Author: staceymeeker

  • Paradoxical Anthropology

    In Chronicle 640 I pointed out the paradoxical impossibility of discoursing objectively about antisemitism, given that the mere fact of discussing it implies the “election” of the Jews that is its cause. Whence on the one hand, the insistence of antisemites that the Jews “exploit” the Holocaust and their readiness to compare the Israeli army to the SS, and on the other, the reluctance of Jews to accept any explanation of antisemitism that might make it appear “reasonable.”

    But the centrality of the Jews to the matter of firstness suggests that GA itself is subject to the same paradox—it cannot avoid arousing the hostility that the attempt to describe the first event generates. This parallel should afford us the strength to overcome the discouragement of public invisibility, particularly given the devastating effect of the “new media” on the moral standing of visibility. How far we are today from the innocent time when we bewailed the popularity of cat videos.

    This paradoxical effect is of the very essence of the human, and the fact of provoking it is the very signature of anthropological significance—precisely in contrast with the criterion of logical consistency characteristic of metaphysics and the sciences that derive from it. If Western Civilization combines the Greek with the Hebrew, it should not be to the detriment of the second, and Girard was right to insist on the greater originarity of the Hebrew contribution, without whose substance—the unity of the sacred—the Greek could never have emerged—the proof being precisely that metaphysics, as I have insisted, depends on denying the pertinence of the anthropological origin of language. This is not to say that the Athenians learned their wisdom from the Jews, merely that the transcendental revelations of the Torah embody a self-knowledge that must have preceded Parmenides’ insight into the distinction between truth and opinion. Human language is the locus of revelation of the transcendental, and treating it as always-already existing is possible only after we have conceived it as the product of a single anthropomorphic will.

    Historically, the Hebrews’ religious firstness and that of Greek metaphysics were complementary modes of liberation from what Voegelin called the “compactness” of archaic society, where the original usurpation of the scenic/sacred center by the “big-man” had evolved into a hierarchical mediation of the individual’s relationship to the sacred by a god/king—mutatis mutandis not all that different in spirit from the Führer-worshiping totalitarian regimes we have known for a century. As Seth Sanders’ The Invention of Hebrew (Illinois, 2011) makes clear, the Hebrew polity stood out, in the first place, by its high degree of literacy, as reflected in the use of an easily learned alphabet, and by its non-hierarchical relation to the sacred. The Hebrew God did not address his revelations to a priest-king, but to the Hebrew people as a whole—just as the metaphysics formalized by Parmenides and Plato, also within an exceptionally literate society, sought the source of truth in everyday language and its logic rather than political authority.

    GA too is an exoteric doctrine; although its details are open to modification, as occurred for example when Adam Katz introduced the notion of originary firstness, its fundamental constituents of mimetic desire and deferral would be difficult to contest without denying the pertinence of any “minimal hypothesis,” which is to say, rejecting the very possibility of a fundamental anthropology.


    The era of French Theory, when scholars were paid to spend a good number of man-hours on tasks of literary analysis that were at best pseudo-scientific (remember Barthes’ S/Z?) reflected what now appears to have been a fleeting moment of academic history. Along with college attendance, Humanities departments had greatly expanded after WWII, whose near-apocalyptic aspect had given birth to a “postmodern” era in which thinkers sought a more—intellectually, if not politically—radical escape than Marxism, let alone Nazism, from Nietzsche’s “prison-house of language.”

    This development, in its attachment to literary-paradoxical rather than logical discourse, can be understood from GA’s perspective as seeking to get beyond sterile Jew-Greek opposition by recognizing, as Girard alone was not afraid to assert explicitly, the historical priority of the religious element. But in contrast to GA’s search to fulfill French Theory by seeking the common root of the scientific and the “literary,” the metaphysical and the religious, the mainstream of this movement preferred to “deconstruct” what it had grasped as the sub-rational basis of metaphysics rather than tracing it back to originary anthropology. Whence its use of the seminal concept of deferral as a tool for debunking an exploitative rational order, rather than grasping its link to Sartre’s néant and the conception of originary human freedom.

    As a result, the academic world has been able to slough off the literary-paradoxical skin of Theory and divide its energies between two forms of positive research: (1) a dogmatic historical radicalism hostile to “Western imperialism” and all forms of Western-perpetrated oppression, as exemplified by Howard Zinn’s People’s History of the US, and more recently by the New York Times‘ “1619 Project” purporting to demonstrate the centrality of slavery to American history; and (2) a rigorously delimited empirical social science, as typified by the last twenty years’ research into the origin of language.

    The very conception of a generative event of the origin of language is dismissed as “non-falsifiable.” Instead, the forest gives way to a vast assortment of trees. Not the least relevant explanation of the accumulation of mini-hypotheses concerning ape grooming behavior, the brain’s cognitive functions, the physics of the vocal tract, the economics of hominid and hominin society, etc., is the fact that the assignment of work (and research grants) to dozens or hundreds of researchers requires a large number of concrete, specific tasks involving verifiable expertise.

    As for the decline of the Humanities as the homeland of Theory, the cultural domain, the traditional center of “liberal arts” education, has lost much of its luster in today’s global world. In just the past two decades, the European language departments at UCLA, once a distinguished group indeed, have been drastically shrunk (attrited) and are now in the process of being amalgamated, Spanish-Portuguese and English excepted, into a single “European Languages and Transcultural Studies” department.

    No doubt this is in part an effect of the increased importance of Asian cultures, whose principal national groups are well represented at UCLA. But this development has not led to a broader knowledge of Chinese, Japanese, or Indian secular and religious literature. It is not as though young people are made to read the Mahabharata, the Tale of Genji, and The Dream of the Red Chamber along with or even in the place of Homer and Shakespeare. What has occurred is rather a lessened interest in “classical” culture of any kind. Today’s hot cultural methodology is rather typified by the compilation of statistics from millions of Twitter posts.

    If anything, this development should make clear to us that GA is not a methodology in the social-science sense, but a way of thinking that addresses a given object of study from the standpoint of its hypothetical connection to our minimal hypothesis of human origin. This perspective is incompatible with a one-size-fits-all approach. Deferral defines the human scene by opening it to new possibilities. Being able to step back from easy solutions makes possible the discovery of less obvious but ultimately more efficient ones. The originary event should not be viewed as a historical homunculus containing germs of (or genes for) all future developments. These developments, unpredictable at the outset, emerge in history as new spaces are liberated for them.

    Empiricism may be the rule in the social sciences, but in the domain of the “history of ideas,” where in fact most discussions of political and ethical questions take place, “empirical study” means in practice tracing contemporary ideas back to Kant or Machiavelli or Aristotle or the pre-Socratics. It is worth pointing out that exploring the roots of the ideas of Aristotle and all the rest in an originary hypothesis is ultimately more falsifiable than remaining within the prison-house of metaphysics.


    An domain that would greatly benefit by originary analysis is that of mimesis itself. When Girard wrote Mensonge romantique, his analyses of the structure of desire were above all attempts to make clear its mediated nature. The book’s epigraph from Scheler, L’homme possède ou un Dieu ou une idole, describes “mediation” as the sin of idolatry, but we can equally well describe it as Sartrian “bad faith.” It was not Girard’s intention to treat mediation as a quasi-instinctual drive rather than as an opening to new behaviors, helpful or harmful, sinful or saintly, loving or resentful. The very possibility of the conversion he postulates as the essence of the novelistic narrative is proof of this. The idea that the “mediator” commands our desire the way a conditioned reflex commands Pavlov’s dogs is the great error of those naïve Girardians who question the very possibility of “good mimesis.”

    If Jesus could compare a sacrificial mob with the Gadarene swine, it is precisely because humans are not swine, and must not forget it. All human behavior takes place on a scene defined by deferral. Introduction of the notion of deferral does not absolve us from the need to examine human mimesis in its countless modalities. But what Girard called “mimetic theory” needs to remain faithful to its human, cultural roots rather than attempt to make itself a branch of biology.

    And no doubt the mechanisms of human culture operate in the material world, and regardless of the ultimate source of transcendence, can be studied through material observation. But the most effective way of studying these mechanisms may well still be, as it was always for Girard, the examination of the masterpieces, and for that matter of the run-of-the-mill products, of human culture, where the nuances of desire and mimesis are displayed in their native habitat. No doubt, provided that one ask the right questions, we should not reject the help of big data in studying human desire in more subtle ways than in doing statistical analyses of titles. But I would caution that any attempt at quantification must be preceded by a careful reflection on precisely what, aside from objective data about words and grammatical structures, is truly measurable in esthetic experience of any kind. Perhaps music, with its “mathematical” structure and its lack of direct reference to other cultural sign-systems, would be the best place to start. I would predict, however, that whatever criteria are chosen, the essence of the esthetic experience, as of any cultural experience, is not algorithmic but paradoxical, modifying the very parameters by which we purport to measure it.

    In this regard, it often seems to me that the cinema and its derivative narrative forms, what I call the screenic (“The Screenic,” in Mimetic Theory and Film. New York, Bloomsbury Academic, 2019), are the only truly living narrative modes of our day. Although I enjoy the works of past generations, it is a long time since I have had a sense of revelation from a contemporary novel. The fact that the screenic permits the full incorporation of the actions of living beings into an artwork makes it difficult to imagine what could lead it to its dethronement by a less broadly representational mode. As for Virtual Reality as a possible next step, it is difficult to anticipate the virtues and defects of including the viewer’s perceptual presence, if not his physical reality, in the cultural scene of representation. Perhaps the experience of moving among characters one cannot—or can?—physically touch, objects one cannot—or can?—manipulate, would provide new insights into our human essence; I, or my descendants, will have to see it to believe it. I find it easy to believe, on the other hand, that such practices may well constitute the ultimate form of pornography, sexual but also aggressive, as we already see in video gaming.


    From the outset, GA’s most challenging task has been to demonstrate the complementarity of our secular and religious understandings of humanity’s place in the world. The fact that such a demonstration is pragmatically impossible, given that one cannot ask either a believer or an atheist to “bracket” his belief-system and at the same time maintain his fundamental anthropological perspective—as Pascal put it, vous êtes embarqué—is a challenge, but like all the paradoxes of culture, at the same time a revelation. That we must always lack a fully neutral vocabulary in which to discuss such things is precisely the proof that it is here that we must seek the answers to our questions. And not for the mere pleasure of seeking or through a “drive” to seek, but because the act of seeking is what modifies the truth we seek and leads us to the next stage.

    Hence by equating at the origin the sacred and the significant, we do not seek to annul their later differentiation, any more than that between ritual and art. But it is their prior equation that focuses our attention on the necessity of their divergence. As with that of God creates man/man creates God, their originary symmetry becomes visible only at a certain historical juncture; to conceive the creator/created dichotomy in the originary event would have been impossible. Our task is rather to attempt to conceive what in this event might have provided the opening for this distinction.

    Such thinking can only be speculative, but once we have formulated a hypothesis, we have all of culture as the database within which to seek confirmation—big data indeed! This is a task that only a generative anthropology can conceive of performing, for it cannot be carried out in the absence of a hypothesis of origin, which, once formulated, has at its disposition the evidence of the whole of history to confirm or disconfirm it. In this perspective, apparently mythopoetic affirmations such as “In the beginning was the Logos” acquire a rigor unsuspected both by those who believe in them as revealed truths, and by those who read them as metaphors.

  • Screenic Beauty

    The interest of esthetic criticism, which made it for a generation or two a privileged source of anthropological reflection, lies in its intuitive link with the transcendence that is human culture; in perceiving the work one obtains a revelation concerning the human condition, which it is the critical thinker’s task to translate into a rational-metaphysical vocabulary. The recent decline of this form of theorizing reflects, among other things, the decline of literature in comparison to cinema and related screenic arts, which gives rise to a greater difficulty in textualizing one’s intuitions.

    Yet film is fundamentally a narrative genre normally involving fictive human subjects. Such works as Deleuze’s two-volume Cinéma suggest that anthropological film criticism was indeed one of the possibilities opened up by French Theory. But this author’s attempt to encompass all of film in two volumes, along with his characteristically Bergsonian disregard for scale that allows him to discuss a single frame and a national cinema in the same breath, makes this compendium of often brilliant observations within a provocative historical framework—opposing modern (pre-war) cinéma-action to post-modern (postwar) cinéma-temps—difficult to adapt as a model for systematic film study. I hope that GA might someday inspire a more disciplined work of similar scope.


    Writing about beautiful actresses, as I first experienced over a decade ago with my Carole Landis project, combines the pleasure of celebrating my intuitive sense of value with theoretical interest in a way that makes it a permanent temptation. Such writing is not simply self-indulgent, let alone pornographic. Human, and particularly female beauty is in our “secular” age the closest thing to an object of universal significance. Simple economics assure us that a film actress I find beautiful must be admired by a good many others of all ages and nationalities. However much the modalities of “courtly love” have changed over the centuries, the phenomenon theorized and celebrated in Dante’s Vita Nuova is not only still with us, but its filmic expression has attained in the past few decades a level of refinement and maturity that I believe to be greater than in cinema’s earlier history. And this development is all the more significant in that the general culture, and above all our academic culture, forbids any reference to such matters at the risk of arousing Twitter-storms of invective. Perhaps indeed these two phenomena do not contradict each other; perhaps we are more ready to appreciate beauty authentically when public discussion of it is impossible. The sacred has more than one way of entering our lives.

    In order to avoid giving the impression that the three exemplary actresses I discussed in Chronicle 644 were outliers rather than outstanding examples of a flourishing type, I will supplement those reflections with a few others. In contrast to Tolstoy’s famous dictum that all happy families are alike, while each unhappy one is unhappy in its own way, I would claim that although all human beings are unique, the beautiful ones are unique more visibly.


    In this spirit, I will discuss Naomi Watts, Margo Robbie, and Anne Hathaway,.

    I find it remarkable that Australia, with a population of 25 million, less than one twelfth that of the US, is either the birthplace or adolescent home of Robbie, Watts, and Scacchi, as well as Nicole Kidman and Cate Blanchett, and in the previous generation, Wendy Hughes, who played opposite Judy Davis in the iconic 1979 My Brilliant Career. Hughes was to my knowledge the last representative of the aristocratic style of beauty represented in the 40s by such as Madeleine Carroll and Valerie Hobson, which Downton Abbey has recently sought to renew, but wisely, not simply to reproduce. No doubt the kind of virile feminism exemplified by My Brilliant Career, produced, directed, and thematically dominated by women—as was its 1901 literary original—has served as a stimulus to Australian women to follow the example of Sybylla in turning even their apparent defects into sources of attraction.

    Naomi Watts

    I first saw Naomi Watts in her extraordinary performance in David Lynch’s 2001 Mulholland Drive (see Chronicle 269). Seeing her morph from the naïve “nice girl” persona of the first part to the sensual lesbian of the second part was a revelation. Watts is not a great beauty, but as this transformation reveals, she has within her the full range of feminine modes, sensuality very much included. Watts’ magnetism is a product of her ability to fully embody her fictional character to the point of losing herself in it. Hence the strength of her screen presence is dependent on that of her roles. Unfortunately many of these fail to do justice to her acting ability; I need not comment on King Kong or The Book of Henry, or her role as a foil to Lori Petty in the 1995 Tank Girl. Or the 2009 Mother and Child, where she melodramatically dies in childbirth. She did a fine job in Diana (2013), but Princess Di was an iconic figure that Watts could not be made up to resemble altogether credibly, given that Di’s 5’10” presence was unavailable to an actress nearly six inches shorter.

