Author: staceymeeker

  • The Oliphant and Roland’s Sacrificial Death

    To wage war does not necessarily include the willingness to be martyred. Yet strong devotion to a cause may result in resigned submission to death. Desire for victory may incline warriors in the first Crusades toward sacrifice. The chansons de geste explore such feelings. The poems are set in the early IXth century, but they were written in their present form in the XIIth century. Between these centuries the transition from the Carolingian to the Capetian kings marks a historical shift in France from monarchy to vassalage. The king retained the throne, but lost control of the land.(1) Perhaps for this reason the epics show a longing for a bygone era.

    At times heroes encounter deceit and pursue a course of action in a role marginal to the acceptable cultural setting, such as William’s betrayal by monks in the Moniage Guillaume.(2) A missed reward in the Charroi de Nîmes leads the hero to accept disguise as a battle tactic; and he even accepts the geographic move to another area of the kingdom in La Prise d’Orange.(3) In the Guillaume cycle William repeatedly experiences a measure of dishonor and misery. But the sacrifice of William in the Couronnement de Louis, serving a backward king, son of Charlemagne, seems slight compared to the sacrifice of Roland in the Song that bears his name.(4)

    The Song of Roland has a greater tone of seriousness in contrast to other chansons de geste. The Chanson shares the rather naïve view of the struggle between Christians and pagans common to the genre. Saracens are portrayed as morally deficient. To battle Charlemagne, the emir relies on treachery; and the pagans’ chief counsel, Blancandrin, even advises sending their sons as guarantors of a false oath to Charles, knowing full well that they may lose their lives.(5) The Christian life is generally confined to belief in angels, use of relics, and spirited fulfillment of vows that often culminate in boastful oaths. However, there are long prayers before military encounters in Aliscans and the Couronnement which are not present in the Roland epic.(6) William flees when odds are stacked against him in battle and lives to fight another day.(7) Such behavior would be unheard of in our Roland. The ambush at Roncevaux makes The Song of Roland more tragic than any of the other chansons.

    The higher level of suspense and intrigue is seen most notably in the rapport between characters. There is charm in the fantastic Rainoart’s relation to William as comrade.(8) We experience sorrow in Aliscans, and in the Chanson de Guillaume, when we grieve over William’s encounter with his dying nephew, Vivien;(9) but the melodrama of the hero who pulls through every tight spot throughout the remaining of the plot, together with the feasting ludicrously integrated into battle scenes, lacks the tragic intensity we witness in Oliver and Roland’s remarkable personality conflict.(10) The characters’ goal in the epic genre remains to defeat the enemy. But we sense that the jongleur of The Song of Roland has a more complex agenda than the oral poets in other chansons de geste. Roland’s sacrifice becomes more important than the attainment of victory as the crucial factor in setting a primordial example for the best military leader. The uniqueness of The Song of Roland accounts for its endurance as the most popular chanson de geste of the Middle Ages.

    In his Originary Thinking: Elements of Generative Anthropology (1993), Eric Gans develops the concept of a “neo-classical esthetic,” where the protagonist is aware of his separation from the scene of representation on which he must find significance.(11) Roland’s basic instinct is to pursue glory; this desire drives him irremissibly toward Roncevaux, a scene of ostensive, self-confirming sacrifice. In contrast, Oliver grasps only the worldly imperative need to kill the enemy and win the war. Hence as one character’s behavior points out the central significance of Roncevaux, the other wishes to disengage himself from absorbed entanglement in a hopeless predicament. The measure of Roland’s valor is his pursuit of glory; and essential to this quest is his delay in sounding the Oliphant. The hero’s sacrifice in turn imparts courage to others.

