas is a surenchère: Plato has not gone far enough into etymology and the fundamental intuition of Being to find not merely words but sememes, the “originary” roots of language—but this so-called originarity remains linked to a Saussurean understanding of language as a system of differences.

    The root of humanity, however, is not to be discovered in the lexicon of language, but in the act of “languaging.” What originary language teaches us is not the Ur-meaning of the words we use but the scenic structure of linguistic communication and its roots in originary human behavior. GA offers a plausible scenario of human origin that explains our culture as the solution to the problems posed by our mimetic intelligence.

    Accordingly, our explanation of the distinction between morality and ethics does not depend on the etymology, real or speculative, of morality and ethics, but on the distinction between the scenes that supply their models of human behavior.

    The “moral model,” the scenic basis for the term “morality” as I use it—this basis being the real object of our discussion—is the reciprocal exchange of the originary sign on a scene centered on an object of common desire whose very desirability makes it sacred, interdicted. The reciprocal symmetry of the participants around a sacred center may be observed in religious and similar rituals to this day.

    The positive or negative reference to this model (moral, immoral) may then be applied to any analogous situation in which the participants, whether two or millions, stand in equal status with respect to an entity to be divided among them. This object may be negative; if a fine is assessed on a community, the moral model would imply that all should be assessed equally.

    Ethics, which we can define as the system of values conducive to the welfare of the human community, however delimited, is distinguished from morality by the absence of any similar model. What is ethical is what is judged best for a given community, and every community is different. Thus we may speak figuratively of a human moral “instinct,” but beyond the most elementary forms of interaction in which reciprocity is normally required (e.g., “thou shalt not kill”), there is no similar model to which we can appeal for ethical laws.


    Resentment has always been with us, yet so far, at least, love has been able to win out. Nonetheless, the triumph of love over resentment in WWII followed by Western victory in the ensuing Cold War has brought the West three decades further on to what may well be its most serious spiritual crisis, a crisis perhaps most cruelly felt in the USA as the civilization’s Last Great Hope. The common understanding of the West’s Judeo-Christian foundations has become increasingly caricatural. Wholly opaque to irony, “Hate the Haters,” the Ur-slogan of Wokeness, is put forth as the ultimate avatar of Christian love.

    In the absence of an appeal to the Almighty, there is only the Hegelian certitude that “all that is real is rational,” in the sense that we must be able to discover the causal process that led to the Zeitgeist of any given moment—and the greater its apparent absurdity, all the greater must be the need that it fulfills.

    I have been suggesting that the driver of the current malaise has nothing particular to do with racism, but that racism, that is, ascriptive discrimination, has become a sacrificial substitute for meritocracy, discrimination by measured ability. No system of evaluation arouses more resentment (“sense of injustice”) than one in which transparent and relevant criteria are measured objectively. If one is going to lose, it is much less painful to be able to say that the game was fixed—as had been the case in the caste systems of the past, and even largely in the class system of the industrial market economy.

    All the virtue-signaling displays of checking one’s “white privilege” are means of avoiding having to justify the growing dichotomy, regardless of race, between professional Belmont and working-class Fishtown. How much easier it is for the successful to express contempt of the residents of the “red states” of “flyover country” (some of whom may even occasionally use the N-word), while affirming their solidarity with poor George Floyd. Such persons are to be reproached, not with their success, but with the arrogant self-righteousness that Jesus condemned in the Pharisees.

    Yet condemnation of the woke solution to the moral problems of the digital era is hollow in the absence of a better one. Nor can we avoid the growing possibility that our insistent refusal to defend our system is in fact a step toward cultural suicide, ultimately in the hope of striking a better deal with our successors.


    Over the past year or two, I have increasingly referred to the sacred as an anthropological reality, and more recently, to the human soul. I would insist that my use of these terms does not reflect a turn to fideism or mysticism, but rather an attempt to make precise what it is that distinguishes human culture not merely from analogous activities among animals but from the kind of “consciousness” generated in machines by the practice of Artificial Intelligence (AI).