    Of Watts’ films other than Mulholland Drive, I was most impressed by her performance in Chuck (2016), where she most convincingly plays Bayonne boxer Chuck Wepner’s second wife, a wise and charming Jersey-accented barmaid. No acting feat seems beyond her, and it is no accident that her most powerful performance was in a film that gives full reign to her ability to convincingly embody entirely different personalities.

    Margot Robbie

    Margot Robbie is the classic blonde beauty of our day. It was fitting that, in the semi-satiric 2015 The Big Short, she does a cameo as a tongue-in-cheek babe-in-a-bathtub to present some useful information on the phenomenon of short selling. No doubt in the same ironic vein, the IMDb tells us that Robbie will be starring in a Greta Gerwig film about the adventures of a Barbie doll. The contrast is striking between Robbie and the “babes” of the Monroe generation, who were never allowed to transcend that role. For Robbie can act. In Goodbye Christopher Robin (2017), she convincingly plays the wife of A. A. Milne as a distinguished Englishwoman without emphasizing her sexual attractiveness. In contrast, this attractiveness is essential to her role as a journalist in the 2016 Tina Fey comedy Whiskey Tango Foxtrot, where, after Robbie advises Fey that in the Iraqi desert even she would be rated a 9, Fey opines that Robbie must then be a 15.

    In what I think her best role, Robbie plays Tonya Harding in the thoughtful 2017 biofilm I, Tonya, which boldly includes dialogue with the real Harding and her mother (played in the film by Allison Janney, a great character actress who won the Supporting Actress Oscar). Robbie certainly “beautifies” Harding, but in a way that only enhances the esthetic and biographical power of the film, in which the presence of the real Tonya allows us to appreciate the portrayal in relation to her own unfortunate but not altogether tragic disgrace. The fully convincing skating sequences are also to Robbie’s credit, as well of course to that of the CGI technicians.

    Anne Hathaway

    Roger Ebert’s description of Hathaway as improbably beautiful expresses quite well both the insistent nature of her beauty and the fact that she is for it only all the more beautiful. Her large features, notably her mouth, in a narrow face lend her smile a overpowering radiance. This is no doubt the explanation why she is frequently given at the outset an unattractive appearance to contrast with this radiance. There is no hint in Hathaway’s beauty of the self-withholding perversity that would suit her to femme fatale roles of the kind that the young Scacchi could play.

    Thus it is no surprise that Hathaway’s first movie was the 2001 Princess Diaries, where she begins as a frizzy-haired, glasses-wearing schoolgirl and ends as a princess, a fairytale plot followed up in 2004 by the real fairytale Ella Enchanted. But Hathaway’s fairy princess is very different from Elle Fanning’s. She is not ethereal but fully pubertal, an image of unsinful sexuality. Her later films may be seen as attempts to nuance this primordial effect of her beauty, notably the unfortunately PC-ridden 2008 Rachel Getting Married, where she plays a mental patient recovering not altogether successfully from drug and other problems. But this role plays down her beauty rather than integrating it into a more mature framework.

    The 2011 rom-com One Day, in contrast, which takes place on a series of 20 consecutive July 15ths on which the principals may or may not be together, is a kind of decades-long coitus interruptus, during the first part of which Hathaway once more puts on a pair of glasses and some unfashionable dresses to hide her beauty, which is gradually revealed in the course of the film. Why the storyline can’t let her and her long-time quasi-boyfriend finally get together at the end, instead of killing her off by the absurdly clichéd device of having her hit by a truck, would seem to reflect the challenge of realizing a problematic love-story with a heroine whose appearance makes her so egregiously suitable for a happy ending. Only very recently, in the 2019 Serenity, a fiction-within-a-fiction where she effectively plays a femme fatale against type precisely because it is a role rather than a reality, does the mature Hathaway find a truly satisfying vehicle.**

    The upshot of her career so far is that, despite her improbable nubile beauty, Hathaway, like Fanning, but unlike Scacchi, Nicole Kidman, Kate Winslet, Rosamund Pike, or any number of European actresses, has not to my knowledge found a role as a love-object in an unproblematically adult romance. This source of frustration is also one of fascination; an absence of mystery that is somehow a greater mystery. It is as if no American woman, however beautiful, can truly graduate to the adulthood that so many of their Commonwealth and Continental sisters embody. We might add to these two another talented and charismatic actress, Lindsay Lohan, who played a number of highly appealing adolescent roles after her pre-pubertal triumph as the twins in The Parent Trap, but as a result of whose psychological problems, her adult career barely took off at all. Of the younger generation of prominent American actresses, Jennifer Lawrence alone, who had been (e.g., in the 2010 Winter’s Bone) youthful but never girlish, seems to have made a smooth transition from youth to maturity.


    In conclusion, two films thematically centered on an actress’s beauty and charisma, as a demonstration that real female beauty, not merely beauty-signification, can be the central source of a work’s scenic/screenic power over the spectator.

    The 1995 Clueless, a very free modern interpretation of Jane Austen’s Emma, is one of few films that can clearly be said to have had a measurable cultural impact. The use of Whatever! was boosted and As if! effectively launched by this movie, a great triumph for its star, Alicia Silverstone, whose character, Cher, was a truly iconic creation. So iconic, alas, that Silverstone has never been able to recapture her stardom in another role. This wonderfully crafted persona of a perfectly coiffed Beverly Hills adolescent sophisticate in stylish suits, decorated with Silverstone’s unique ironic-but-not-mean smile, was just too narrowly defined to fit into another plot-line. For although Cher embodies an adolescent attitude that a mature actress would have one day to discard, in Clueless, Silverstone plays this role as young woman fully formed.

    Cher’s special charm no doubt derives in good measure from Austen’s 200-year-old perspective on young women’s maturation, in her day firmly and unironically linked to marriage—that is, in which adolescence doesn’t yet exist. Clueless’ success in integrating this role into the modern world was a one-off phenomenon. A useful contrast may be made with Parker Posey’s quirky but highly adaptable Party Girl persona. Thus in the 2012 Price Check, Posey is fully convincing as a not at all scatterbrained but hard-driving and somewhat unscrupulous executive, yet without ever appearing “out of character”: her charm, whatever her actions, remains the same.

    I have seen but a few of Silverstone’s later films, never with great pleasure. The Babysitter, made just after Clueless, uses her as the obligatory sexy girl in a quasi-horror plot for which her success in Clueless should have foretold her unsuitability. In the 2003 Scorched, an irredeemably infantile if energetic bank heist comedy, in which Silverstone gets first billing above Woody Harrelson, John Cleese, and Rachael Leigh Cook, she plays a sloppily dressed teller, a melancholy pretty girl in decline, of whom we learn in conclusion that, having quit the bank after stealing a load of cash, she went on to UCLA to major in economics. It was sad to see the unique asymmetric smile that Silverstone used with such wonderful effect in Clueless reduced to a pathetically charming effect in such a tawdry role.


    Finally, a truly great film, one of my all-time favorites, in which the life-affirming sexual beauty of the heroine is central to the entire narrative: Rolf Schübel’s 1999 German-Hungarian Gloomy Sunday, after the haunting Hungarian “suicide song” “Szomorú Vasárnap.” Hungarian actress Erika Maroszán plays Ilona, a waitress at a fashionable Budapest restaurant, in a tale that begins just before WWII. The three male principals, László, the Jewish restaurant owner, András, the young pianist who (in the film) composes the song, and Hans, a young German tourist who returns as a Nazi officer during the war, are all in love with Ilona. She eventually takes over the restaurant to shield László, her dearest lover—who nonetheless, despite Hans’ promises of protection, and the fact that László had earlier saved Hans from drowning himself in the Danube in despair over his love for Ilona, ends up on a train to Auschwitz.

    Ilona is not only a love-object, she is the main agent in the plot. The film begins with a flash-forward to long after the war: an elderly German, whom we later recognize as Hans, brings his wife to Budapest to celebrate his 80th birthday by dining on his favorite dish in a beloved restaurant. Hans had built a postwar career as a successful and respected businessman—as we later discover, from the money extorted from the few hundred Jews he had saved. But after a few mouthfuls, he suffers a sudden heart attack, collapses, and dies.

    The film then goes back in time to tell the story of Ilona and her three lovers. She and László had been lovers from the start, although she rejected his offers of marriage. András fell in love with Ilona after being hired as the restaurant pianist, and composed his song under her inspiration. For a time Ilona shares her favors with both in a ménage à trois. But when Hans in his SS uniform forces András to play the song in the restaurant—the only time we hear Ilona sing it—András shoots himself with Hans’s pistol.

    Hans’s love had never been reciprocated. But near the end of the war, when Hitler was forcing Hungary to deport its Jews to the death camps, Hans, promising to rescue László, forces Ilona finally to sleep with him, then rushes off to the railroad station. Yet to our surprise, as the Jews are being shoved into the boxcars, Hans, no antisemite but a cold-blooded opportunist, passes up László in order to save a Jewish scientist whose life would be worth more to him in the postwar era.

    We next see a pregnant Ilona in the cemetery just after the war, sharing László’s and András’ memory with her unborn child—whose father, we realize, might be any one of the three men. And thus we discover, as we may already have suspected, that Hans’s death was no accident, but the result of Ilona’s 40-year wait for revenge.

    In the final scene, after Hans’s body is borne away, the restaurant’s new owner goes into the kitchen. We see an old woman’s arm washing the pan in which the German’s favorite dish had been prepared, and we recognize the poison vial that László had not had time to use before his capture. The new owner, we now understand, is Ilona’s son. The final dramatic shot shows him embracing his mother, whom we recognize as Ilona from a brooch in her hair that László had given her. We see her only from the rear; our image of Ilona’s mesmerizing beauty remains undisturbed.

    For this beauty, that of Erika Maroszán, is truly the thematic center of the film. Most “sex scenes” are embarrassingly gratuitous, but Schübel had good reason to generously display Maroszán’s half-naked body. The spectator had to be made to appreciate this woman’s sensual attraction as a life-affirming, hope-inducing moral force in a time of mass murder—an Eros not cheapened but confirmed by her love-goddess role in the ménage à trois.

    Ilona’s deferred act of revenge is the final demonstration of the transcendent agency of the bearer of this beauty, even as it must lose its physical reality through the time of deferral. For we understand that it was not mere nostalgia, but above all his memory of the beautiful Ilona that had brought Hans back to László’s restaurant. As with the other actresses I have discussed here, it is impossible to imagine anyone else playing this role with the same glorious intensity as the dark-haired Maroszán.


    **Coda (added January 19, 2020)

    The 2005 film Havoc, with Hathaway in the role of a privileged high-school girl slumming in East LA, certainly demonstrates her ability to act in a surprisingly convincing manner the role of a teenage femme fatale, even if a woman of 23, mature beyond her years, is hardly credible as a high school student. Her several half-naked scenes (and filthy language) were all too clearly symptoms of one more unconvincing attempt to get past her Princess image. Which only demonstrates that Hathaway’s obvious talent and intelligence cannot transform beyond a certain limit the character projected by her improbable beauty.

  • Hope for the New Decade

    Whatever bad things one can say about French Theory, its more illustrious practitioners were both scholarly and inventive. They did considerable research and drew insightful conclusions, even if in many cases rendered less useful than they might have been by the temptations of mystification and snobbery—one more reason why the ideas of Girard, always clearly expressed, were rated lower than they deserved to be by the admirers of Lacan, Deleuze, or Derrida. Even at their worst, these thinkers had major redeeming features, which is by no means the case for those who pursue their political agenda today.

    Cultural matters go all the way down, and at their deepest point we can rely only on our own self-reflection, without which sociological generalization is mere data collection. If Durkheim was able to theorize about suicide from a statistical study of national suicide rates, this is because he rightly assumed that we (that is, those of Western culture) cannot help sharing an intuition about what suicide consists of: what would it mean for me to want to kill myself? In this perspective, for example, the Japanese notion of honor-suicide falls outside Western self-consciousness, and one would expect that the statistical conclusions about European countries might not hold for Japan.

    All the more so for the subtle feelings that lie at the base of statistics on, for example, box office receipts and book/CD/DVD sales. I’ll leave it to the big data people to draw conclusions about the population as a whole, whose significance can only reflect the analysts’ delicacy of judgment (what Pascal called l’esprit de finesse) as to precisely what parameters they are measuring. Like everyone else, I have a unique insight into the feelings that prompt my own esthetic judgments, an insight that by being made as explicit as possible should make it maximally accessible to my readers as well, insofar as humans are able to communicate such matters—which variety of communication their systems of representation were after all designed to facilitate.


    In this spirit, I find significance in the fact that what I find most “cathartic” in the Aristotelian sense in most movies is the attractive presence of the heroine. Although it is no longer fashionable to write about such things, the salaries of beautiful actresses clearly reflect something other than compensation for a skill independent of their physical appearance. The simple denial that firstness can play a role in our judgments, particularly in such “unmerited” forms as physical beauty, is just that, denial. This is most egregious in the case of female beauty, which is cultivated as a value by most women to the extent that they can improve their appearance. It is childish and ultimately immoral to make light of being beautiful, or intelligent, or musically gifted, as simply an undeserved privilege of its beneficiary. Humans, even more than other species, could not have survived without the accumulation of such “unearned privileges.”

    I think the beauty that film actresses share with the public is a wonderful gift we should all deeply appreciate. We are not slaves of our biology, but neither are we, as our “progressive” activists would have it, simply liberated from it. Women’s beauty is an effect of a cultural selection that members of both sexes can only be thankful for.

    Back in 1995, I taught a course on “Ideas of Love,” as a result of which I wrote Chronicle 13 about Abélard and Héloïse, which led me to revise my perspective on the phenomenon of courtly love. I think we should understand this major cultural development of the Middle Ages as a complement, and in retrospect, an anticipatory reaction to the intellectual companionship embodied by this iconic couple. Insofar as in an increasingly literate society, women could more commonly attain social parity with men, the courtly love tradition tended rather to emphasize the différence of which the French are legendarily fond. The revelatory appearance, in both senses—as act and as state—of the beloved is the key moment of courtly love, in contrast to the essentially interactive Abélard-Héloïse relationship. In its purest form, such appearance cannot be staged, but only imagined, as in the poetry of the dolce stil nuovo; one can hardly imagine a filmed version of Dante’s Vita Nuova. Whereas the travails of the couple can indeed be filmed, notably in the appealing 1988 Stealing Heaven, where Derek de Lint and Kim Thomson have a most convincing chemistry. In effect, the visual scenicity of film combines these two modes of interaction in ways that not coincidentally reflect their intersection in the modern world. Arletty as the “woman on a pedestal” in an ironic scene of Les enfants du paradis is rather a sign of what the woman’s role in the modern world is on the way to being no longer.

    To make a helpful comparison, in the last century’s twenties, women displayed their emancipation by “bobbing” their hair and wearing short skirts, and I think most significantly, by adopting a flat-chested garçonne look, and affecting—and practicing—lesbianism far more openly than in the past. Whereas it is notable that in today’s feminism, although its “anti-patriarchal” activism often involves verbal denial of the importance of female attractiveness, the sexual ambiguity of the garçonne is in no way dominant, either in real life or in film. Instead, without announcing it as a program, the movie industry has developed a number of particularly beautiful actresses, more I think than at any previous time.