    This deferral of action delays resolution and increases violence in The Song of Roland. The battle at Roncevaux delays the eventual downfall of the Saracen army. Ambush through Ganelon’s treason provides the necessary motivation for plot development. But it is within the battle itself that we witness the key source for the final tragedy of the French rearguard: Roland’s refusal to sound the Oliphant in time. Roland’s delay provides the necessary deferral, after the rearguard’s separation from the Frankish host, to turn the Oliphant’s sound into an ostensive call that broadcasts awareness of events without requesting action, so that only later will Charlemagne and his army avenge the hero’s sacrificial death. Since Roland’s heroism subsequently inspires warriors in Charlemagne’s army, the hero’s sacrifice provides a crucial role model for future warfare. By losing a battle, the claim to glory becomes mounted on sacrifice. In The Song of Roland the main character’s martyrdom provides dramatic content and significant justification for prolonging the war. Deferral of victory is vital for development of the epic narrative.

    In terms of military strategy, Oliver’s plea to sound the Oliphant is based on the obvious superiority in numbers of the Saracen host. By contrast, the French are few: “It seems to me, our Franks are very few!” [1050](12) Roland transposes the issue to an idealistic plane; the reason the hero gives for not sounding the Oliphant, when Oliver first asks, is fear of suffering from lack of glory, Medieval French los, in the future:

    “Roland, my friend, it’s time to sound your horn,
    King Charles will hear, and bring his army back.”
    Roland replies, “You must think I’ve gone mad!
    In all sweet France I’d forfeit my good name.”
    ……………………………………………….
    “Cumpaign Rollant, kar sunez vostre corn,

    Si l’orrat Carles, si returnerat l’ost.”
    Respunt Rollant: “Jo fereie que fols!
    En dulce France en perdreie mun los
    .[1051-1054]

    “Good name” is here the equivalent of los. As we shall see, the glorious name, or los, Roland is keen to protect will depend on his readiness to make the ultimate sacrifice, and on the delayed ostensive use of the horn in order to call attention to his stance in the sacrificial scene. This absolute need requires that he not use the Oliphant primarily as an imperative signal first; such obstinacy makes it impossible for other agents, Charles and his army, to prevent him from assuming his heroic role. No one can devalue the sacrificial scene of Roncevaux. The decision not to sound the horn at the instant in the plot when timely arrival of reinforcements seems possible distinguishes the two heroes.

    A second time, Oliver reiterates his plea [1059-1060], only to get another justification for delay from the valiant chevalier:

    Roland replies, “Almighty God forbid
    That I bring shame upon my family,
    And cause sweet France to fall into disgrace!
    I’ll strike that horde with my good Durendal.”
    ………………………………………………
    Respont Rollant: “Ne placet Damnedeu
    Que mi parent pur mei seient blasmet
    Ne France dulce ja cheet en viltet!
    Einz i ferrai de Durendal asez.”
    [1062-1065]

    Roland abhors the thought that his lineage be tarnished by lack of courage. The hero intends to use his sword, Durendal, not the Oliphant.(13) Brandishing his sword is preferable to blowing the horn. Roland is not one to let a call for help take precedence over the warrior spirit:

    “No man on earth shall have the right to say
    That I for pagans sounded the Oliphant!”
    …………………………………………
    “Que ço seit dit de nul hume vivant,
    Ne pur paien, que ja seie cornant!”
    [1074-1075]

    No warrior on either side could blame Roland for seeking aid by sounding the horn too early. His intention is to achieve eternal glory, not safeguard mortal life. Salvation is in Heaven. In the context of the Chanson, the hero’s example of faith will give transcendental significance to his martyrdom within the epic world. In this sense, Roland turns his death into a scene of sacred representation.

    As Oliver enters his third and final plea, trying in vain to get Roland to sound the horn, the same reason of uneven sides is brought forth: “Our company numbers but very few” [1087].(14) Roland at this point makes no reference to fear of losing glorious honor, los, but rather crowns his refusal by posing a direct comparative to the superiority in numbers of the Saracen army. He insists that vis à vis the huge host, his arduous courage is a superior force: “The better then we’ll fight!” [1088](15) This could make Roland seem guilty of hybris for refusing to sound the Oliphant in time. In his rebuttal, however, the brave hero insists that France should not lose worth:

    “If it please God and His angelic host,
    I won’t betray the glory of sweet France!
    Better to die than learn to live with shame-
    Charles loves us more as our keen swords win fame.”
    ………………………………………………
    “Ne place Damnedeu ne ses angles
    Que ja pur mei perdet sa valur France!
    Melz voeill murir que huntage me venget.
    Pur ben ferir l’emperere plus nos aimet.”
    [1089-1092]

    We should pose, in counterpoint to excessive courage, a concern for displaying, through self-sacrifice, strict adherence to raw duty: the warrior must remain at his assigned post. When Oliver seems resigned to accept Roland’s refusal to sound the horn, after his third plea goes unanswered, his tone becomes mournful. He remarks that the rearguard is worthy of pity, “who would not pity them!” [1104](16) Roland answers this observation, declaring his sworn duty to remain in his post as leader of the troops guarding Charles’ return to France: “We’ll hold our ground; if they will meet us here” [1108].(17) A vassal must safeguard his lord at all costs in the spirit of sacrifice [1009].(18) To hold the rearguard in place becomes a strong mandate, as Oliver himself declares, even after perceiving the vast superiority in numbers:

    “Frenchmen, my lords, now God give you the strength
    To stand your ground, and keep us from defeat.”
    …………………………………………………..
    “Seignurs Franceis, de Deu aiez vertut!
    El camp estez, que ne seium vencuz!”
    [1045-1046]

    By remaining firm in its post, the rearguard exemplifies absolute loyalty to the King with blind patriotic zeal. Both peers’ loyalty to Charlemagne also brings out Ganelon’s opposite role as traitor and instigator of the tragic events in the plot. Ganelon’s later trial and execution broadcasts Roland’s death beyond Roncevaux and into epic myth by juxtaposing extreme loyalty to absolute treason, negating the supremacy of selfish gain over patriotic zeal.

    Roland’s sacrificial stance is expressed by the hero twice:
    “This is the service a vassal owes his Lord:
    To suffer hardships, endure great heat and cold,
    And in battle to lose both hair and hide.”
    ————————————————-
    “In his Lord’s service a man must suffer pain,
    Bitterest cold and burning heat endure;
    He must be willing to lose his flesh and blood.”
    ………………………………………………..
    “Pur sun seignor deit hom susfrir destreiz
    E endurer e granz chalz e granz freiz,
    Sin deit hom perdre e del quir e del peil.”
    [1010-1012] ————————————————–
    “Pur sun seignur deit hum susfrir granz mals
    E endurer e forz freiz e granz chalz,
    Sin deit hom perdre del sanc e de la char.”
    [1117-1119]

    A warrior must endure suffering for his King. The only condition that might prevent total sacrifice becomes the arrival of reinforcements. We should recall how, once the circumstances made aid futile, Oliver himself had accepted the consequences for failing to sound the Oliphant in time. Practical necessity required a readiness to fight, as the enemy closed in from all sides:

    “They are very close, the king too far away.
    You were too proud to sound the Oliphant:
    If Charles were with us we would not come to grief.
    Look up above us, close to the Gate of Spain.”
    ……………………………………………….
    “Cist nus sunt prés, mais trop nus est loinz Carles.
    Vostre olifan, suner vos nel deignastes;
    Fust i li reis, n’i oüssum damage.
    Guardez amunt devers les porz d’Espaigne.”
    [1100-1103]

    Oliver’s loyalty to King and Country is not affected by his regret over the King’s absence. Oliver and Roland both agree that they must stand their ground. The warrior-bishop Turpin joins the quest for glory through sacrificial martyrdom:

    “My noble lords, Charlemagne left us here,
    And may our deaths do honor to the king.
    Now you must help defend our holy Faith!” [1127-1129] —————————————————
    “Confess your sins, ask God to pardon you;
    I’ll grant you absolution to save your souls.
    Your deaths would be a holy martyrdom.” [1132-1134]
    …………………………………………
    “Seignurs baruns, Carles nus laissat ci;
    Pur nostre rei devum nus ben murir.
    Chrestïentet aidez a sustenir!”
    [1127-1129] —————————————————
    “Clamez vos culpes, si preiez Deu mercit;
    Asoldrai vos pur voz anmes guarir.
    Se vos murez, esterez seinz martirs
    .” [1132-1134]