    My use of “soul” began with Chronicle 616, which appeared in April 2019 in response to a talk by former Humanities Dean Herbert Morris, to whom the text is dedicated. It contains the following paragraph:

    GA began as a theory about the origin of language, but I have always made clear that formal and institutional representation are linked from the start; that language itself is not in the first place about transmitting information, but about demonstrating, from the sharing of the first linguistic sign, our human solidarity. Hence we can say that the ultimate purpose of the originary hypothesis is to provide a minimal anthropological model for the attitudes and behaviors that the term soul encompasses. That a group of university scholars can discuss this term for over an hour with so little focus on its agapic function strikes me as a sign that, in the absence of a publicly-shared religious discourse—for the individual religious commitments of any of the participants must remain mute in a context where there is no presumption that they are shared—GA is our last best chance to provide conditions analogous to the religious context in which the concept of the soul originated.

    More recently, I have focused on another “spiritual” term, the sacred. In an exchange of correspondence with (Anglican) Bishop Pierre Whalon, in order to express the kinship of GA with expressly religious views of the human, I used the term “sense of the sacred” as a neutral expression of sacrality that brackets its extra-worldly status. What is important about the sacred is less whether only God could bring it to our world than what reactions it stimulates, and in particular, how these reactions preserve us from the mimetic self-destruction that the human has from the beginning defined itself against.

    Creating an anthropological description of soul and sacred without reference to a transcendental being may indeed be the central achievement of the originary hypothesis. Thanks to our originary phenomenology, human uniqueness is defined in necessarily spiritual (rather than neurological) terms, yet without reference to extra-worldly realities. The key characteristic of the sacred “will” that interdicts the individual appropriation of the scene’s central object is that it has no objectal source. Its presence in each mind as the source of the deferral of appropriation is minimally an effect of the fear of arousing the ire of those who share our common desire, and the sign allows this deferral to be reciprocally communicated.

    No fundamental element of human uniqueness is absent from this formulation, including the fact that the results of its future evolution are in no way contained within it. The scenic space opened up by deferral is the laboratory of human thought, in which we progressively discover the world and ourselves, and as is the case with all laboratories, these discoveries are unpredictable consequences of its free use.


    As The Origin of Language already implied, although without emphasizing the moral/ethical separation implicit in it, the evolution from the elementary utterance forms of ostensive and imperative to the “objective” form of the declarative not only permitted the transmission of information beyond the presence or absence of objects and actions, but set the human on the path of metaphysics: the use of language to record and transmit truths, to become aware of its own internal logic, including that of mathematics, and eventually to permit philosophers, and later, scientists, to create logical edifices, first of words, and subsequently of things and theoretical entities. Ostensives, like our moral sense, are quasi-instinctive; declaratives express thoughts.

    If we all share a “moral instinct” that makes us resent a lack of reciprocity, and that can easily be projected onto others such that their treatment by third parties arouses our indignation, we have seen that there is no analogous “ethical instinct.” Elementary hunter-gatherer societies lack a notion of social status that transcends moral reciprocity; this is illustrated by their insistence on the equal distribution of food and other necessities of life—as well as by the frequency in these societies of interpersonal violence, including the casting of hostile spells, by those whose sense of moral equality has, justifiably or not, been violated.

    Social hierarchy—to follow Marshall Sahlins’ example of the “big-man” in Stone-Age Economics, whom he describes as eating less although producing more than his fellows—emerges from the differentiation of social utility rather than from the oppression of the weak by the strong, which is precisely what language and culture came into being to prevent. It has been the key social purpose of religion in differentiated societies, however consensual or despotic, to provide their members with ethical notions of justice that override the simple moral sense of reciprocity.

    But, as the French revolutionaries discovered, justifying a given situation in ethical and even religious terms cannot prevent its being denounced, rightly or wrongly, as immoral. The religion of wokeness seeks to universalize moral reciprocity by extending it over time, so that the present and future must serve to compensate past inequalities, equality giving way to “equity.”

    Tout compte fait, wokeness is perhaps best understood as carrying to its extreme the deconstruction of metaphysics that had preoccupied the French Theory generation and its post-Hegelian predecessors. From Dostoevsky’s Underground Man’s suggestion that 2+2=5 is beautiful in its way to dismissing mathematics as “white” and refusing to tell schoolchildren when their calculations are incorrect, we have descended the intellectual scale without changing the ultimate objective. Propositions, particularly mathematical ones, can be objectively judged for correctness, unlike the originary ostensive, which is “correct” whatever it points to. Teachers might do well to use the example of wokeness as a way of acquainting their pupils with the originary hypothesis.