    As someone born in the “golden age” of Hollywood, I find with few exceptions that the actresses of our own era are not merely more naturally beautiful but are costumed and made up to be more attractive than any previous group. Yet most significantly, their beauty is rarely displayed in the spectacular, “marked” mode that one finds in Gone With The Wind or more emphatically in the films of Marilyn Monroe and her sexually charged contemporaries. In other words, these actresses’ beauty is not foregrounded as spectacle, yet it is nonetheless indispensable to their credibility as heroines.


    I will illustrate this proposition by reference to a few films starring three of my favorite contemporary actresses: Greta Scacchi, Parker Posey, and Elle Fanning.

    1. In Country Life, a 1994 Australian adaptation of Chekhov’s Uncle Vanya, Greta Scacchi plays Deborah, the beautiful young wife of an aging London literary man (a professor in the original), who has returned to his ancestral estate down under. The importance of her beauty is strongly marked in the play, in contrast to Sally, the litterateur’s daughter (Sonia in the original), whose plainness is likewise explicitly noted in the dialogue, though more in the original than in the film versions. Scacchi’s éclat (in my opinion, no actress has ever been more beautiful) plays an important role in our experience of the film; the contrast is not merely between her and Sally, but between the external element of attraction she embodies for all the characters and the dullness of life on the homestead.
      In contrast, in August, a 1996 adaptation of Uncle Vanya by Anthony Hopkins, American actress Kate Burton plays the equivalent role. Burton is certainly a comely woman, but unlike Scacchi, she can only act the role of a young beauty without truly embodying it—allowing, as Hopkins clearly intended, his hyperactive “Vanya” character to maintain itself at the film’s center of attention.
      Scacchi’s beauty is a key factor in virtually all her early films, notably the 1987 White Mischief, where, in the climactic scene, her cuckolded husband, played by Joss Ackland, having shot down her lover (Charles Dance), points his gun at her—but, in the film’s most memorable shot, unable to violate her beauty, he turns the gun on himself. Not many actresses of any era could make such a role convincing.
    2. Parker Posey has a far less resplendent beauty than Scacchi, yet in most of her films, she dominates the screen in a way that no male actor could hope to equal. I think this feature, which she shares with a number of today’s actresses, is not simply an effect of feminism. Plot-driven films still tend to be dominated by men, even if this is increasingly less the case. But in films that put a protagonist at the center, less of a plot than of a “showcase,” with the exception of broad farces, women alone can do the job, and in this I think Posey may be of all the most successful. Her screen presence is less an effect of what she does than what she is, or rather, wills herself to be.
      In her 1995 signature film, Party Girl, she goes from night club hostess to librarian without for a second leaving center stage, and in the finale, Posey, bohemian friends, and librarians all disco together in a seemingly unending bacchanal. In what may be Posey’s best role, that of “Jackie-O” in The House of Yes, where she plays an unbalanced woman who thinks she is a post-assassination Jackie Kennedy, she adapts her characteristic preppiness to an idealized version of Jackie, far more magnetic—and beautiful—than the original. This is an example of beauty enhanced by intensity of will, a phenomenon virtually impossible to men (other than drag queens) in our culture, if not in that of ancient Greece. Historically, it is a transcendence of the self-assertive feminism of the 70s, as embodied in My Brilliant Career (1979), where Judy Davis is made up to look less attractive than in real life. By the end of the 20th century, the ideal of female beauty could be reborn as not subservient to male desire but dominant—even to the point of madness, as the conclusion of The House of Yes, where “Jackie” shoots her brother in the role of “Kennedy,” demonstrates.
    3. Of all movie actresses, perhaps of all time, Elle Fanning is the most transcendental, the embodiment of the fairy princess—a fact that has elicited widespread admiration, but not an abundance of truly appropriate roles. In the 2014 Maleficent (I wonder if the spectator is expected to recognize this name as an adjective), she indeed plays a fairylike princess. She does this quite effectively, but a CGI animation might have done nearly as well. In contrast, in 2016’s The Neon Demon, what begins as a quasi-realistic film about modeling is awkwardly turned into a horror movie, as though the transcendent quality of Fanning’s beauty could only be understood as demonic—a useful contrast with Posey, whose Jackie-O was convincingly demonic because its demonism came from within rather than being rather ludicrously imposed by the plot.
      Having become a young woman by 2017, Fanning acquitted herself quite well in the role of Mary Shelley. But the one film, unfortunately not well known, in which Fanning best displays her unique persona is the same year’s How To Talk To Girls At Parties (see Chronicle 608), where John Cameron Mitchell casts her as Zan, a figure literally from another world. I cannot imagine any other actress, of any era, who could so convincingly play this role. Fanning is beautiful in a way that makes one avoid the thought of any but the most ethereal notions of sexuality. Yet in this film, playing an alien life-form, she unselfconsciously speaks lines about her lover Enn’s penis that I cannot imagine any other actress pronouncing credibly. We see, or rather imagine, the two engaging together in what she calls “incomplete sexual activity,” and only in a de-realized animated sequence do they exchange bodily fluids. As a result of this exchange, Zan becomes pregnant and can consequently cast the deciding vote to prolong the existence of life on her planet, where the adults were accustomed to eat their offspring, and the senior leader had decreed that, as a final act, after having eaten all the planet’s remaining inhabitants, he/she would “eat myself.”
      In the genuinely touching epilogue, which takes place years later, Enn, having become a successful author of graphic novels, holds a book signing. Among the attendees in a group of five young people, whom he recognizes, by an extra-terrestrial symbol they wear, as his and Zan’s children. Cameron’s exquisite taste in avoiding anything erotically suggestive while at the same time putting life-affirming sexuality at the center of his plot—this is in no way a theme of the Neil Gaiman story that lends its title to the film—gives conclusive evidence of the fundamental authenticity of the oeuvre begun in 2001 with Hedwig and the Angry Inch.

    I hope these few examples, to which many could be added, persuade you that female beauty, grounded in biological necessity, but enhanced and refined by culture, is a privileged embodiment of what makes human culture a transcendence of the natural. Today’s victimary fashion for denigrating all affirmative aspects of the human is a caricature of Christianity that completely misses its point, which is that even though God knows we are all sinners, his love for us is transcendent—just as, in a less anthropomorphic vein, language and culture are transcendent in relation to nature.

    The persistence of female beauty in the face of all this remains for me the surest proof of the continued survival of this transcendence. It is what principally allows me, despite the near-invisibility of the way of thinking I have spent half my life developing, to retain my faith in humanity’s future for the new decade.

  • GA at the End of the Decade

    Recent Chronicles have explored GA’s roots in (French) Theory, our understanding of which benefits from including within it Girard’s thought, however marginal it was to the (left-wing) concerns of the mainstream theorists, and above all, their American disciples. In different ways, these two branches of Theory are modes of victimary thinking, hence of the Christian branch of Judeo-Christian moral thought, with Girard’s overt Christianity demonstrating by its anthropological depth and political sanity the superficiality of the others’ flirtation with the epistemology of resentment and its immanentization of the eschaton, to use a popular bit of theological jargon.

    The “higher religions,” of which the Western variety has so far produced the most advanced social order as well as the most advanced technology—which in no way precludes future Eastern hegemony following the Marxist “law of unequal development”—may be understood as transcendental anthropologies designed to integrate firstness into the moral model generated by the originary scenic event. It is no accident that in Rousseau’s discourse on “The Origin of Inequality,” the exit from the mythical “state of nature” is marked by the origin of private property, corresponding to the advent of Marshall Sahlins’ “big-man.”

    Rather than following the Marxist explanation of Judeo-Christian religion as an “inverted world” designed to justify the exploitation of the laboring classes by the owners of (agricultural and eventually industrial) capital, we should understand the Jewish positing of a universal God, followed by the Christian affirmation of his identity with the originary central object-victim, primarily as ways of explaining and reducing the resentments generated by the social differences required by the effective functioning of human exchange.

    The decline in the ability of Western religion to counteract the “secular” epistemology of resentment has led to the current intellectual configuration in which GA, from its own perspective the summit of Theory that brings together its Christian and secular branches, remains virtually unknown, while the voices of traditional moral thinking are drowned out by increasingly fanatical forms of victimary thought in which firstness is reduced to the product of ascriptive discrimination.

    What survives is what works, and as I have been forced to observe, the current victimary system, which with a bit of hyperbole we can call “victimocracy,” has shown its ability to function as the implicit ideological basis of “liberal” industrial society, as well as the increasingly explicit ideology of the Democratic Party and its “progressive” institutional base in government and industry. The victimary manifests itself in only slightly different ways in Europe, with its past of colonialism rather than chattel slavery.

    Insofar as GA is a university-based mode of thought, it is particularly sensitive to the intellectual ambiance in the universities, where, as I have also noted with respect to the fight against antisemitism, GA’s analyses, whatever their intellectual value, have yet to demonstrate their political relevancy. The politicization begun in the university, which has by now infected the entire “public conversation” including the media, corporate management, elementary and secondary education… makes any overt deviation from victimary thinking dangerous for anyone financially dependent on these institutions. Conservative thought is tolerated within limits, but as the example of antisemitism shows, there is virtually no openness to “adventurous” thought, whatever its political implications, on the French Theory model.

    In this context, it is understandable that organizations dedicated to Girardian thought, such as COV&R and its French version, ARM, have little interest in promoting or exploring GA, despite its Girardian roots. “Mimetic Theory,” being outside the Theory mainstream and at the same time religiously rather than philosophically inflected, has carved out a niche for itself outside of the progressive-conservative polemic over the victimary in which GA is implicated, and has no interest in risking its aura of political neutrality. Thus although I have several times quoted in these Chronicles (e.g., Chronicle 427) Girard’s quip about the “caricatural” nature of the postmodern cult of victimage, this is not an aspect of Girard’s thought that his disciples are concerned to  pursue. After all, Girard’s model of human origin begins with a lynching, an act of “scapegoating” that makes it superficially compatible with victimary thought, even if Girard himself warned us that the roles of victim and persecutors can be reversed.


    The extreme difference of intellectual style between GA and Donald Trump is not simply an ironic coincidence; it is a clear indication of the political irrelevance of GA at the present moment. This irrelevance has the fortunate effect of keeping GA out of the firing line of the Twitter mobs who attack non-victimary thinking. There are indeed intellectuals on Trump’s side, but even if their defense touches on some points common to GA, in particular its appreciation of the Hebrew-originated concept of the nation, they would have little use for a theory of the origin of language. Trump’s linguistic crudity is widely condemned in conservative circles, and not only by the never-Trumpers who remain blind to the implications of the political configuration that led to his election. As I have explained several times in these Chronicles, only the un-PC Trump could express firm opposition to the victimary, and it is significant that the only other of the 17 candidates in 2016 to denounce “PC” was Ben Carson, a black conservative embodiment of the Booker T. Washington formula for success in “white” society, and who has served in Trump’s cabinet from the beginning.

    Writing as though Trump’s deficit of conventional respectability, his “reality-TV” personality, were factors entirely detachable from the successes of his political and economic program may get one a job with the National Review, but it is anything but a sign of socio-political astuteness, as exceptions such as Victor Davis Hanson, David P. Goldman, and Conrad Black so clearly demonstrate. This does not lessen the contrast between Trump’s intellectual style and that of these Chronicles, or for that matter, of Adam Katz’s GABlogs. The above-named pundits are first-rate minds, but we no longer live in the era where significant “public intellectuals” concern themselves with fundamental anthropological questions—an era whose apogee was in postwar Paris and whose quirkily creative tail-end was what we call French Theory.

    To recognize Trump’s political significance is to reject the current extremist heritage of Theory along with its PC vulgarization. Yet the virtues of GA as Theory’s more intellectually coherent heir in no way imply potential worldly benefits, whether in the political arena or, more pertinently, in the academy. Even today, “deconstruction” still garners brownie points in social-science fields, where it adds a note of sophistication to the various modes of victimary thinking. But, ironically enough, for those who would uphold less politically biased intellectual traditions, anything like the originary hypothesis is just the opposite of what is required. My experience of 20+ years ago at the ALSC (see Chronicle 188), which had hoped to become a conservative alternative to the MLA, of being scorned as a French Theory radical for daring to refer to Girard (whose theory of tragedy I was arguing against) and to suggest a relationship between tragedy and sacrifice, is still pertinent today: “theory” is ipso facto radical; traditional values can only be maintained by means of traditional ideas.


    Adam Katz’s postings on the GABlog have demonstrated GA’s capacity for arousing interest among those who bear the brunt of the academy’s current victimary prejudices, young white males unwilling to lower themselves to proclaim the white guilt required by today’s academy as compensation for their “privilege,” and who have, even if they do, great difficulty in finding decent positions in the “soft” academic fields. It should suffice to point out that the UC faculty recruitment process now requires submission of a “diversity” statement. Whereas the faculty rose up in anger at the indignity of “loyalty oaths” back in the McCarthy era, to oppose today’s yet more sinister version of the loyalty oath—communism being clearly a greater evil than “disparate impact”—is, needless to say, anathema. I can certainly identify with these young men, among whom I would no doubt find myself were I attempting to begin a university career today in anything but the most demanding scientific or professional fields.

    But at this point, while we can only welcome this group’s interest in GA, it is most unclear to me how this interest can contribute to GA’s theoretical development. As someone who spent his entire career in the university, I find it difficult to conceive that anyone outside this environment would have either the training, the time, or the incentive to pursue the kind of research that the originary hypothesis and its “new way of thinking” might inspire. I would, of course, be most happy to be proved wrong.


    While bewailing the decline in anthropological-theoretical interest that set in with the end of French Theory, we should not neglect to learn from its history. The turning away from the textual, which has left as a caricatural residue the current mania for condemning the use or even mention of words and expressions that suggest victimization, bears the lesson that the era in which (literary) texts, and artistic works in general, were the richest source for anthropological insights has ended. In that period, these insights reached their highest point of theoretical relevance with Girard and Derrida, which are potentially united in our “new way of thinking” that has the potential to become the point of departure for a reflection on the human that no longer finds it necessary to oppose revelation to ratiocination.

    I say potential because my own work and that of my collaborators at Anthropoetics have by no means established an Organon to which future adepts of GA need only refer. And this would be impossible even had we gone much farther. Knowledge today cannot be conceived in such a static framework. The point of originary anthropology is to strengthen our understanding of the capacity of the transcendental thinking made possible by linguistic and cultural representation to generate, through its self-reflection, and above all by its theorization of its “natural” environment, an ever-increasing number of degrees of freedom.

    This is the real sense in which Hegel’s metaphysical vision can be “stood on its head”—in contrast to Marx’s version, which talks about freedom in a way that has led, and continues to lead, to the extremes of slavery. Francis Fukuyama’s “end of history” can be appreciated at its true worth if it be understood as the end of the era in which the ability to create systems of control leads thinkers and political actors to the absurd but tempting conclusion that by imposing such a system on the entire (human) universe, they will thereby “dialectically” inaugurate the “realm of freedom.” To the extent that we do have in liberal-democratic countries something of a “realm of freedom,” it is because this “world-system”—call it “capitalism” if you must—is a means of permitting the generation of un-systematic results—a point made quite well in Barton Swaim’s “Capitalism Isn’t a ‘System’” (WSJ, 12/26/19).