    Joseph Bédier quotes line 1134 in his Commentaires to assert that the jongleurs, singers of tales, plied their trade on the byways along medieval pilgrimage routes.(19) We concur that propagation of the Faith is meaningful enough, so that such a contention holds sway at the most tragic moment of the Chanson, during the destruction of the rearguard; for the theme of warfare for Christ must exist within a specific socio-cultural milieu.(20) The present belongs to King and Country; the future belongs to God.

    The hero’s obstinate insistence not to sound the Oliphant at the time reinforcements could save the rearguard turns him and his men into sacrificial victims, patriots willing to die for King and Country. It is only later on in the narrative, when approaching his end at the fierce battle in Roncevaux, that Roland finally acquiesces, “I’ll blow my horn, and Charlemagne will hear.”[1714](21) Charlemagne hears, but he cannot arrive in time. Instead of calling the army back, the Oliphant announces the rearguard’s martyrdom. The issue of avoiding danger is no longer in question. Surrounded, the heroes are close to death. Oliver reverses his plea to blow the Oliphant because the instrumental cause for the call is gone:

    Oliver says, “Then you’ll disgrace your name.
    Each time I asked you, companion, you refused.
    If Charles were with us, we would not come to grief.”
    ……………………………………………………..
    Dist Oliver: “Ne sereit vasselage!

    Quant jel vos dis, cumpainz, vos ne deignastes.
    S’il fust li reis, n’i oüsum damage.”
    [1715-1717]

    Were Charles and his royal army present, there would be no defeat. The hour is late. The futility of the effort in effect invalidates the companion’s reason in the original plea, repeated thrice [1051, 1059, 1071]. Regardless of vast superiority in numbers, a resistant stance is the only choice.

    After the battle rages on fiercely for hundreds of lines, Turpin finally intervenes. The warrior-bishop brings to a conclusion the Roland-Oliver conflict about failing to sound the Oliphant with a realistic view of the situation:

    “End your dispute, I pray you, in God’s name.
    It’s too late now to blow the horn for help,
    But just the same, that’s what you’d better do.
    If the king comes, at least we’ll be avenged.”
    ……………………………………………..
    “Pur Deu vos pri, ne vos cuntralïez!
    Ja li corners ne nos avreit mester,
    Mais nepurquant si est il asez melz:
    Venget li reis, si nus purrat venger.”
    [1741-1744]

    Turpin’s argument pairs the uselessness of the act, as death approaches, to the impossibility of Charlemagne’s timely presence. Yet Charles’ army must arrive, however late, at the Oliphant’s call, so that the corpses will be respectfully buried [1749-1751]. Their martyrdom, with Roland at the center, has to be recognized. This ostension, distant in time and space, broadcasts a vital revelation to the community at large in establishing the significance of the original sacrificial scene.(22)

    When at long last Roland blows the Oliphant for the first time, the horn’s sound is loud and clear:

    Count Roland presses the horn against his mouth;
    He grasps it hard, and sounds a mighty blast.
    High are the hills, that great voice reaches far-
    They hear it echo full thirty leagues around.
    ……………………………………………..
    Rollant ad mis l’olifan a sa buche,
    Empeint le ben, par grant vertut le sunet.
    Halt sunt li pui e la voiz est mult lunge,
    Granz .XXX. liwes l’oïrent il respundre
    . [1753-1756]

    The acute, terrifying report is heard echoing loudly through a long expanse of land, a strong metaphor for the cultural power of the ostensive. This great distance encompasses dramatically the large measure of terrain the departing Franks must cover in doubling back to Roncevaux. The need for an attempt to arrive on time is not an issue to be debated. Yet actual deployment of the army in answer to the call is questioned by Ganelon [1770-1784]. The first and third Oliphant calls enclose the insolent speech in which Ganelon impudently attempts to turn the blowing of the horn into a frivolous gesture, “Just for a rabbit he’ll blow his horn all day!” [1780](23) Ganelon intends to invert Roland’s sacralizing act, turning it into sacrilege. The audience senses that retribution hangs in the balance. The quintessential patriot stands as sharp contrast to the obdurate traitor. Before Ganelon’s guilt engages the reader’s attention at length, however, again we hear the horn blown a second time by Roland.