    When the hitherto accepted religio-ethical institutions fail to inspire a society’s members with an effective sense of solidarity, cooperation can be maintained only by tyranny. In the days of Aristotle’s Politics or of Montesquieu’s Esprit des lois, such governments were seen as unstable, one tyrant being easily replaceable by another, ultimately motivating a return to more stable, consensual forms.

    This has not, however, been the general case in recent times. Many contemporary tyrannies have endured over several generations, and if overthrown, as often happens in “failed states,” the result virtually never leads to anything like liberal democracy. On the contrary, democracies far more frequently evolve into démocratures. I cannot claim to have made a thorough study of the question, but it seems clear that the default today, in contrast with the Western triumphalism of Francis Fukuyama’s “end of history,” is rather the replacement of liberal democracy with dictatorship.

    The more successful liberal democracies continue to exist, but having squandered a good deal of their firepower and persuasiveness in what now appear as ill-conceived attempts to persuade former colonial territories to emulate their political forms, they now find themselves facing a Chinese totalitarianism that has been able to profit from the market system while enhancing its dictatorial nature, as well as a meddlesome ex-Soviet Union and a militant Iran associated with persistent Islamist terrorism—which supplies via the “Palestinian struggle” the pretext for the current rebirth of Western antisemitism.

    These developments are made all the more ominous by the fact that, so far, the overall effect of these challenges on the West and on the US in particular has been just the opposite of a patriotic revival. The recent evidence that the American military, long exemplary in its strict racial equality, is moving to emphasize racial and gender “equity” and CRT over military preparedness, reflects its descent into the same swamp as the rest of our globalist elite. Rather than mobilizing our forces, we have reduced our defense budget and greatly weakened our navy. Insisting that the Chinese military is not well trained or combat-experienced, or that China faces severe demographic problems down the road, is irrelevant to the vital question of whether our visible fecklessness will tempt them in the near term to belligerent acts, notably an attack on Taiwan, which would risk putting an end to the postwar world as we know it.


    Given the digital age’s requirement of maximizing each individual’s capacity for symbol-manipulation and the clearly deleterious effect this development this has had on democratic polities, it is unfortunately not inconceivable that strict central control may be the only way to maintain a reasonably efficient system in our era.

    Americans would be very wrong to understand wokeness as dependent on the US’s “peculiar institution” of black slavery. France, whose strict meritocracy—and relative freedom from racism—had been a major source of pride since the days of Napoleon, has reached the point where the Baccalauréat, limited a couple of generations ago to the top 10 or 20% of lycée graduates, is now nearly as much of a rubber stamp as an American high school diploma. The formerly stringent requirements in various fields from classics to French literature to history are no longer any better met than their American equivalents. And the land of Descartes and Pascal now ranks near the bottom of international competitions in mathematics.

    Some of this is due to inter-ethnic tensions involving the large numbers of unassimilated African and Middle-Eastern Muslims among the younger generation, but the recoil from the objective measurement of competence and the growth of discrimination positive offer too close a parallel to the American situation to allow any doubt of the fundamental cause. The postwar flattening of class differences—the years 1945-75 were spoken of in France as les 30 glorieuses—has now turned against itself, and the rift described in Charles Murray’s Coming Apart is as characteristic of (white) France as of (white) America.

    The thesis that only an authoritarian regime that makes no excuses for those who refuse to follow the rules can maintain a functional social order in our age is confirmed a bit more each day by the growing disorder in both our cities and rural areas. Given the size of its population and its history as the multi-millennial “Middle Empire,” humiliated for a century at the hands of the West, China’s quest for world hegemony has yet to arouse an appropriately serious response.


    As Richard van Oort once wisely pointed out, generative anthropology is not a religion. But neither is it a denial of religion. We continue to develop our way of thinking in the faith that it can help restore the West’s depleted self-confidence in being guided by the most insightful and potentially universal mode of human self-understanding.

  • Return to COV&R 2021

    It had been seventeen years since my last talk at COV&R, and given the Zoom connection, the physical distance was ironically maintained, although my location in Sugar Creek, MO was only about 480 miles from the Purdue conference center in West Lafayette, IN.

    After a scheduling mixup, I was able to give my talk on Friday July 9, followed by a response by Chris Fleming and an extra hour and more of discussion: the cordial and enjoyable conversation lasted over three hours. Virtually the only active participants were members of the GASC.