    In this perspective, the aim of GA is not to model the future and thereby provide the basis for a movement to “reform” society, but to demonstrate the openness of the future and thereby encourage other studies of the present-and-past that would likewise reveal new avenues to explore. It is in that spirit that I insist not merely on the validity of Fukuyama’s intuition concerning the liberal-democratic order, but on the exemplarity of his error in presenting it as “the end of history.” The discovery of the “ideal” world-order is precisely the discovery of the least systematic means of peacefully allowing economy and society to function, whether on the national or, more nebulously, the international scale.


    None of these reflections can solve the demographic problem faced today by the West and all advanced economies. I had at first thought to offer some reflections on what might provocatively be called our century’s “woman question”: how to permit women to participate fully in public life while at the same time maintaining a healthy birth rate. But this is only the most obvious and urgent of a whole host of questions that will continue to arise in the context of what we might come to call “biological justice”: questions of equal chances at birth that evolving techniques of gene modification will make increasingly relevant. But in our present condition, there are more urgent matters to consider, most particularly, the survival of our purportedly “best” social order in the face of an increasing number of authoritarian rivals.

    As is suggested by a cursory reading of the dark originary vision of humanity implicit in the various political philosophies, and in particular in those of French Theory most familiar to us, the relationship between the moral equality implicit in language and the firstness made possible by the freedom inherent in deferred representation is no mere abstraction. It is the key to our ethical understanding—the basis not only of religious thought but of those secular modes that affect to treat religion as a mask of oppression.

    We should not expect to be able to determine with any degree of certitude on what plane it is most effective to argue this point. But I think that in all our researches and studies, we should see this task as the horizon of our activity. Just like philosophy in its beginnings, GA’s ultimate horizon is ethical—to explain, to paraphrase Milton, the ways of God—of transcendenceto man.

  • The West’s Crisis of Firstness

    Readers of these Chronicles may have noticed that over the past months I have outlined two different ways of looking at the current crisis of Western civilization. On one hand, understanding our civilization as Judeo-Christian, I have suggested that the problem stems from an imbalance between the (Jewish) firstness upon which this civilization is founded and its transcendental sacrifice in Christianity, by which the firstness of the Jews was long considered “superseded,” but in John Paul II’s more comprehensive formulation, given rather the historical role of the “elder brother” to Christianity without whose firstness the latter would not have been possible. The contrast with Islam, which understands its own form of supersession simply as correcting an error, is significant.

    In this context, the growth of the victimary is explained as a consequence of the pseudo-Christian denial of firstness, that of the West in relation to the “Orient,” but also of the religious and national firstness of the Jews, without which the West is inconceivable. Victimary morality denies the firstness of the Jews, even as “superseded.” The victimary figure of Jesus loses its power as the fulfiller of the Law and subject/object of universal love and becomes rather the subject/model of victimary resentment. This tendency is exacerbated by the digital revolution, which makes the digitally skilled guiltily aware of the poor prospects of those who aren’t, motivating them to denigrate firstness without really sacrificing it.

    On the other hand, I have noted the derivation of the victimary from the evolution of postmodern French Theory, whose confinement of what are ultimately anthropological categories within the metaphysical realm (best illustrated by the restriction of différance and its related concepts to already-constituted language) has led to its supersession by the victim-centered theorizing emblematized by the Orientalism of Edward Said, whose Palestinian origin and political sympathies provide a preliminary connection with the religious component of the crisis.

    Given the lack of explicit connection between these two sets of discourses (ignoring for the purpose of this discussion such later developments as the work of Alain Badiou), the question for GA is obviously to clarify their status with respect to the current crisis. No doubt the days of Aquinas are long past; the philosophical tradition, particularly the post-phenomenological branch of it in which we find French Theory, makes no reference to anything biblical, let alone theological. As for influences in the other direction, I must avow a near-total ignorance of contemporary theology. But in any event, it is the task of GA, whatever connections may or may not be present in the “history of ideas,” to define parallels and contrasts between the Judeo-Christian tradition and that of Western philosophy within its own framework. That the French Theorists showed no concern with our religious tradition is significant in itself, particularly inasmuch as Girard took his central inspiration from this tradition. Given that GA can be most simply described as a synthesis of the central ideas of Girard and Derrida, the human being defined by the deferral of violence through representation, the extension of this synthesis to the current civilizational crisis has considerable explanatory potential.


    I have often quoted (e.g., in Chronicle 427) Girard’s unhappy comment in Je vois Satan tomber comme l’éclair that the despairingly caricatural nature of the postwar concern for victims constitutes Hitlerism’s revenge. But this boutade expresses an intuition, not an analysis.

    Why indeed did the defeat of the Axis regimes of racial supremacy lead to these victimary excesses, not the least of which is, ironically enough, a revived antisemitism that Girard was almost certainly not thinking of when he spoke of Hitler’s revenge, but which his phrase seems presciently to include? How ironic, indeed, that hating the Jews, or should we say, “Israeli oppression of the Palestinians,” has now become the nec plus ultra of woke “anti-fascism.” How does this help us to explain in what way the victimary can be at the same time a caricature of Christian love for the victim and an effect of the frustration of the French Theory generation’s deconstruction/violation/desecration of metaphysical closure?

    As noted in Chronicle 388, the original inspiration for cinema’s nouvelle vague as well as la nouvelle critique, and one might as well include the nouveau roman that was lionized by the latter, was hostility to postwar leftwing écriture‘s assignment of moral values according to one’s position in the “class struggle.” Which is to say, its acting similarly to the Left in our own era, minus Marxism’s socio-economic analysis and eschatology, with respect to the ascriptive categories of race, gender, etc.

    In the terms of Barthes’ critical categories, how did we get from the degré zéro of writing to the infinite degree that we call the scriptible, and how does the scriptible’s opacity, its resistance to being easily made to correspond to an imaginary reality, lead to a critique of this “realist” correspondence as an ideological disguise for our culture’s oppression of its “other”?

    The central problematic remains that of firstness. Barthes’ original conception of écriture sought to expose the epistemology of resentment against “capitalism” that presided over the Stalinist writing he denounced, and which was reflected on a less egregious level in the left-leaning cinéma de qualité of the immediate postwar era. At this stage, Camus’ L’étranger seemed to Barthes to offer the promise of a degré zero that would allow human reality to reveal itself as it were transparently to the reader, that is, in an absolute lisibilité. One can only understand the about-face that led to his later maximizing of écriture, no longer as a Stalinist langue de bois but as an avowal of the naiveté of any claim of neutrality, as an expression of disillusion, a monkish intellectual retreat from the common-sense life-world. Barthes did not express this disillusion politically, but the later French Theorists were quick to explain it as a rejection of a Western ideology of oppression, which Derrida associated with the metaphysical assertion of the primacy of speech over writing, and which would come to be identified specifically with our civilization’s assertion of firstness over its “others.”

    Girard, for his part, deconstructed Camus’ Etranger in a prize-winning article in PMLA, “Camus’ Stranger Retried,” (79, 5; 12/1964: 519-533) where he reveals the mensonge romantique of the “stranger’s” alienation. Indeed, given that the victim of his coup de soleil is an Arab, one can easily translate Girard’s critique into the Saidian language of colonial oppression. How curious that the victim for whose death we are asked to blame the sun rather than the murderer himself just happens to be a colonial subject. Girard situates the mensonge in the soul of the protagonist, and therefore of the writer himself: Meursault’s crime is, ultimately, a desperate means of attracting the attention of a society that is somehow to blame for not giving his life “meaning.” Whereas the post-colonial critique turns this “existentialist” denunciation into a critique of firstness, the colonialist’s dominant position that “others” the Arab and makes him a victim, even if the purpose of his murder is to make the society punish this firstness by sending the killer to the guillotine.

    As Girard shows, Camus’ prose is suffused with what Sartre called la mauvaise foi, most egregiously at the moment when “the sun” provokes the murder. Is this a matter of écriture? Or should we blame the author’s moral intention rather than the hidden presuppositions of his language? For Girard, the answer is obvious. But those who, like Derrida, blame language itself, or what he sees as Western culture’s faith in language not deferred by écriture=writing, should not be dismissed out of hand. The sun, after all, is the very embodiment of presence.

    The political frustration that first expressed itself in Barthes’ anti-Stalinist notion of écriture and which was extended, in very different senses by both Girard and the French Theorists, into a critique of “establishment” language as in effect a false guarantee of sacrality, was at its base a revolt against metaphysics’ originary guarantee of the neutrality of language in Parmenides’ “Way of Truth,” which forms the foundation of classical philosophy. The idea that apparently neutral dichotomies such as black-white or male-female in fact contain implicit presuppositions of firstness that oppose the principle of moral equality is the key link between the deconstructive critique of metaphysics and the current victimary thinking in which these dichotomies are illustrated by the historical firstness of the “white males” of Western civilization. And it goes without saying that when the West is condemned for its firstness, the same goes in spades for the Jews, with Israel ostracized as the bellwether of 21st century Western “imperialism.”


    Although its religious specificity never enters explicitly into the debates surrounding the victimary, the crisis of Judeo-Christian civilization cannot be understood without taking into account the role of Islam, of which we are pertinently reminded by the plot of L’étranger.

    If the East Asian religious traditions are far enough from the West that we can in a first approximation consider them as independently evolved civilizations—cultures whose ethic, as my admittedly impressionistic analysis of Nagarjuna’s Mahayana paradoxes suggests (see Chronicles 515516), is focused less on the individual than on the collective scene itself, this is not the case for Islam, the religion of the outsiders of the original Western civilization, which has remained the West’s “other” and defined its limits over much of its history.

    The fact that in its first centuries of existence Islam was able to take over well over half the territory of the Christian world, and to continue to threaten it as late as the Ottoman siege of Vienna in 1683, should certainly prevent us from judging its success as a somehow illegitimate example of violence, any more than the violence involved in the settlement of the Americas reflects the moral inferiority of Western to autochthonous societies. Islam’s ability to challenge successfully what was, in the beginning at least, a clearly “higher” civilization reflected something more than the triumph of energetic barbarians over effete decadents.

    Unlike the Jewish example of national firstness made problematic by the Hebrews’ non-triumphal history, which both inspired its universalist monotheism and obliged its “nation” to survive over the centuries as a spiritual brotherhood without a territory, Islam is explicitly a religion of conquest. Unlike the modern (Christian) liberal, and in good measure the diaspora Jew, the Muslim is not shy about, as Robert Frost put it, taking his own side in an argument—nor, perhaps more pertinently, about sustaining a positive birthrate.

    The Western Left’s tolerance of Islam’s contempt for “infidels” and its persecution of Christians in Muslim countries (the Jews have virtually all left) stems from its persistent sense that they remain the West’s “victims,” whence the frequent reaction of condemning “Islamophobia” immediately after jihadist massacres. Although I share Daniel Pipes’ view that Islam is not inherently incapable of adapting to the modern world of nation-states, this is clearly not as simple a matter as President Bush thought in invading Iraq in 2003.

    The Left’s denial of the “Jewish” national impulse has brought about an anomalous tactical alliance between the pseudo-Christian extremism of victimocracy and the strict pre-modern morality of Islam. These two modes of opposition to the Judeo-Christian national and firstness concepts define this opposition in very different ways. For the anti-nationalist Left, nominally opposed to “capitalism” but in fact widely supported by the professional Beta class and by the more woke Alphas, the important thing is maintaining the solidity of what D’Souza calls the “plantation” structure, which allows the economic elite to enlist the lower classes’ political support in exchange for government benefits that maintain them in an economically inferior state while not having to measure themselves by meritocratic criteria. As I earlier suggested, behind this lies the predicament of the digital age, to which no one has yet offered a solution, in which individuals of limited symbolic intelligence cannot reasonably expect to reach the upper levels of the economy. The postwar boom that made the fortune of the unionized working class will not return.

    The Left’s way of maintaining the economic system is by denying this problem while at the same time emphasizing the society’s inherent injustice, but in terms not of social class but of ascriptive categories. This emphasis on “discrimination” allows its proponents to explain minorities’ low economic status by (conscious or unconscious) racism, and to propose affirmative action programs that provide remedies for a symbolic few without really modifying the system itself. So far this has maintained the Left’s political base through patronage rather than by any serious socialization of the market economy, which is why it has been effective.

    But this American model, predicated on a historical background of slavery and racial segregation, is not applicable in Europe, where welfare payments to Muslim immigrants generate little national or civilizational loyalty. There is little deliberate opposition to the peaceful integration of Muslims into Western culture; it is the Muslims themselves whose ideologically motivated organizations obstruct this integration, with the result that the younger generation is far less ready for it than that of their parents. But the terms of this integration must be carefully negotiated. France’s strong tradition of laïcité has led to a series of battles over Muslim public self-presentation of a kind that would be inconceivable in the US. The “burkini,” an ultra-modest bathing suit approved by the Imams, is banned in many places as a “religious” manifestation, rather than simply a garment of Islamically appropriate feminine modesty. Similar is the case of head-scarves in public schools. Needless to say, squabbles over such matters only further isolate the Muslim community from the French mainstream.

    Meanwhile, given that the EU has yet to demonstrate its ability to reproduce its population and maintain its demography, predictions of its eventual religious domination by Islam are difficult to refute. Given Israel’s healthy birth rate, the contrast once more supports the thesis that the excess of “Christianity” over “Judaism” in the West’s Judeo-Christian mix leads not only to an ideological rejection of (national) firstness but to a reluctance to assert firstness on the biological level as well.

    The postwar quasi-unification of Europe risks coming to be seen a few decades from now as an unwitting preparation for the absorption of much of Europe into the Umma. It is hardly likely that the Islamic ideal of a world-wide caliphate can maintain itself in a modern economy, but one increasingly gets the impression that it is on an increasingly Islamic terrain that a new synthesis will be worked out; even those nations that have resisted the pressure to admit “migrants” remain incapable of self-reproduction. And if the US, Canada, and Australia have successfully functioned as pays d’immigration for a variety of ethnic groups and races, a radical demographic shift is bound to pose much deeper problems in the ancient homelands of Europe.


    At the high point of French Theory, Barthes’ scriptible imaginarily transfigured the intellectual-cultural sphere into a textual El Dorado that “deferred” the problems of the real world. But this conception escaped the clôture de la métaphysique only by doing away with metaphysics itself. If the referential meaning of language is to be indefinitely rewritten and never fixed, then we are like the participants in an originary scene with nothing in the center, and can eat only our own words. Once this textual bubble burst, the enterprise of deconstruction could no longer remain in the realm of language; it turned against firstness in the real world, that of Western vs “Oriental” cultures, or on a cruder level, between those competent in mathematics and those who see such competence as an example of “whiteness.”

    Hence today no significant theoretical movement prolongs the Theory of an earlier generation whose intelligentsia was still able to deal with civilizational questions within the categories of Western philosophical culture. The perspective of GA, rooted more firmly in its anthropological base, is not subject to the shock of the loss of metaphysical faith in the realm of ideas. Defense against the excesses of the victimary can only come from the affirmation of firstness, hopefully in the Western liberal-democratic context, but if not, in the quasi-totalitarian mode ominously illustrated by China’s looming cybernetic “social credit” scheme.