    And now Count Roland, in anguish and in pain,
    With all his strength sounds the great horn again.
    Bright drops of blood are springing from his mouth,
    Veins in his forehead are cracking with the strain.
    …………………………………………………..
    Li quens Rollant, par peine e par ahans,
    Par grant dulor sunet sun olifan.
    Par mi la buche en salt fors li cler sancs.
    De sun cervel le temple en est rumpant.
    [1761-1764]

    The sound of the Oliphant, whose reach is vast, requires a painful, even fatal, effort by the dying warrior. Ganelon’s assertion that Roland’s lavish frivolity, “great pride” [1773],(24) is manifested in the Oliphant’s call is clear indication of his guilt in the treacherous ambush. He urges the army on back to France, questioning the need to stop for a boastful braggart, “Now he is playing some game to please his peers” [1781].(25) But the call does not project a light tone. The response must be a direct consequence of its urgency. The jongleur explains the fatal consequence, as for a third time the Oliphant is blown from Roland’s bleeding mouth:

    Count Roland’s mouth is crimson with his blood,
    His temples broken by the tremendous strain.
    He sounds the horn in anguish and in pain.
    ……………………………………………..
    Li quens Rollant ad la buche sanglente.
    De sun cervel rumput en est li temples.
    L’olifan sunet a dulor e a peine.
    [1785-1787]

    Oliver’s original plea equates the Oliphant’s call to the urgent need for timely help. Near death, Oliver’s potential imperative plea to Charlemagne’s army, “Come and save us,” cannot be answered in fact, so the value of the Oliphant’s call as an instrumental act has waned. We even witness how the Oliphant eventually becomes a mere war mace used by Roland to bash in the skull of a treacherous Saracen [2288-2291]. Roland’s use of the instrument is not a true distress call, but an ostensive sign informing that he is dying and must soon be buried [1750-1752]. That is, the Oliphant’s function regresses from the worldly useful imperative, “Come back,” to the ostensive proclamation, “Here we are, martyrs!” This contrast adheres to the theme of heroism central to the overall epic narrative of the Chanson. The main thrust of Roland’s being is to attain immortal glory, los, through a heroic death. He does not wish to put down his sword and sound the call for aid.

    To announce Roland’s extreme bravery in battle is the Oliphant call’s true ostensive value. In this manner, by pointing to a sacred scene of sacrifice, the call becomes a sign of perennial patriotism. Such is the actual sense of the famous line that distinguishes between the two peers: Rollant est proz e Oliver est sage /”Roland’s a hero, and Oliver is wise” [1093]. Untrue to the Oliphant’s principal, practical use, Roland dies. But, while the Oliphant’s value as an instrument to produce a useful signal diminishes, epic tragedy increases. This transition within a “neoclassical esthetic,” while problematizing the scene of representation as a locus within the work, encloses a self-contained diachronic analysis of the emergence of the elementary speech forms. The ostensive sign must first establish significant meaning before an imperative sign can perform its useful semantic function, even if in the worldly context reaffirming this priority spells doom.