    My paper was more a summary of my latest thoughts on GA than an original analysis of artificial intelligence or “algorithmic mimesis,” whose limits I do not feel qualified to define. But I hope it suggests something of what would be involved in endowing a human creation with a “soul.”


     

    Three Kinds of Mimesis—and Two Projects

    We are all familiar with John Searle’s “Chinese room,” in which a human follows instructions that allow him to copy out answers to questions in Chinese (I hope not in Chinese characters) without understanding the language. Well, fine, but if the answers are correct, the human computer-clone doesn’t have to “understand” anything; if his/its algorithms produce the correct answer, then it has passed the “Turing Test” and demonstrated its functional equivalence to the human mind in performing this task.

    As the years go by, computer simulations become increasingly more capable of improving on the human nervous system. At one time, they were learning to play chess. Then they beat the best humans at chess, but not at Go, whose much larger board is not set up in advance but where each move is dictated by a global strategy. Then, a couple of years ago, a Go program was able to defeat the world’s best players.

    Whatever our understanding of the human soul, I think we can stipulate as self-evident that it would be foolhardy to attempt to demonstrate at this early stage in the history of AI that any human behavior cannot be algorithmically simulated. The more profound questions posed by AI lie elsewhere.


    As I have been claiming for the past forty years, human language emerged in the first place in order to defer the mimetic violence that threatened the proto-human community. Our “cool” metaphysical language of declarative propositions and truth-values must have been preceded by a sign of designation or pointing: an originary ostensive.

    This was not a product of disinterested contemplation. On the contrary, our capacity for such contemplation is the result of a “sacred” imperative to defer the reflexive appropriation of a common object of desire. Thus I consider a humanistic anthropology to be one that refuses to reduce the specifically human to the biological, that recognizes human uniqueness by tacitly or explicitly accepting the originary equation of the sacred with the significant, of the human self with a conscience or soul.

    What can such anthropological reflection suggest about AI’s potential for exploring the human world? I will leave aside its obvious uses in industry and science. Nor will I deal with the sci-fi nightmare scenarios in which our creations revolt against their human masters—we are already sufficiently dangerous to ourselves. Yet the Frankensteinian dream need not for all that be abandoned—perhaps.


    AI is most simply understood as a mode of cybernetic simulation or mimesis, created by humans whose own mimetic capacity must itself be understood as a qualitative improvement on the biological mimesis that had evolved in plants and animals through natural selection.

    This suggests that we should examine mimesis on three levels. In the first place, there is biological mimesis: butterflies that imitate natural backgrounds, predators whose tongues imitate worms or even plants that imitate sources of pollen in order to devour the insects they attract. And needless to say, higher mammals have evolved much more flexible nervous systems that enable them to learn through imitation various techniques, calls, etc., even to engage in ritualized mimetic conflict, as when stags fight over a doe.

    What then is it in human mimesis that cannot be understood in wholly biological terms? I need not persuade this group that the kernel of René Girard’s thought was his insight into human mimesis, whence the term “mimetic theory” applied to the ensemble of his work. His first and still most evocative analysis of mimesis is found in his 1961 study of the European novel, Mensonge romantique et vérité romanesque, and the key not only to that book’s great influence but to Girard’s entire intellectual career is its still largely implicit mimetic anthropology—to be revealed more fully in 1972 with La violence et le sacré, and in its definitive Christian form in the 1978 Des choses cachées depuis la fondation du monde—after the publication of which, Girard said to me “maintenant je peux mourir.” Girard’s anthropology, as we all know, emphasizes the qualitatively greater danger of human mimetic conflict than that within animal species, hence the need for new means to control it.

    The key to humanity’s superior mimetic intelligence lies, paradoxically, in our sharing of a basic fact of animal biology: vulnerability to physical violence. All creatures have to be able to perpetuate themselves, and individuals must be able to survive long enough to procreate, even if this survival itself be brief. In the case of our immediate predecessors, apes with superior intelligence require a good deal of time to develop, and this means that the society within which they operate must be particularly peaceful and cooperative.

    Yet this situation leads to a pragmatic paradox. Given the benefits of higher levels of intelligence within a proto-human or hominin species in dealing with the stresses of its external environment, the increasing danger of intraspecific mimetic conflict imposes a limit on the capacity of biological evolution to continue to improve this intelligence.