    For the moment, I think we can view the success of Israel as a crucial sign of the continuing legitimacy of the Western formula of national societies within an international civilization. Necessarily included in this vision, as I understand it, is the eventual acceptance of Israel by its Islamic neighbors, including the Palestinians, although the latter will undoubtedly be the last to be reconciled to the existence of the Jewish state. At this point, the stage will be set for the further engagement of the historical dialectic between the West, plus the Muslim world, and an East Asia that we may hope will not, despite current trends, be dominated indefinitely by an implacable authoritarianism. But the West must first turn its back on its current flirtation with victimocracy.


    One sign of return to sanity has just been given by the recent British election. Let us hope that forthcoming elections in the two other most significant Western democracies, Israel and the US, result in a similarly unambiguous reinforcement of the national principle.

  • The Paradox of Textuality

    When we think of paradox, we are likely to think of “This sentence is a lie” or some other example of self-reference. One can buy books of paradoxes of various degrees of elaboration. And one of my formative intellectual experiences was being introduced long ago (by UCLA grad Alain Cohen) to the Batesonian Pragmatics of Human Communication (Norton, 1967) by Watzlawick et al, with its concept of “pragmatic paradox,” so nicely exemplified by the phrase “Be spontaneous!” uttered to her son by, needless to say, a “Jewish mother.”

    Clearly language lends itself to paradox in its capacity for self-reference. But, as its pragmatic version confirms, it had always seemed to me that paradox embodies not just “reference” but transcendence, and thereby demonstrates the difference between human language and the algorithmic “language” of cybernetics, which cannot refer to a world outside itself. We may say that paradox gives substance, density, or textuality to cultural discourses of all kinds, in contrast with algorithms that simply convert an input into an output.

    Admittedly, this is not a rigorously expressed thought. Indeed, given that the textuality of which I am speaking is defined as that which in a given discourse resists being reduced to the algorithmic, could textuality be presented in rigorous, that is, algorithmic terms, it would be deprived of this resistance. Indeed, one might say that the ultimate challenge to AI is reducing the textuality of human language, and by extension that of all specifically human, that is, cultural activities, to algorithms “teachable” to machines. For the most complex computers, those of tomorrow as well as those of today, can never be other than ultra-fast Turing machines.

    If then we take the “post-human” position that thought is algorithmic in its essence, and textual density merely an epiphenomenon that humans experience, but not machines that have the same thought, then we have accepted an absolute materialism that denies the specific significance of the human.

    This is not in fact a new position; it was already common in the late nineteenth century. And I would say that it is held, at least passively, by almost all “hard” scientists, and by a good many “soft” ones. At this stage, I can only say that to the extent that anthropology in the sense proposed by GA is indeed a fundamental science, then it is necessarily a humanistic one, which implies that the ultimate truth of this materialism, though it need not be denied, must be indefinitely deferred.

    Just as the deconstructors of the French Theory generation enjoyed playing in the “margins of metaphysics,” one can make a career of applying “paradoxical thinking” of this sort to every aspect of human activity, not to speak of the seemingly ever-less-knowable cosmos (96% or so of which is currently considered to be “dark”). GA has for its aim, as I said in the first sentence of The Origin of Language, to persevere in the spirit of Ockham by refusing to multiply mysteries beyond necessity. Yet the “textual,” although its fundamental purpose—to enhance the deferral of violence that permits the human community to survive—is clear, remains “mysterious” by the very fact of resisting its reduction to algorithms. And with all we have learned about finding algorithms, including “self-learning” algorithms, to imitate the textual structures of human culture, we have not the slightest idea of what it would mean to algorithmically recreate textuality itself, let alone how to go about it. Nor would I dare to propose this as a project. Like the other discoveries of the French Theory generation that titillated us with their pseudo-profundity, the notion of textuality needs to be treated without either adulation or contempt, but with the respect, transcendental and anthropological, that it deserves.


    Like deferral/différance, the notion of textuality reflects the postmodern attempt to deconstruct metaphysics from within, making use of the terminology of the symbolic system to refer to the liminal interactions that put it into question. Thus although différance nicely describes the emergence of the first sign as both deferring the assimilation of its object to the physical needs of the subject and differing the object, not simply as another element of the assimilable appetitive world, but as part of the transcendental realm of the sacred/significant, these connotations were clearly not in the minds of either Derrida or the readers of his writings on this “non-concept.” Similar is the case with textuality, whose inevitable association with the text-textile metaphor provides no explanation of how the textual exceeds the metaphysical world of pre-constituted language.

    Readers of these Chronicles know that for GA, the deferral that differentiates the sign from the “horizontal” world is in its origin the deferral of violence, the minimal “Girardian” explanation of the human. (Would that all Girard’s admirers understood this!) What then about textuality? What accounts for the “density” of a text, the fact that, in contrast to the use of language to “convey information,” it takes on in texts of all kinds an interest of its own, given that its conclusion does not, as with the solution to a mathematical or practical problem, annul the reader’s concern with what precedes.

    Just as in the case of deferral, the first uses of the sign provide the simplest illustration of the textual phenomenon. The hypothetical originary event uses the sign, not in the metaphysical spirit of the declarative sentence conveying information, but as a deviation from appropriative behavior. The first use of the sign, and by extension, of linguistic/cultural communication in general, is not a means toward but a substitute for worldly action. In the originary event, the repetition of the sign on the periphery of the central object supplies the experiential density that allows the group to lower its level of mimetic tension to the point where it can, more or less spontaneously, divide and share the central object in relative peace, resolving the crisis of the Alpha-Beta hierarchy. Needless to say, this provides a model of future cultural activities in only the broadest sense; it tells us nothing about the kinds of structures that historically will be found able to reinforce collective solidarity, let alone provide the para- and later extra-ritual satisfactions of art in its various forms. Which is to say that the sources of the temporal density we call “textuality” must be discovered historically; they cannot and should not be presented as derivative of the originary configuration, which must rather be seen as the platform on which they come to be developed. It is precisely as a platform for free creation, increase in degrees of freedom, that the human scene of representation is a revolutionary development. Whether it can, even in principle, be duplicated by algorithmic techniques is a question best not asked at this stage of our history.


    Among esthetic structures, the prevalence of narrative in temporally experienced art is sufficiently central to warrant further discussion even at this preliminary stage. The pre-cultural source of the experiential density of figurative art is intuitively obvious, as it imitates the forms of real-world perceptual experience, and can consequently be expected to evoke similar reactions, mediated always by the scenic structure that “frames” the artwork as the central object was “framed” in the originary event. Attention to icons clearly derives from attention to real objects, the human difference being the différance that lends a transcendental dimension to worldly-appetitive animal attention. But narrative in any form depends on a specifically cultural attention, and however successfully we can teach animals to manipulate signs and react to visual representations (that is, as though they were signals), I don’t believe there is any evidence that chimps or any other species can follow a narrative.

    One of Pascal’s distinctive ideas was that of le divertissement, activity that, in the author’s Jansenist framework, “diverts” our soul from its immortal destiny, just as the sign diverted us from conflict in the originary event. Pascal’s favorite example was hare-hunting, where he observed that the hunters enjoyed spending their time running after a hare that “they would not have wanted to have bought,” the pleasure being in chasing the hare, not in possessing it.

    To a certain extent, our animal pleasures operate this way even in a pre-cultural state. Eating and sexual activity are pleasurable in themselves, not merely as means to their physiological end. Thus it is not unreasonable to imagine that a pack of wolves “enjoy” pursuing, catching, and killing their prey, in addition to the pleasure of eating it. We need not speculate on whether they “think” or “dream” about such things. But one thing we may be sure of is that they do not enjoy telling or hearing stories about them. Whereas Pascal’s divertissements would definitely include such pleasures, even if we have to await Rousseau’s Lettre sur les spectacles for a series of reflections on modern man’s enjoyment of the divertissement of esthetic mimesis at the expense of his real-world moral sympathies.

    Closer to home, the insight behind the notion of textuality in the narrative context can be seen as an elaboration of Sartre’s contrast between the “opacity” of poetry and the “transparency” of prose in his 1947 Qu’est-ce que la littérature? Most discussions of textuality contrast textual with non-textual literary uses of language, for example in Barthes’ distinction in Le plaisir du texte (Seuil, 1973) between “readerly” and “writerly” texts (lisible vs scriptible), the first providing mere passive plaisir while the other promises active, participatory jouissance. In the latter case, where the reader feels invited to extend the text’s écriture for himself, Sartre’s notion of poetic opacity, implying difficulty in deciphering/interpreting the text, is transformed into the characterization of a textual domain in which the reader experiences the freedom of (re)writing his own text.

    Barthes’ dichotomy, so characteristic of his generation and yet seemingly forgotten by its successors, conflates Sartre’s opacity with textuality as such, as if one must treat esthetic texts as either nothing but algorithms (“transparent”) or as one-way entries into an inescapable semiotic labyrinth. We have supposedly become too culturally self-conscious to be “distracted” by the anticipation of a narrative’s conclusion, as if we cannot help but recognize the algorithm from the outset and thereby defeat its textual purpose. Yet the brevity of the reign of the postwar French nouveau roman, which exemplified the problematization of “classical” (i.e., readable) narrative in what Nathalie Sarraute called the ère du soupçon, provides a historical demonstration that the experience of most of its readers was unfortunately closer to opacity than to jouissance (the term used for the experience of orgasm).

    The most immediate explanation for Barthes’ jouissance is as a case of déformation professionnelle: as a literary critic, Barthes experienced reading as a stimulus to his own (critical) writing, an often overlooked point that explains a good deal of the strange romance of the term’s writerly proponents with scriptible texts. It is surely anything but evident that the central purpose of writing other than pedagogical is to stimulate the production of further writing; indeed, that would seem the very definition of decadence, in which culture exists not to make life better (in the first place, more peaceful), but just to produce more culture, which produces its ultimate effect on life only in a paradoxical sense. (To quote Villiers de l’Isle-Adam’s Axël : Vivre ? les serviteurs feront cela pour nous. [Live? The servants will do that for us.]). The idea that “transparent” classical prose, which is supposed to provide pleasure to its audience merely by being read rather than “re-written,” is no longer effective, generalized to the totality of cultural activities, assumes a state of crisis in which an elite cultural utopia of jouisseurs would exist as a kind of monkish cult turning its back on the civilization whose culture had failed it.


    Yet despite modernity’s continual cry of tout est dit (all has been said), which as far as I know began in the mid-17th century and is still going strong 350 years later, it has not proved to be empirically true, as the productivity of cinema, the only truly universal art-form of our time, continues to demonstrate. I think that this postmodern sensibility is far more productively interpreted as reflecting an anthropologically significant theoretical impatience with metaphysical thinking’s inability to conceive language’s and culture’s inherent deferral, opacity, textuality, that makes it essentially other than algorithmic, just as a drawing is essentially different from a graph.

    Much of Beckett’s writing derives its meta-literary flavor from his thematization of the deferral theme, originally and most strikingly in En attendant Godot, where the awaiting “action” of the main characters is reduced to a means of passing, or wasting, time. But this “behavioral” mode appropriate to the stage does not bear much further elaboration. Barthes’ “writerly” text compounds its self-reflexivity by making language itself, rather than the actions it describes (or what characters in the work use it for), enigmatic, hence requiring the “supplement” of further writing, whatever that really means in practice for someone not being paid to discuss the text in a literary journal.

    No, narrative discourse still works, and when it doesn’t, we need not invent a new sophistication to account for its failings. In fact, I rather doubt that the “world-brain” has made any real progress in this area since the beginnings of art. What we have learned is to appreciate new modes of narrative discourse, including à la limite the nouveau roman, rather than to reject the “classical” ones.

    I would challenge anyone to show in what way the Iliad is not as fine a work of literature as anything written since—which is not to say that it contains all that is contained in its progeny. But when you read the Iliad, you don’t miss its not being Sophocles or Shakespeare or Proust. Artworks, particularly the great ones, create their own framework, set their own scene. Unlike religious rituals, which can indeed become superannuated, since the ancient Greeks gave art its own scene functionally detached from ritual, they never go out of style. If someone born in the Bronx in 1941 can appreciate Homer, I cannot imagine that such appreciation will become impossible at some future time or place. Nor can I really imagine a future “death of narrative,” or a world where the scriptible replaces the lisible.


    The details of the matter must be left to the narratologists. But I think we can provide narratology with an underlying principle from which to begin, and in this connection, I will introduce one more of those French Theory terms we once found thrilling and disturbing: intertextuality.

    The idea behind this term, attributed to Julia Kristeva, is that texts, however much they may seem to refer to an extratextual world, are really reworkings of previous texts. A detective novel, for example, cannot be understood as simply evoking a fictional universe ab ovo, but must be seen as an attempt to “respond” to all previous detective novels by evoking a new arrangement of the themes/tropes/”memes” of these novels.

    Readers of Girard will note a similarity between intertexuality and his thematic of mimetic desire, which he presents as a feature of interdividual psychology, although several of his examples involve explicitly cultural mediations (e.g., Quixote-Amadis, Emma-romance novels). The Girardian paradigm remains wholly within a representational universe, where although language itself is never foregrounded as the basis of representation itself, the desiring subject is seen as viewing each potential desire-object as previously represented, in reality or imagination, by the mediator, whose judgment is the primary source of his own. The coincidence is not accidental; these are two manifestations, not really very different, of Sarraute’s age of suspicion.

    The small difference is, nonetheless, what makes Girard, unlike the other French Theorists, open to a genuinely post-metaphysical anthropology. Girard’s reader, having learned the lesson of la vérité romanesque, has been supplied with a wisdom that prepares him for the real world, whereas the postmodern reader of and through French Theory is at best prepared to enjoy “supplementing” the text he has read, presumably liberated from any thought of applying its lessons to worldly life.

    But “theory,” as we have been learning for the past few decades, is by no means confined to literary or esthetic study. It remains, as it has always been, a key manifestation of epochal self-consciousness. Where intertextuality, like textuality and deferral, can serve us best as a guide is in pointing less to a postmodern representational utopia than to postmodern real-world frustration, less with art itself than with the configuration of the human community itself, that is, with politics.

    Which is to say that the frustration of the false utopia of postmodern French Theory provides the most promising point of departure for an explanation for the current dominance of victimary thinking. As we observe more clearly every day, the era of suspicion could only reach its conclusion by granting unlimited confidence to the epistemology of resentment.

    More on this to follow.

  • The Paradox of Jewish Firstness

    In the previous Chronicle, I tried to find in the recent history of Israel a source of optimism concerning the future of the West’s Judeo-Christian heritage as a necessary, if not necessarily dominant, ingredient in the next stage of the world’s political history. I say “tried to find” because there are clearly negative trends that could just as easily be cited. But if Israel be taken as the bellwether of the Western nation-state concept, then despite its many problems, its fortunes, metaphorically and literally, have greatly improved over the years, not least in its gradually improving relations with its Arab neighbors, in spite of the seemingly undying enmity of all the elements of the Palestinian leadership, and of most of its public.

    Jewish firstness is one of those revelatory historical nodes that shed light on the world in which they are implanted, like the fabled “canary in the coal mine.” And one seemingly unchanging aspect of the phenomenon is the semi-voluntary opacity of the Jews themselves to the nature of antisemitism. I have recounted more than once Adam’s and my disappointment at the lack of impact of our Rethinking Antisemitism, whose ideas have simply been ignored, just as the ideas of The Origin of Language have been ignored by linguists. Well, linguistics can wait, but we felt that the Jews, and those who are sympathetic to their cause—in the US, religious Christians are a better bet than the Jews themselves—could really benefit from an enhanced understanding, not of the history of antisemitism, which has been studied in great detail by a number of highly respectable scholars, but of its fundamental essence, which derives from the Hebrews’ historical role of bringing a coherent monotheistic religion to the West and the world.