    Through meticulous analysis of the heroic motivation for deferring to sound the Oliphant, we may probe into what the sound means for plot development within the narrative. An emergency call from a great, courageous warrior could only mean that death approaches, hence his allies must exercise revenge against his foes. At Roncevaux the tragic hero reveals his true nature as model warrior in quest of glory. Gans explains: “The premature return of Charlemagne’s army would have saved him at the price of abandoning the closure of the scenic locus to which his election had led him and on which he finds martyrdom, the source of ultimate significance.”(26)

    Enhanced by sheer distance from the listener, the call of the Oliphant sounds brutally clear and acquires instant discursive status. As a nonverbal sign the Oliphant’s sound has multiple plausible meanings in the poem: “Enemies,” and, consequently, the unavoidable cause for their presence must be “Treason,” and, hence, the conclusion becomes “Death.”(27) This triple ostensive strikes an intensely tragic chord in the listener’s mind. In the encompassing and climactic Oliphant’s call we sense the condensed narrative of The Song of Roland, as the story of the rearguard’s ambush, together with its cause and aftermath. Perceiving the striking sound of the horn, even in a silent reading of the poem, we sense the need to immediately grant the sacrificial victim sacred status as martyred hero.

    Since the Oliphant is a musical instrument, our view of the central climax of the Chanson could in principle be reconstructed strictly from the acute psychological impact caused by its sound. The Oliphant’s call is never described in the text; however, overwhelming sound is implied. In his La Chanson de Geste, essai sur l’art epique des jongleurs (1955), Jean Rychner explains the dramatic virtue of similar strophes by suggesting that repetition stops the action’s narrative flow in order to create a lyrical, even musical, effect on the audience. The three instances when Oliver asks Roland to sound the Oliphant are matched by the latter’s obstinate refusal.

    1051 1059 1070

    1052 1060 1071

    1053 1062 1074

    The same lyrical effect resounds with tragic clarity during actual sounding of the horn.

    1753 1761 1785

    1754 1762 1787

    After line 1762 the two following verses describe the previously mentioned fatal consequence: blood gushes forth from the mouth of our hero with nearly bursting temples [1763-1764]. The third blowing of the Oliphant is performed by a dying warrior, bleeding from the mouth, who uses his last breath to proclaim his death before his temples burst from the effort [1786]; Roland thereby invests his last bit of energy into the production of a sign proclaiming permanent sacrificial significance.

    The rising climax occasioned by the triple Oliphant’s call is represented by Charlemagne’s reactions as listener. First he recognizes the sign of a raging battle, “Our Franks are in a fight” [1758].(28)Followed by: “That is Count Roland’s horn!” [1768](29) Awareness is crowned by final recognition of the tragic effort: “How long that horn resounds!” [1789](30) All three perceptive responses are introduced by the jongleur with the phrase, “then says the king” [1758,1768,1789]. Rychner remarks that the French army’s response to the crisis at Roncevaux is acute, immediate, and also arranged by the singer of tales in triple series:

    Each to the other pronounces the same vow.
    There is not one who can hold back his tears.
    Not one but grieves and bitterly laments.(31)
    ……………………………………………
    N’i ad celoi a l’altre ne parolt
    . [1803]
    N’i ad celoi ki durement ne plurt
    . [1814]
    N’i ad celoi n’i plurt e se dement
    . [1836]

    These lines epitomize loyalty to the King. Once each warrior becomes a lethal “Roland,” access to the privilege for attaining a glorious death in battle is lowered from the nobility on down to the common foot soldier in order to allow every warrior communal participation in the heroic code. The demand for pathos provides motivation that propels the dramatic action. Roland is no longer an elite warrior lord, nephew to the King, but an exemplum for all to follow. Consequently, the heroic sentiments of our multifaceted central character become emotionally accessible. We assume that, once a speaker extends his role and significance beyond speech and into action, Roland’s desire for glory, if not glory itself, is more easily experienced by the audience.