    Whence the minimal definition of the human as the species that has become a greater danger to its own survival than is the outside world—in a word, the species that is its own worst enemy. The emergence of such a creature is a turning point in evolution and in the ontology of living beings. It is also the source of the paradoxes that plague humanity, the most fundamental of which is the constant tension between love and resentment, good and evil—or in other terms, moral equality and firstness.


    Generative anthropology’s originary hypothesis is a modification of the “emissary murder” that was La violence et le sacré‘s version of the scene of human origin. In contrast to the latter’s emphasis on the discharge of violence, GA situates the origin of language, religion, and all of human culture in the deferral of violence, which has so far permitted us super-apes to keep one step ahead of the growing potential of conflict inherent in our mimetic intelligence.

    GA’s originary hypothesis assumes that growing mimetic tension has brought our proto-human ancestors to a point of transition at which the Alpha-Beta social order is breaking down. Not only will Beta no longer defer to Alpha, but the entire group no longer obeys the inhibition obliging each to accept the serial priority of first one, then the next. After any number of violent encounters in which the food to be distributed—presumably a large animal scavenged or killed in the hunt—may well itself become a casualty of human violence, an anticipatory sense arises within the group that this central object is too dangerous for individuals to seek to appropriate. Such appropriation comes to appear interdicted by a sacred will, which protects the participants from their own potential violence while frustrating their individual appetites.

    Hence what had begun as appropriative gestures come to be aborted, or to use Derrida’s term, deferred, and these abortive gestures of appropriation come to be mutually recognized as instances of a common sign—in the simplest case, an act of pointing, shared joint attention, which only humans perform—a sign which they understand as both expressing their mutual renunciation and designating its “sacred” object. The sign’s quasi-ritual repetition in what has become a scene replaces rivalry with cooperation, and subsequently leads to the division of the meat in an “equal feast,” such as those among Homeric heroes, Robertson Smith’s famous camel sacrifice—or a traditional American Thanksgiving dinner.

    Thus the transition from animal to human is presided over by a sense of sacred interdiction that defers mimetic rivalry, a deferral that transforms animal appetite into human desire, appetite mediated by this mutually signified interdiction. This anthropological etiology of the sacred is independent—but not contradictory—of a transcendental ontology that would attribute it to God as an independent object of faith.

    What we call our soul or conscience derives from this experience, as a historical inheritance transmitted through the generations to each human individual. The conscience is experienced as functioning even in the absence of others, as if the sacred scene were always present within us as a reminder to obey its commands even in the absence of external constraint.

    This scenario explains the paradoxical status of human desire. The product of the deferral of “instinctive” appetitive activity, it bears with it from the outset the temptation to reject the sacred interdiction which, by explicitly forbidding action, adds its mediating force to the original appetitive stimulation. Which is why so many of Girard’s admirers have difficulty in conceiving “good” mimetic desire!


    Whether or not you are persuaded by this hypothesis, I can’t imagine that any serious student of Girard’s work would disagree with its premise that human language and culture cannot be understood without postulating a “sense of the sacred” of the kind I have described.

    Sacred interdiction is not a “conditioned reflex.” We feel compelled to defer our appetitive urge via a conscious mechanism that we specifically call our conscience, in which we willingly subject our decision to a higher will—the basis of the Freudian Superego. This will is something that we sense within us, and at the same time grounded beyond us—the trace of the originary deferral of appropriation, whether compelled by God or by our fear of and loyalty to the human community. To understand the essence of our being as ultimately determined by this will is to understand this essence as a soul.

    This conception of the human soul is central to Girard’s thought as well as my own. Indeed, it is at the very core of his thinking, the point he makes at the end of Mensonge by quoting Alyosha Karamazov’s words to his “disciples” celebrating the triumph of Christian love. The book’s lesson, as its epigraph from Max Scheler states, is that “man possesses a God or an idol”: desire implies mediation, and we are mediated either by one or the other, whether by the “real” sacred or a worldly being falsely taken for one, God or the Devil.


    What does cybernetic mimesis add to these categories? Recall Descartes’ characterization of animals as “machines.” We can forget his denial to animals of consciousness, pain, and the like. But insofar as mimesis is concerned, and even if the higher apes possess “mirror neurons,” their lack of a scene of representation on which to reflect on the matter of consciousness, a reflection mediated by the scene’s connection via language to the human community, allows us to understand prehuman mimesis as essentially mechanical, reflexive but unreflective. The evolution of animal intelligence is driven by improved reproductive fitness and only marginally transmissible to future generations, rather than, like our own, by human society’s cumulative cultural intentionality.