    The other day I attended a showing at a junior college of a segment of Claude Lanzmann’s Les quatre soeurs, a follow-up to his epoch-making Shoah in which he interviews four women miraculously spared from the Holocaust. After the showing, a Jewish professor held a brief Q & A about the film, in which the audience was less concerned with seeking further information than with expressing personal feelings about the protagonist’s life story and about the Holocaust in general. Needless to say, the spectators were moved by this woman’s experiences, and expressed sympathy for the victims of the Holocaust and more generally, for the victims of prejudice and persecution everywhere.

    Yet the one thing that was never discussed, and that indeed could not be discussed without dissipating the sympathy for the Jews that the film had presumably generated, was, very simply, Why the Jews? Some of us are familiar with the joke about WWI, quoted at the start of Hannah Arendt’s On Totalitarianism, in which an antisemite tells a Jew that it was the Jews who started the war. “Yes,” he answers, “the Jews and the bicyclists.”—”Why the bicyclists?”—”Why the Jews?” But once the paradox has been enunciated, i.e., that it is somehow expected that the Jews will be the ones blamed for anything unpleasant that might occur, it is simply dropped, and the “oldest hatred” continues unexplained, attributed to habit, or to a sui generis mental disease.

    Yet the really significant thing about the Holocaust remains not that it was history’s most horrible example of “man’s inhumanity to man,” but that it happened to the Jews. No other people in history has been the object of this kind of hatred, and not at one particular historical moment but over millennia. And no other people has consequently had to deal with the paradox that the very act of reminding people—including many of the Jews themselves—of this fact, along with the sympathy it forces its hearers to feel, arouses some of the same resentment that the millennial persecution of the Jews has reflected from the outset.

    This is the tragedy of “the chosen people,” and it explains more about antisemitism than references to “scapegoating” or recitals of its long and varied history. It is as though antisemitism is simply a set of two mutually dependent propositions: Jews are special <-> Jews are hated. The only thing missing from this definition is the specific reason for this “specialness,” this “chosenness.” And this reason is the foundational role of the Jews in what has been until now the world’s dominant civilization.

    This is not a new idea. I bring it up now because, in the light of the previous Chronicles, it seems to me to have acquired additional importance from what I am not afraid to call its revelatory status with respect to our current cultural crisis. However difficult it is to get beyond the vicious circle of this mutual implication, it can only become less difficult once we face up to it, the better to transcend it.

    For the “specialness” of the Jews is that of firstness in general. The correlation between the current revival of antisemitism and the continuing advance of victimary politics is anything but coincidental. And yet, like antisemitism in general, this correlation itself is not only generally misunderstood, but given an interpretation wholly contrary to the correct one, as though some great conspiracy existed to make the fight against antisemitism a weapon against rather than for the overall battle for human justice. The Jews are the only “discriminated minority” who are not included among the “intersectional” victim groups, or in no more than nominal terms. And what is most revelatory of all in this situation is that this contrast has become, I believe for the first time in history, an overt contradiction, albeit one that both Jews and non-Jews are loath to remark upon. What Hegel called the “ruse of reason” (die List der Vernunft) is gradually making unmistakably clear what should have been clear through all time—even if this “clarity” remains obscure to virtually all of those whom it stares in the face.

    I need only refer to the Jewish Democrats mentioned in Chronicle 639 who recently declared Donald Trump “the greatest danger to Jews” shortly after he modified US policy to no longer refer to Israeli habitations on the West Bank as “occupied territory.” To read the statements that accompany such declarations, there is inevitably a reference to the unfortunate death of a woman in Charlottesville in 2017, when a white supremacist demonstrator drove his car into a crowd, and to Trump’s reference, not to white supremacists, but to those opposed to tearing down a statue of Robert E. Lee, as including “some nice people,” which has justified ever since tagging the American president historically friendliest to Israel as an antisemite.

    Beyond the outright stupidity of this accusation, what is most revelatory is the resolute blindness of Jewish liberals, in spite of the increasingly open hostility of the Democratic party to Israel, to the domination of American antisemitism by the Left. There are no Nazis in Antifa or in the Students for Justice in Palestine. If David Duke encourages them, he is the one seeking allies, not they.

    But the deeper point is that antisemitism, which was originally a left-wing movement to the extent that it could be located on the political spectrum, seems to be uniting the Left with the “extreme right” three generations after the street fighting between Stormtroopers and Communists led to Hitler’s rise to power. In relation to American’s “minorities,” Jews are “white”; in relation to Germany’s Volk, they were not even human. They are history’s most persecuted minority by a long shot, and still the victims of most acts of religious prejudice in modern countries, far out of proportion to their numbers. Yet it is intuitively clear why they are not included in the intersectional list of victimary minorities. Adding antisemitism to racism, sexism, transphobia… is done, if at all, for diplomatic reasons; it is not a “natural” assimilation.

    The difference is—and this is what gives antisemitism its persuasiveness—that one cannot consider the Jews as inferior. Antisemites may view Jews as sub-human or some variant of it, but never simply as inferior. And that is not simply because, on any scale of human abilities, Jews tend to do rather well. It is because, from the beginning, the Jews were hated for their firstness, and this has never changed. Hated for their firstness, but one may say with some historical justification: hated for firstness itself. Whether or not something like this was implicit in the human as such, given the inevitable tension between the necessity of both firstness and moral equality, history has made the Jews the eternal world-wide scapegoats for firstness.

    If you dare try to get experts on antisemitism, or just an average group of Jews, not necessarily to agree but merely to entertain this idea, you will receive a demonstration both of its truth and of its paradoxical character. It is an accusation that is demonstrated by the accused’s rejection of it. I wonder when was the last time when a Jew in the West proudly asserted that his was the “chosen people.” The only place you will find in recent times, in the West at any rate, an unabashed assertion of firstness is in Mussolini’s or Hitler’s speeches—although you will also find in the latter a great deal of railing against the Jews’ usurpation of that firstness, starting with the “proof” supplied by the Dolchstoss that lost WWI.


    The other day Adam sent me an October 9 article from the online publication Tablet, “The Case for Building a Synagogue on the Temple Mount” by Matthew Ackerman (https://www.tabletmag.com/jewish-news-and-politics/291962/the-case-for-building-a-synagogue-on-the-temple-mount). Even Adam was shocked by this suggestion—which, pointedly, did not involve closing, let alone demolishing, the Dome of the Rock which currently occupies part of the area. I’m sure Adam is correct that it will remain unthinkable for quite a while for the Israeli government to contemplate such a step. Yet how many synagogues are there in Mecca or Medina, or in the whole of Saudi Arabia? And the Saudis are among the friendlier of the Arab countries toward Israel.

    This is la rançon de la gloire, the dues the Jews are still paying for their firstness 70+ years after the (re)founding of the state of Israel—and a couple of millennia since Ehyeh asher ehyeh. In their own capital city, building their own place of worship on their holiest site, next to a mosque left undisturbed, would be considered a scandal, not merely by the Arab/Muslim population of Jerusalem, but by the majority of the Jews themselves. I think I can say with confidence that the mere fact of putting this suggestion into words and out on the Internet is already a major step toward “normalization”; Mr. Ackerman deserves credit for writing, and the editors of Tablet for publishing it.


    The ultimate paradox that accompanies this situation is that attempting to explain it appears to benefit no one and is therefore futile. One gets no brownie points for the best explanation; the only acceptable situation is for antisemitism to remain inexplicable. Unlike other ascriptive (racial, sexual, …) prejudices, which can all be assimilated to the victimary paradigm, with in the opposite direction only the modest benefits of affirmative action (particularly offensive to Asians as “people of color”), antisemitism is a resentful reaction to privilege rather than a presumption of inferiority.

    Of course everyone really knows this, yet in saying it, I always have the feeling that I am violating a taboo. As well as the deeper feeling that, even if this violation has for the moment no effect, the very fact of committing it is making a mark on history that cannot be effaced, and that at some point will be recognized as marking a turning point. Just as I still believe, after four decades, that the originary hypothesis of the origin of language, first published in 1981, will one day be so recognized.

    The history of the Jews, and in some way or other of every Jew, is a demonstration that firstness is not always recognized, nor is it always welcome, but it is inevitable, and it is necessary, and it does not go away.

  • Avatars of Firstness

    As readers of these Chronicles know, the idea of “firstness” was introduced into the originary event by Adam Katz in his article “Remembering Amalek: 9/11 and Generative Thinking” in Anthropoetics X, 2 (Spring 2005). This involved a significant modification of the symmetry of the originary scene, the implications of which have been a source of discussion ever since. What I would like to develop here is the problematic that the originary role of firstness introduces into the human community, defined from the outset by its symmetry in relation to a central sacred object of desire, the relation to which provides the fundamental model of both transcendence and resentment.

    Adam’s original observation is one of common sense: if indeed the source of the first sign was the “aborted gesture of appropriation,” then surely not all the members of the group would grasp simultaneously the value of intending this gesture as no longer an aborted act but an act of communication, the first “symbolic” sign. This implies that, in spite of the ultimately symmetrical configuration of the first human communication around the central object, an element of asymmetry was present at the outset. Anything else would indeed be a denial of GA’s fundamental intuition that the sign was from the first a voluntary act, not a reflex, even conditioned, and that even in contrast to what we may consider to be animal acts of judgment, this act was understood as being performed for the express purpose of intra-specific communication—including explicit or implicit communication with the sacred object itself. Animal signs, even highly specific ones such as the elements of bird song, do not function in a scenic configuration where the sign is consciously destined to be understood by one’s audience.

    But such an understanding could not be presumed from the start by the first signer, whose original communicative intent must have been to demonstrate that he was not appropriating the object. That is to say, his original intention could only have had as its object an indexical, not a symbolic meaning, which it can have acquired only in the course of its imitation by the others, that is, as no longer an indexical mark of the abortion of its original aim, but the explicit sign of communicative intentionality.

    Analyses of this sort demonstrate by their intuitive plausibility the necessity of a “scenario” or mise en scène in the faithful depiction of any human activity. But they take us only to the first step of a full understanding of firstness in the human sphere.


    As readers of The End of Culture (California, 1985) will recall, my original notion of firstness—although I did not use the term at the time—focused on the political inequality inaugurated by the “big-man”—a term I discovered in Marshall Sahlins’ classic Stone Age Economics (Chicago: Aldine-Atherton, 1972)—at a time when sedentary life had led to sufficient differentiation of the population so that an individual, presumably a highly successful producer, could claim a hierarchically distinct economic function, that of taking charge of the system of feasts that had previously rotated among the totem-clans of the tribe; as Sahlins points out, the big-man wound up eating less than anyone else. But Adam’s intervention served to remind me that differentiation, which at that point acquired a well-defined socio-political reality, must have been present in germ from the beginning. That is, in contrast to the moral equality of all humans that we “instinctively” recognize in extreme circumstances, the human, given its free self-consciousness that transcends immediate corporeal needs, is differentiated, not simply statistically by inherent abilities, but by the projects that our individual scene of representation allows us to elaborate. Hence even in a situation of political equality, we would necessarily become differentiated from each other in our contributions to both our own welfare and to that of the community. One consequence of this, as has been noted by those who have studied the remaining hunter-gatherer societies, is that despite their ostensibly egalitarian structure, they tend to suffer from a much higher degree of internecine violence than explicitly differentiated societies, given that any deviation from equality provokes resentment that tends to lead to accusations and retaliations, magical explanations countered by witchcraft, etc. That is, humans are “created equal,” but even in the least differentiated societies they are always at least suspected of acting unequally, with often violent consequences.

    The advantage of a purely political treatment of firstness was that it could be associated with the passage from egalitarian to hierarchical society, more or less associated with the development of sedentary agriculture and private property; or as Rousseau put it in his Second Discourse: “Celui qui le premier a dit: Ceci est à moi.” (“He who was first to say: ‘This is mine.’”). But if we understand firstness as a fundamental element of the human, we must define its core component not as hierarchical superiority to others, but as the simple possibility of differentiation from them by what might be called our originary cogito, our intuition that we exist in a state of deferral, separated from the physical world by a Sartrian néant that frees us from reflexes both innate and conditioned.

    Firstness as primarily not a relationship of hierarchy but of self-differentiation is subject to what we might call the systolic-diastolic interactions of mimesis, which lead us, both consciously and unconsciously, to both assimilate to and differentiate ourselves from our fellows. Its consequences are therefore necessarily in tension with the originary moral reciprocity the use of language created among its users.


    No anthropology can have the presumption to derive from an originary event a history of political forms, let alone to define that history’s “end.” But one principle can be so derived, of an importance such that we might well call it the foundation of religion as a source of social coherence: that all human interactions, whatever their degree of symmetry or asymmetry, are mediated through the scenic center. This applies whether we give this center a divine name or treat it, as did Durkheim, as an abstraction (“the human community,” “the social order,” “the polis”…). That kings have been considered sacred cannot be explained as a deception. Which is not to say that the mere affirmation of the king’s sacrality is a sufficient response to the Enlightenment-Revolutionary critique that makes such a claim.

    As the originary hypothesis suggests, there is no sharp demarcation between innovation and leadership, between supplying a model of behavior and acquiring the authority to give and enforce orders. The possibility of a hierarchy in which orders are given and taken is implicit in the asymmetry of the typical non-ritual speech situation, in particular of the dialogue initiated by the imperative. Whether or not what Wittgenstein called the “language game” of responding to imperatives makes hierarchy a permanent feature of the social order, its very possibility suggests that it cannot be avoided in the long term if a society is to function efficiently.

    But this makes it all the more important to maintain what could be called the implicit ethical principle of firstness as the ultimate source of our judgment concerning the morality of asymmetrical relations: firstness must contribute to the community’s transcendental unity. This is the basis of all systems of public morality, including John Rawls’ calculus of “justice as fairness.” That it cannot justify the straightforwardly quantitative calculations of the utilitarians, which substitute “satisfaction” for justice, is clear from the more fundamental principle of moral equality, however often this principle has been disregarded in practice when one group disposes of an overwhelming advantage over another.


    As I tried to show in The Scenic Imagination (Stanford, 2007), one of the consequences of the new epistemology begun with Descartes was the construction of scenic models of originary society to explain, on purportedly immanent terms, the origins of political power-relations. Hobbes’ Leviathan, the classic point of departure, justifies the contractors’ alienation of authority to absolute monarchy, whereas Rousseau’s pre-revolutionary Du contrat social illustrates on the contrary the collective’s maintenance of this power as a “committee of the whole.” In this dichotomy the reader will recognize the choice of emphasis of either of the two poles of the originary scene: the sacred center or the exchangers of signs at the periphery. Save that these models, which at the outset had only to permit the peaceful division of an item of nourishment, are now entrusted with establishing and operating a complex social order.

    What we are currently discovering from the growing disarray of many of the West’s liberal democracies, including our own, is that the erosion of a broadly respected civil moral code, whether religious or secular, makes it increasingly difficult to maintain order. And thus we are forced to revert, as our more thoughtful pundits have done, to our Judeo-Christian tradition, and more particularly, to its roots in Jewish firstness that must be affirmed before they can be leavened by the Christian identification with the victim.