    Hence cybernetic mimesis can be understood as modeled not on human but on animal, reflexive mimesis, although equipped with feedback mechanisms wholly disproportional to those permitted by biological processes. Computers defeat the best human players at games, not by “reflecting” on board configurations, but by learning the best strategies through trial and error over trillions of iterations.

    In contrast, the human soul is grounded in its belonging to the human community, whose shared representations inhabit us and make us willy-nilly members of this community. A child learning language is culturally inheriting this human belonging—and as “wild children” reveal, a child not provided this inheritance in its early years never becomes a fully functional human being.

    Cybernetic devices are not initiated into language by any such experiences; “language” for them is merely a sequence of instructions. Even cyborgs with sensors that would provide the equivalents of pain and the five human senses would not acquire a “soul”—unless we found a way to program them to simulate, on their own, our discovery of language and the sacred.


    What GA as a humanistic anthropology brings to the table in a discussion of AI is what I have called originary phenomenology. This is the use of our hypothetical worldly scene or scenario as a basis of reflection: one in which we can imagine ourselves sharing the reactions of the proto-humans who experience it. This is a feature shared with the less rigorous but far richer scenarios of the Bible and similar religious narratives—but not with the empirical sciences. Scientists cannot tolerate such hypothetical scenes, which they denounce as empirically unfalsifiable, although without them, we are unable to conceive the specificity of the human soul.

    A phenomenology describes a scene of consciousness. We take scenes for granted, all the more for the past decade or so as we walk around all day with portable electronic screens to display them—thus I have called ours the screenic age. Animals have fields of perception, but the scene is a specifically human phenomenon—something we realize when we attempt to get a pet to watch a movie—that ultimately derives from the originary event, the ancestor of all scenic phenomena, such as artistic performances—even online conferences.

    Cultural phenomena define their scene in advance, and can serve as models for the AI equivalent; but the scenes of everyday life have to be defined ad hoc by their human participants, and in most circumstances, their boundaries are not set in advance.

    A scene is not merely a “frame” that includes all within it and excludes everything else; it is a locus of significance, where what happens impinges on our relationship with the human community and the sacred will that holds it together. Our love for fictions derives from the pleasure of immersing ourselves in a scene where the decisions have already been made for us, where the creator-God simulated by the author is charged with insuring its coherence. Unless, of course, he decides, as modernists often do, to make divine incoherence the lesson of the scene.

    Thus beyond matters of simple calculation or the mimetic symmetry of zero-sum games, the challenge for cybernetic mimesis is not simply to simulate the result of a given human judgment, but its scenic basis, in which we appeal as it were to our sacred link to the human community in framing, that is, establishing the parameters of our decisions. It is only thus that we can call our choices moral—letting our conscience tell us what factors are relevant from the broadest human standpoint.


    These considerations suggest to me two very different AI projects.

    The first is to use AI and its dependent devices as we do today, as machines that we program to solve increasingly complex worldly problems. Beyond its obvious industrial and military applications, I would suggest an AI project that might help save our civilization from its current self-destructive malaise, as reflected in the increasingly pervasive “woke” social religion. What are these expressions of cultural self-hatred trying to tell us?

    Humanity’s great ethical problem resides in the necessary contrast between, on the one hand, the symmetry of the originary scene and its ritual reproduction in our cultural forms, and on the other, the necessary firstness that is itself a product of this human symmetry. Each of us possesses his own human scene, a mental laboratory, separated from the world by a Sartrean néant, on which we perform what are felicitously known as thought experiments. Lacking such a scene, animals can create little more than what they have been programmed to create.

    But in consequence, we must face the fact that although the originary event teaches us that we are all morally equivalent, in ethical terms, we have different talents in different degrees, and the advancement of society demands that these talents be maximally put to use, at the risk of losing out to other social groups that use their talents more efficiently. Nor is there any obviously “moral” way of going about this, although, as Steven Pinker does well to tell us, over the millennia, human equity, as well as our “quality of life,” has made a vast amount of progress.

    However cruel or compassionate, the social manifestation of firstness conflicts with moral equality. The history of social organization, from the ancient empires based on slave labor through the feudal system and the advent of bourgeois society to today, is one of clear moral progress, yet it has all too often been marked by various degrees, sometimes outrageous ones, of immorality.

    Today the liberal-democratic West, which had been all but persuaded by the downfall of the USSR a few decades ago that it had attained the “end of history,” as defined by competition among political systems, and which had in addition thought to have done away with discriminatory practices of all kinds, has gone from overconfidence to despair, from a sense of achieved equality to one of “systemic racism”—and this, despite the fact that it remains the unrivaled domain of choice for any potential migrants with a chance to make it their home.

    This malaise must be understood as pointing to a problem of real significance.

    Today it is difficult to conceive the credibility in post-WWII Western economies of Marx’s “labor theory of value,” for which physical labor was the standard. This was a “middle-class” era in which there was no clear-cut class distinction between skilled workers and professionals, or blue-collar and white-collar workers, as we called them in those days.

    In sharp contrast, in today’s digital society, in which productive labor increasingly depends on sophisticated mathematical and/or linguistic symbol-manipulation, the need to measure individual aptitudes, that is, for a genuine meritocracy, is vastly increased over previous eras.

    Under these circumstances, it is unhelpful to blame racial “privilege” for any lack of success among the descendants of those who have suffered inequities in the past, and even more so to seek to compensate these past inequities by non-merit-based advantages.

    That woke ideas have spread without resistance among those most severely criticized by them, including virtually all our tech billionaires, demonstrates that wokeness reflects above all the anxieties generated by the increasingly competitive global economy, among both insecure beginners and successful performers impatient to signal their virtue. While the winners are glad to denounce their “privilege”—without renouncing it more than symbolically—those still in the fight, most especially the young, find in the denunciation and partial undoing of meritocracy a repository for their fears of inadequacy.

    What this situation appears to be telling us is that, rather than abolishing merit-based requirements and opportunities, our society must generate new methods for bringing the less successful up to standard.

    This is especially crucial for those children who do not enjoy the benefits of supportive family life. Childrearing among the professional class has become much more competitive over my lifetime. When I was in kindergarten 75 years ago, I was the only child in a class of over 40 who could read. Today, among 40 of my classmates’ great-grandchildren, I am certain than many if not most have begun learning to read—whereas in a comparable group of working-class children, this is probably not the case. This is not a racial matter; Charles Murray’s Coming Apart explicitly analyzes the severe new class divide between “Fishtown” and “Belmont” wholly among whites.

    Thus it seems to me that a crucial focus for AI research should be an effort, in conjunction with cognitive science, to stimulate and supplement human intelligence from a very early age, perhaps eventually using such techniques as cyber-implants, in order to maximize the entire population’s ability to handle the demands of a global society that will almost certainly remain increasingly dependent on symbol-manipulation.

    Afterword: On reflection, the project as described strikes me as insufficiently focused on the human community whose breakdown in the digital era it strives to repair. Thus the focus on improving individual aptitude for symbolic manipulation should be oriented in addition toward communication with others—necessarily mediated by individual reflection—rather than toward the simple enhancement of innate abilities.


    The second AI project is more ambitious, but not, I believe, beyond human limitations. Its implementation would be of profound significance for the human self-understanding that is the central purpose of anthropology as I conceive it.

    Given my claim that GA’s originary hypothesis provides a plausible model of human origin, would not the ultimate challenge to AI be to test this hypothesis by simulating the worldly conditions of this origin?

    This would involve attempting to provoke the simultaneous discovery/invention, among a group of “cyborgs” driven by programmed “instincts,” including the capacity to arouse mimetic rivalry, of signs—that is, of a language of their own—as a means of deferring violence. We would then attempt to determine in what sense this does or does not entail the concomitant emergence of a collective sacred as well as the presence in each of these beings of something like a human “conscience” or “soul.”

    If, as might be expected, efforts to carry out such a task ended in failure, the lessons learned could not help but provide new insights into the basis of our own nature. The eventual discovery of an “impossibility proof” would, somewhat on the analogy of Gödel’s proof of the incompleteness of arithmetic, tell us a great deal about the limits of algorithmic as opposed to biological—or perhaps divinely inspired—mimesis.

    In the contrary case of success, we would have realized the ultimate science-fiction dream that we have cherished at least since Mary Shelley: the creation of beings with truly human-like rather than mechanical minds, with a language, a soul of their own.

    Except that these minds would operate billions of times faster than ours…

    On second thought, then, maybe we would do better to leave this project in the realm of science fiction.