    A recent review by Richard Reinisch of R. R. Reno’s Return of The Strong Gods (Gateway, 2019) (https://www.commentarymagazine.com/articles/godsforsaken/) helps make this point more sharply. Reno, well known as the editor of First Things, calls for the “return of the strong gods,” which stand outside the Christian sphere in the narrow sense, but within the overall Judeo-Christian tradition of the West: “love of the divine, love of truth, love of country, love of family.”

    Reinisch, I think correctly, while agreeing with Reno’s distaste for the victimary world that religious conservatives tend to assimilate too easily to “liberalism” (see Chronicle 582), asks why Reno isn’t satisfied to call us back to the worship of the God of the Bible, and with this it is hard to disagree. The dangers of worshiping “strong gods,” especially given the recent multiplication of what the French nicely call démocratures, are no small matter, even if we are not ready to compare Trump, or even Victor Orban, with Hitler. But clearly, leaving aside for the moment our critique of the simple identification of liberalism with globalism, Reno’s intuition that we need something stronger to counteract what he calls the “weak gods” of globalism, “human rights,” etc., is not itself without foundation, and in this context, merely reminding us of the values of Christianity is not quite enough.

    What is missing here, it seems to me, is the recognition that one does not need “strong gods” but merely a strong god: the God of the Jews, who was that of Jesus as well. This is by no means to recommend the repudiation of Christianity for Judaism, but rather a return to what Girard always called the Judeo-Christian, and in particular, to the Old Testament inspiration of the nation-state that, beginning in the Reformation, became the basis for the post-Westphalian Western social order roughly called liberal democracy. What history has taught us since 1989 is that Fukuyama was unwise to declare this system “ultimate,” not because some form of “socialism” is likely to prove more resilient, but because this declaration naively conveys the illusion that the future evolution of the system will be a mere matter of detail. Whereas declaring that this general system has proved itself “the best” is in effect tantamount to admitting that its present state provides no obvious hints as to which of its parameters will prove crucial to its future evolution.

    For example, China today is far indeed from what we would call a “liberal democracy,” yet it does have versions of this system’s two fundamental components: separate political and economic markets. No doubt, in comparison with the democracies, the political market is much more strongly hierarchical and the economic market much more under government control; we need not even speak of the lack of respect for “human rights.” But it is perfectly possible that this arrangement will prove in the long run, even without its long-awaited “liberalization,” a viable modification of the double-market system. It has certainly worked better than the Russian model, including in its present authoritarian form. At the very least, the jury is still out—as it never was for the USSR, despite its military strength. How many of us have ever purchased a product of Russia other than a bottle of vodka? How many can say this about China?


    That I insist on the Judeo-Christian heritage of the West is not a matter of conservative or Jewish piety. It reflects the fact that although religion is not something that we can wish into, or back into, being, the originary hypothesis suggests that the phenomenon of revelation has a permanent social-psychological reality. That is to say, that although theoretical essays calling for the “revival” of Christianity can have little effect on reality, what we can do as theoreticians is assess to what extent the components of the Judeo-Christian revelation remain in balance in the inspiration that they bring to our worldly existence. If this is done, I think it becomes clear that what is out of balance is precisely what I have been designating as victimary thinking.

    To the extent that history offers exemplary situations in which global problems are so to speak concentrated and the progress toward—or away from—their solution observable, I would insist on that of Israel in the current world situation. We can observe in the changing international status of Israel the conflict between firstness and victimary egalitarianism in its rawest form. The extraordinary favor shown the Palestinians by the EU, for example, demonstrates the incapacity of today’s post-Christians to accord any weight to firstness once it is challenged by claimants of victimhood. Israel is the world’s only nation whose very existence as the state of its “national” group, the Jewish people, is simply rejected, with considerable diplomatic support, by the residents of part of its territory, along with the descendants of former residents, although the “Palestine” they claim as their home in exile never previously constituted a nation in any sense, but was a division of the Turkish empire passed down to its British successor. The idea that victimary status trumps all other considerations is paid lip-service and receives virtue-signaling recognition elsewhere, but here it is given real financial and moral support, through the UNRWA, for example, that pays benefits to “refugees” whose connections with their “homeland” are two or three generations old. The unique application of such thinking to Israel is certainly an example of the exceptional hostility to Jews that we call antisemitism, but that is a label, not an explanation.

    I submit that hostility to the firstness of the Jews-Hebrews is a revelatory symptom of the tension within the Judeo-Christian West between moral equality and firstness, human sameness and difference, and that its intensity, which has varied over time, reflects the intensity of this tension. It reached a catastrophic level under the Third Reich, which embodied the paradox of the victimary rival claiming that the “final” solution to the firstness unjustly usurped by the Jews was simply to exterminate them, their undoubted ability to achieve worldly success paradoxically constituting proof of their sub-human status. The reestablished nation of Israel was the result of the defeat of this pathological conception, and Israel’s survival and progress to greater acceptance even in its own “neighborhood,” where the Judeo-Christian nation-concept has had much difficulty in dominating Islamic tribalism-universalism, at least give hope that the Western national system as a whole can survive. One may even hope that this will one day be demonstrated by the full acceptance of Israel’s nationhood by the EU, as it is in the process of being accepted for the first time by the US under Trump’s presidency.

    The return of antisemitism in the post-Cold-War era should not lead us to think that nothing has changed in “the oldest hatred.” The current battles in the US and Europe over the very principles of liberal democracy must be fought with the confidence that participating in the symbolic denial of firstness that expresses itself as hostility to Jews and/or Israel can lead only to catastrophe, and in a nuclear world, to possible annihilation.

    It would be helpful in this regard if American Jews, whose representatives in the Jewish Democratic Council of America recently declared that Trump was “[t]he biggest threat to the security of American Jews today” (see https://www.newsweek.com/donald-trump-biggest-threat-american-jews-today-jewish-democrats-say-new-ad-1472953), would begin to recognize, in solidarity with Israel, who their best friends are.

  • GA, heir to French Theory

    In contemplating today’s de-humanized humanities we can only lament the era of French Theory, whose leftism was intellectual rather than thuggish, and which despite its preciosity produced works of real insight. We should not hesitate to consider Derrida a major thinker, as well as, on a slightly lower plane, Foucault, Deleuze, Lyotard, and of course, Roland Barthes, who started it all. And it would be a mistake to exclude from this group the revolutionary anthropology of René Girard, the least “Parisian” and most down-to-earth of these thinkers—whom he and Richard Macksey played a crucial historical role in bringing together at Johns Hopkins in 1966.

    Judith Butler is far from their level. But she can at least claim to be a genuine cultural theorizer. How many such can one name in the academy today? People are surely no less intelligent today than thirty years ago, but the academic culture is far stupider. Is it the Twitterati who have brought the conversation down to the level of debating the excrescences of what my readers are surely tired of hearing me label victimary thinking?


    Ancient philosophy began as a series of thought-experiments seeking parallels between human experience as recorded in language and “the nature of things.” Its formalization as metaphysics was given its fundamental criterion by Parmenides’ “Way of truth,” and its method by Plato’s doctrine of the Ideas, with the Socratic elenchus as its discovery principle, focused not on external nature but on the human community and its quest for the ideal Republic. As I pointed out in “Plato and the Birth of Conceptual Thought” (Anthropoetics  2, 2; January 1997; https://anthropoetics.org/journal/ap-vol-2/ap0202/plato/ ), this purpose is guaranteed by the conviction that our sharing of such concepts as the Good demonstrates the possibility of harmony within this community, as organized by the polis—the possibility of a society untroubled by resentment, guaranteed by the transcendentality of the language that binds the community.

    Where ancient philosophy expresses confidence in the ultimate unity of the human community as demonstrated by its sharing of language, modern philosophy, inaugurated by Descartes’ cogito, begins from the individual’s suspicion of this unity. Which is to say that if ancient metaphysics is fundamentally conservative, modern metaphysics is by nature radical, that is, resentful. Descartes’ resentment is tentative and not directed at the political order. He seeks to guarantee his thinking against any possible “demonic” manipulation, and finds the solution in the Cogito, that is, in the self-confirmation of the individual’s language in isolation from the community. For Descartes, this cures his resentment. But modern metaphysics has nonetheless been founded on an epistemology of resentment, whose critical application to the social order will remain a permanent feature of modernity. Language is, after all, even for the thinker isolated in his poêle, a communal phenomenon.

    To put it simply, the idea of a conservative modern metaphysics is something of an oxymoron. Burke’s anti-revolutionary thought is incisive, but not as philosophy. In contrast, Kant, with his perpetual peace and categorical imperative, founded a “critical” metaphysics that sought to include in metaphysical consciousness itself, despite its exclusion of language from its purview, an understanding of its own limitations—and in that sense, anticipated this consciousness’s forthcoming deconstruction.

    This suggests that the political radicalism of the “French Theory” group was not a mere fashionable gesture. It was all the more significant because the postwar nouvelle critique, exactly like its cinematic counterpart la nouvelle vague, began as a rebellion against the clichés of left-wing dogma. Like Truffaut’s famous 1954 “Une certaine tendance du cinéma français” mocking the knee-jerk leftism of the post-war cinéma de qualité, Roland Barthes’ 1953 Le degré zero de l’écriture defined the écriture he sought to reduce to zero as that of revolutionary propaganda, from the French Revolution’s Père Duchesne to the Stalinist langue de bois. Yet both the post-Breathless New Wave and the later adventures of the nouvelle critique were clearly on the left, if mostly not crudely Stalinist. Burkean common sense (say, in Raymond Aron) was an antidote to its excesses, but not a source of fundamental new insights. Only by turning away from metaphysics to the extra-human guarantee of religion was Girard able to elaborate the new anthropology that would lead to GA.

    The reader may object that Heidegger, who never denounced his Nazi sympathies, was far from a “man of the left,” yet deeply influenced Derrida and French Theory in general. But as I have frequently pointed out, the Nazis were “on the right” only in the sense that they were what Girard might have called the Communists’ frères ennemis. Why do we so easily forget that Nazi includes the word socialist sacred to Bernie Sanders and his friends? Heidegger, like Sartre, and like his predecessor Nietzsche, was a radical thinker, the simplest definition of which is that he accepted the epistemology of resentment inaugurated by the French Revolution, with its roots in Descartes’ systematic doubt. This is quite clear from Heidegger’s description of the bourgeois das Man‘s “inauthenticity,” or of his ideas as Geplapper (babbling). As for Nietzsche, his relationship with le ressentiment—a word that he in effect reinvented—is at the very center of his philosophy.

    The point of Platonic metaphysics was to bracket the question of the emergence of language within the human world so that it could unproblematically maintain its transcendental status. Once this breaks down, the paradoxes come out of the woodwork, and one either takes them on by situating them in the world inhabited by human language-users, or one keeps rubbing them together in hopes of striking new sparks. By the last decades of French Theory the flint and steel had been exhausted. Meanwhile, Girard, the one major theoretician who resisted this tendency, had acquired in COV&R a religion- and personality-centered organization that, despite Andrew McKenna’s noble effort in Violence and Difference: Girard, Derrida and Deconstruction (Illinois, 1992), has not significantly interacted with the Theory world, and even today all but ignores GA.

    Today, as the radical politics of French Theory is prolonged on a less exalted plane in the current generation’s predictably victimary analyses, the few remaining conservative humanists, mostly near or past retirement, resist radicalism by rejecting Theory in general. Already in the distant 20th century, I recounted in Chronicle 188 my ludicrous experience in “theorizing” at a meeting of what was then called the ALSC—in a building subsequently destroyed on 9/11.


    Today the serious brainpower of the academic world has abandoned humanistic thinking for either the strictly empirical or the strictly formal. Pascal had situated what I call the anthropological world between the infinities of great and small, but his intuition of “middleness” applies to the human, not because we are half way along some objective scale or other, but because we know we are in the world, and this awareness obliges us to contrive scales with ourselves “in the middle,” whether between the cosmos and the quark, or between God and Satan.

    Once we bracket the human, we can accomplish much by observing the natural world on the one hand, or by inventing formal structures on the other—either physics and biology, or math and computer science. And what remains of the humanities can no doubt benefit from either form of research. But as I think is amply demonstrated by contrasting our application of a humanist’s intuition to the problem of the origin of language with the scientific community’s numberless volumes on the subject, the result has been to accumulate much micro-observation while obscuring the very meaning of what one is seeking.

    Why do humans have language? Once you enter the human sphere, you cannot avoid the question of intentionality, of purpose. And whether this purpose be that of man or of God, the difference is really one of nomenclature. If science would avoid speaking of God, then it must speak of man, or “humankind,” as the source of its own transcendence. Likewise, if we would sharpen Heidegger’s misty description of man as the “shepherd of Being,” we need a more concrete notion of this originary purposiveness, which comes down to proposing a hypothetical scene of its first appearance.

    As soon as one rejects this observation as naïve and prescientific, one has in effect denied the validity of humanistic thinking, after which one might as well forget about studying human activities in a different manner from those of other creatures, or for that matter, of particles.

    Is there some reason why this set of ideas should appear clear to me and to at least some of the readers of these Chronicles, but absurd to everyone else? Scandal to the Jews, folly to the pagans? Perhaps the simplest explanation is that, somewhat like those surrealist silent films which, despite their curiosity value, finally made the point that abstract estheticism had no real future in the cinema, the final phase of French Theory was the end of an era, a reductio ad absurdum of the century-long post-Cartesian project of “overcoming metaphysics” through the epistemology of resentment. This ultimate failure cast discredit on the whole domain of humanistic reflection as a source of anthropological insight. De la grammatologie is précieux and self-indulgent, but it was a serious work of thought; by the time of Glas and La carte postale, Derrida and deconstruction had degenerated into an academic cult.

    GA need neither ignore the epistemology of resentment nor naively accept it, because its originary hypothesis provides an anthropological model for it: our reaction to exclusion from the sacred center, which makes it a discovery procedure for maintaining reciprocity with our fellows. But only with the French Revolution does the idea emerge that le ressentiment is the fundamental guarantee of our moral intuition, that the previously respected religious curbs on resentment are not merely onerous, but delusive means of enslaving us, the powerless, to the powerful.

    In this context, GA has chosen in its anthropological conservatism the only possible path toward French Theory’s fruitful prolongation. Instead of following the Theorists down the rabbit hole of il n’y a pas de hors-texte, weaving paradoxical textiles from the metaphysical critique of metaphysics, we have constructed a hypothesis that anchors the sign, with its attendant paradoxes, in the real world whence it emerged. Il n’y a pas de hors-texte can be true only in a universe that has not simply been (phenomenologically) reduced to that of metaphysics, but one that is wholly metaphysical, which is to say that the real world of experience, which no one really wants to deny, can be connected with it only by the fiat of some cosmic power. Chassez le surnaturel, il revient au galop.


    GA’s originary scene is offensive to the victimary mind as a consequence of its necessary component of firstness—including the scandalous importance it accords to male violence. It is this that corresponds to the “Jewish” element of Western history, in both its glory and the punishment suffered for it. In Christianity, this element has been preempted by Jesus, so that when communal religiosity declines, as it did after the Revolution and has done more precipitously in recent years, what remains of confession and repentance in the Church is virtue-signaling to the crowd. Even a thinker as subtle as Derrida was not deterred by the anthropological illiteracy of presenting language as from the first an instrument of manipulation, not to say oppression, in parallel with Michael Tomasello’s embarrassingly naïve conception of originary religion (see Chronicle 519). The speaker’s intentional “presence” that we are supposed to take for granted in speech as opposed to writing is that of political speech, that is, the speech of the powerful to the powerless, as though egalitarian hunter-gatherer societies had been kingships from the first.

    GA cannot be accused of a similar blindness toward its fundamental intuitive source. My critique of the victimary no doubt gets its emotional fuel from resentment, but the resultant analysis of it is not a contemptuous dismissal of the “inauthentic.” GA traces victimary thinking to its source in the Christian assertion of the victim’s intrinsic innocence, even if to do so it must postulate the existence of a human being who has been supernaturally freed from “original sin.” Which for the revolutionaries at the guillotine—and Stalin’s and Hitler’s executioners—meant that their actual and surrogate victimary status cleansed them in advance of the sin of mass murder.

    The “moral model” of the originary event puts the Left’s value of equality at the center of our moral consciousness. It is much more difficult to deal with the necessarily associated element of firstness, which acquires a recognized status only when what the Marxists call the accumulation of a “surplus” permits the emergence of a “big-man” within the previously egalitarian community, to be succeeded by chieftains, kings, emperors, dictators, and presidents. But it is an inevitable and not unhappy consequence of our moral equality that the deferral discovered at the origin would become the fount of individual initiative and in consequence, allow humans to differentiate themselves according to their abilities. Victimary thinking is above all a mode of denial, if not of this differentiation itself, then of any attempt to apply it in the real world. Objective criteria are denounced as “racist” if they have a “disparate impact” on a given victimary group, as though ranking were in itself a form of ascriptive discrimination.

    Firstness no doubt requires inequalities, and no a priori formula determines how they are to be reconciled with our sense of moral equality. But as “The Emperor’s New Clothes” suggests, one rule of thumb is that it is increasingly difficult to continue past the point at which the denial of reality becomes egregious. I won’t hold my breath, but I sense that our victimary delusions are approaching the level of mindlessness at which their burden will be felt as more than “symbolic.” This gives me hope that they will ultimately be rejected, not just by us benighted “deplorables” who have retained our common sense, but by the very elites currently falling all over themselves in their zeal to “signal” their “virtue.” The day of reckoning cannot come too soon.


    En attendant, the phenomenon of firstness deserves more concentrated attention than I have heretofore given it. I hope to remedy this shortly.

  • The West’s Judeo-Christian Crisis

    The West’s current cultural-political crisis, as is typical of critical situations, has no clear precedents and must be continually rethought in the light of large and small revelations. A recent revelatory moment is the following sub-head in the Nov. 2 Figaro:

    Le Comité central du PCC s’engage dans un combat idéologique pour supplanter les valeurs démocratiques. (The Central Committee of the Chinese Communist Party is engaging in an ideological combat to supplant democratic values).

    According to this article, Xi Jinping has set as a goal for China to demonstrate the superiority of its system of governance over Western “liberal democracy” by 2049. One smiles to remember Khrushchev’s “we will bury you,” but this is a far more serious challenge, one that involves not merely economic dominance but a whole way of life. I won’t likely be around in 2049, but it will be upon us soon enough.

    Let me recall one other revelatory moment: Robert De Niro’s cry of “F… Trump!” at the 2018 Tony award ceremony, which was greeted by a standing ovation (see Chronicle 612). I was reminded of it the other day at the Motion Picture Academy when a panelist spoke ominously, albeit much more politely, of “the current political situation” with a clearly negative reference to the current administration. Particularly in this latter form, we should be glad that we have the freedom to criticize the government, as would certainly not be possible in China, even in private conversations.

    But a political ambience where “criticism” of the President goes to the point of the enthusiastic reception of an obscenity, or where Rashida Tlaib’s campaign can sell “Impeach the MF” T-shirts, cannot be called healthy. When the elected leader of a democracy can be disrespected to this point by a whole fraction of the population, including many in his own party, who although not using foul language speak of him with contempt, it becomes difficult to appreciate the value of freedom of speech not supplemented by self-control and decency—in contrast to the increasingly draconian restrictions on anything construable in any way as “hate speech.” Can a democracy that has degenerated to this point—including an “impeachment process” that, like Tlaib’s T-shirt slogan, has been with us non-stop since the 2016 election—hold out until 2049 against a reasonably well-run dictatorship? A republic, if you can keep it?

    All this makes me sympathetic to Adam Katz’s young disciples, who have good reason to be skeptical of liberal democracy as currently practiced in the West. That the American economy has been healthy, that minority salaries have improved, etc., such facts are powerless to affect the mood created by the culture and those who profit economically from it. This is the Brave New World structured by the coalition that Dinesh D’Souza described not inaccurately in Death of a Nation (All Points Books, 2018) as the Democratic Party’s “plantation politics”: the rich and poor against the middle class, or more precisely, the wealthy Alphas, their professional cadre of Betas, the unskilled-worker Deltas, and the welfare-receiving Epsilons against the middle-class Gammas, whose traditional American loyalties are constantly denigrated throughout the entire gamut of public institutions, from the public schools to the universities to the corporate world.

    It does no good to explain to those hostile to Trump that, paradoxically, at the time of his election, traditional respectability could be salvaged only by someone himself slightly disreputable, just as, in the entertainment world, Reality TV has served as the stigmatized and buffoonish repository of traditional values, those for example of Duck Dynasty (see Chronicle 512). These are the values of the population that the newly “progressive” Hillary Clinton denounced as deplorables—those of us who celebrate Columbus Day and put American flags on our cars (or pickup trucks). How much longer can our culture turn its back on its national traditions in the name of victimary virtue-signaling and expect to remain the developed world’s favored model of governance? I can well understand the disgust of those who did not, like those of my generation, have a chance at university careers at a time when “white male” was not yet a badge of iniquity and Western culture and his-tory were not held up to victimary shaming.

    We should be thankful to Xi and the CCPCC for reminding us that neither our economic hegemony nor our exemplarity as a socio-political system is guaranteed to endure, nor even that it will remain malgré tout more agreeable to live under. The first duty of a government is to keep order. Hitler kept order better than Weimar, and we know what that led to. “F… Trump!” is surely preferable to “Heil Hitler!” but we are foolish to ignore how one may lead to the other—and not because Trump is himself a Nazi.

    Hollywood

    In my fifty years in LA, my moments of contact with Hollywood have taught me that, yes, these are the people who cheered De Niro, but they cannot simply be dismissed. Unlike most academics, they operate in a true marketplace, of the kind whose discipline is indispensable in any viable economic system. It follows from this that in order to produce even the schlockiest film, they must deploy, at every level, skills tested by reality. My limited acquaintance with the film industry has instilled in me a deep respect for the many crafts it involves. (My first wife’s father, for example, made his living designing movie posters.)

    What is more, market considerations aside, I cannot deny my own susceptibility to the sheer esthetic power of a good movie, of which, among the plethora of comic-book narratives and occasional propaganda pieces, there are surprisingly many—often based on true and touching stories, such as, for example 2016’s Chuck, with Naomi Watts and Liev Schreiber, and A United Kingdom, with David Oyelowo and Rosamund Pike.

    One would think that there must be hope for a world that can share such stories, investing millions of dollars and thousands of man-hours in successfully bringing esthetic satisfaction to a varied audience. I find it hard to grasp what there is to like in popular music today—a problem I never had with any of its previous incarnations—but I do not tire of cinema, and the production of films truly worth watching remains high enough so that I can view one nearly every day without too many disappointments, and with many pleasant surprises.

    Watching movies gives me the idea that, despite De Niro’s standing ovation, we share a lot more values than we give ourselves credit for. Even most films I consider meretricious and false err more through slipshod plotting and indulgence in violence and vulgarity than in the service of a political agenda.

    A similar hopefulness is inspired by the everyday peacefulness and cordiality of civil society. To listen to “activists” on campus and elsewhere, the whole society is at war, yet whites and blacks, men and women, even those of “trans” gender, maintain cordial relations almost all the time, and in most neighborhoods, suffer relatively little from criminality.

    So why then, to quote the immortal Rodney King, can’t we all just get along? If we don’t need Hitler or Xi Jinping to tell us what movies to watch (Hollywood’s pandering to China, like that of the NBA, belongs to a different register), why do we increasingly seem to need one of them to induce in our cultural-political system a mature spirit of compromise and cooperation?

    Victimary Thinking

    One point I have made repeatedly, but that is rarely articulated by critics of current “progressive” or “woke” politics—although Trump’s condemnation of PC was a key element in his victory—is that it is 100% victimary. The term itself, I admit, is a somewhat awkward Gallicism, but the French should be complimented simply for having a term for this tendency’s most significant element.

    René Girard was very much aware of this. I quoted in Chronicle 427 the following passage about the postwar era from his 1999 Je vois Satan tomber comme un éclair:

    Far from snuffing out concern for victims, [the Hitlerian enterprise] only accelerated its progress, but has left it completely demoralized. Hitlerism has avenged its failure by making the concern for victims despairing and caricatural. (p. 271, my translation)

    One can only imagine what he would say today.

    But I think that the deeper point of Girard’s remark, which explains its pessimistic tone, is rather that, as he always recognized, Western society is Judeo-Christian, that is, it operates through the balance, in rough terms, between a Jewish “right” and a Christian “left,” Christian transcendentalism and Jewish this-worldliness, New-Testament identification with victims and Old-Testament protection of victims. It would seem that the time has come to put the reestablishment of this equilibrium at the heart of our cultural-political efforts.

    For if we cannot prevent viewing the contemporary Left’s victimary practices as “virtuous”—as, despite its irony, the term virtue-signaling admits—then, to put it bluntly, our civilization is doomed. If we cannot recognize the immorality of victimary thinking and the resentment it claims to justify, to the point where today in the US, for the first time, the label socialism, although shared by both Hitler and Stalin, has become a term of left-wing “virtue”—then we must admit that our Judeo-Christian system has failed, and let the remaining systems, “Oriental Despotism” on the one hand and Islamism on the other, fight it out, perhaps to merge one day in a future dystopia.

    A November 4 op-ed in Le Figaro by Jacques Julliard, entitled “La gauche et la honte d’être soi” (“The Left and the Shame of Being Oneself” [i.e., White Guilt]), expresses, without apparent irony, the author’s perplexity that today’s French Left appears to take the inverse of traditional left-wing positions. If we examine the details of this critique, we not only arrive at the conclusion that the new Left’s victimary posture explains the totality of the mystery, but that this transition can only be responded to by reactivating the Jewish element of Western ethics. In a word, what is needed is a new kind of “Reformation,” directed no longer at the Catholic Church or at institutional Christianity in general, but at the caricaturally Christian cult of the victim.

    Julliard focuses on three areas: la laïcité, the French secularism that expels religion, much more strictly than in the US, from the public square; the educational system, the traditional seat of anti-clericalism and of France’s strictly enforced meritocracy; and national pride, which the Revolution had split into Left and Right varieties, but in which the Left, even in the era of the Comintern, had remained generally steadfast, an identification reinforced by the Communists’ dominant role in the anti-Nazi résistance.

    As Julliard points out, the French Left has no trouble retaining its anticlericalism toward France’s traditional Christianity. Where it lapses from laïcité is in its fear of “Islamophobia,” a term less potent here than in France, where Muslims make up some 9% of the population, including a good number of zones sensibles where police and fire fighters are commonly attacked. As for the decline of the education system, Julliard explicitly mentions the recent infection of France by American affirmative action or discrimination positive, giving extra points to test takers on the basis of what can only be described as their victimary status, although the French have so far limited this status to economic hardship and have not established racial quotas. As for national pride, “Europe” in the form of the EU has served not merely to amalgamate its varied nationalities but to diffuse and discredit the very sense of national identity, as embodied in Merkel’s 2015 admission of a million immigrants (“Wir schaffen das”), or Macron’s 2017 quip: Il n’y a pas de culture française. Il y a une culture en France. Elle est diverse (There is no French culture. There is a culture in France. It is diverse.)

    The old Left was motivated by the same faith in resentment as the new, but the focus of this resentment has changed; it is no longer directed against a stigmatized privileged group (capitalists, colonials…), but against the very Western self. French self-hatred is analogous to American “White Guilt,” albeit more ethnic and “post-colonial” than strictly racial. Whereas the bourgeois-intellectual leaders of the old Left provided a world-historical rationale for identifying with the “proletariat” as the universal class to which we would all eventually belong, the ascriptivist victimism of today’s Left allows “identification with the Other” only in the case of transsexuals, who identify not with but as members of the opposite sex—a gesture that above all identifies them as members of the victimary class of transsexuals.

    The point of White Guilt in its various guises is that there is no classless society to look forward to, but an endless future of repentance for those of European descent who must forever atone for their indelible whiteness and/or maleness—the marks of the firstness they share with the Jews.

    The permanence of self-shame corresponds to the transfinite nature of the New Left utopia. However mythical may have been the “withering away of the state under communism,” it provided a stable blueprint for a utopian ideal. Whereas the victimary ideal, the abolition of all “inequality,” could be fulfilled only by establishing the “equality” of all ascriptive groups as defined by any criteria, including those we have not yet thought of. As opinion columnist Michael Kinsley wrote in the Los Angeles Times back on December 12, 2004 (see Chronicle 310):

    . . . all of us who consider ourselves good-hearted, well-meaning, empathetic Americans—but don’t claim to be great visionaries—are probably staring right now at an injustice that will soon seem obvious, and we just don’t see it. Somewhere in this country a gay black woman, grateful beneficiary of past and present perceptual transformations, has said something today in all innocence that will strike her just a few years from now as unbelievably callous, cruel and wrong.

    To conclude…

    If the first user of the sign, at a moment when the very category of “sign” had not yet been invented/discovered, was the ur-example of firstness in the human sense, and his innovation became the origin of human language and of the human itself by drowning its user’s individual status in the mimetic reaction it engendered, White Guilt is panic at the deferral of this reaction, the time-lag between a given individual or collective innovation and its adoption by the totality of the human population, as well as at the related fact, discovered by the first “big-man” at a more advanced stage of social development, that moral equality does not imply equal competence at the tasks that benefit the community.

    The idea that, as opposed to noblesse oblige—which has by no means been limited to the nobility—a sense of shame is the appropriate response to ascriptive inequality of any kind reflects a post-Revolutionary “Christian” transcendentalism run rampant, to the point of denying all validity to the worldly, “Jewish” element of Western Civilization. It is surely one of the most pernicious notions that humanity has contrived. But its very abstraction is a gift to those of us who seek the roots of its pathology.

    This is why I think we should consider the never fully assured survival of the State of Israel to be exemplary of the parlous condition of Western Civilization, as it struggles to find an effective means of preserving its legacy in the digital age. The unexpectedly renewed vigor of antisemitism, which explains rather than being explained by the Left’s sympathy for the Palestinian population, is a direct consequence of Israel’s struggle for legitimacy.

    How pleasant it would be to imagine that a less egocentric Eastern vision of humanity, as exemplified by Nagarjuna’s Mahayana Buddhism (see Chronicles 515516), might offer Westerners a basis on which to understand their “privileges,” not as occasions for guilt but rather, on analogy with the Bodhisattva who puts off Nirvana in order to enlighten his fellow humans, as opportunities for contribution to their society, and to humanity in general.