    The final feeble blowing of the horn by the moribund hero is intimately tied to the coming of Charlemagne and his forces:

    His temples broken from sounding his great horn,
    Longing to know if Charles is on his way,
    Weakly, once more, he blows the Oliphant.
    ……………………………………………..
    Rumput est li temples, por ço que il cornat.
    Mais saveir volt se Charles i vendrat:
    Trait l’olifan, fieblement le sunat.
    [2102-2105]

    This fourth and last blowing of the horn is pathetic and tragic. The dramatic impact cannot be overestimated. The next mention of the Oliphant in the text is as an object which Roland places under his body, together with Durendal, while he collapses, bowing to his promise to die a conqueror, facing the enemy [2359-2360,2363]. Rychner ends his structural analysis by indicating that the effect on the audience of syntactic repetition is strongly musical, paralleling perhaps a nostalgic rhapsody.(32) Viewing the hero’s death as a sacrifice, we may consider the musical accompaniment of Gregorian chant, integral component for the medieval ritual of the Catholic Mass, as similar in effect to the lyrical tone Rychner suggests as backdrop for the Roland epic.(33)

    We may add to Rychner’s explanation the insight that line 1755, “High are the hills, that great voice reaches far,” starts the mentioned sequence in laisse CXXXIII;(34) a parallel line, “High are the hills, and shadowy and vast,” [1830] ends the same sequence of six laisses [CXXXIII-CXXXVIII].(35) These two lines are reminiscent of the line, earlier in the poem, outlining the separation of the rearguard, “High are the hills, deep valleys shun the light” [814].(36) The rearguard is left forlorn in a plain shadowed by high cliffs. We remark how the same phrase appears, as variation on a theme, in thelaisse where Roland exercises his last living prowess as he smashes the Oliphant on the head of the Saracen who had feigned death to surreptitiously capture Durendal after the rest of Marsile’s forces had already fled the field of battle: “High are the hills and very high the trees” [2271].(37) The resounding line cements his tragic stance; from first to last the hero perishes as martyred warrior with his rearguard at Roncevaux, the sacrificial scene.

    The Oliphant’s call impacts the present and future of the epic plot, creating verisimilitude. Without the scene of betrayal at the enemy camp, the ambush at Roncevaux would not take place. As previously mentioned, the Oliphant’s call, a triple ostensive, links the Saracen Enemies to Ganelon’s prior Treason and Roland’s subsequent Death. We sense the surging importance of the Oliphant’s sound throughout the narrative. Time and again the characters are roused into action by the memory of the horn’s sound. We recall how the trauma itself was succinctly summarized and tied to the narrative context of the Chanson by the noble old counselor Naimon at the time the horn is blown. Upon hearing the sound, the King’s peer offers his interpretation, and draws a vital meaning for the Oliphant’s progressively debilitating call:

    Duke Naimon answers, “Great valor swells the sound!
    Roland is fighting: he must have been betrayed –
    And by that man who tells you to hang back.”
    …………………………………………………..
    Respont dux Neimes: “Baron i fait la peine!
    Bataille i ad, par le men escïentre.
    Cil l’at traït ki vos en roevet feindre.” [1790-1792]

    The call proclaimed the surging Saracen attack that annihilates the rearguard. No longer a vague possibility, the result of the unmistakable threat rings clear: “We die.” Henceforth Charlemagne knows how to view Ganelon:

    “Here is a felon I’m leaving in your charge-
    He has betrayed the vassals of my house.”
    …………………………………………..
    “Ben le me guarde, si cume tel felon!
    De ma maisnee ad faite traïsun.”
    [1819-1820]

    Roland’s courage looms large over Ganelon’s treason.(38) Thus, the ostensive use of the Oliphant affects character motivation and overall plot development, by showing Charles that Ganelon’s description of the scene is false. The delay in blowing the horn, a heroic act of great magnitude, makes it clear that Roland cannot be seeking help. Ganelon reads this as mere frivolity, whereas Charles understands the ostensive use of the horn as a sign of martyrdom.

    After apprehension of Ganelon and pursuit of Marsile’s fleeing forces, Charles and his men double back to Roncevaux. While the French tread among the corpses left at Roncevaux, the King tears his hair and the Army weeps [2412-2415]. As twenty thousand men faint, absorbing vicariously the death of Roland’s men, Naimon exhorts the King’s forces to avenge the loss and relieve the sorrow: “Let us avenge our grief!” [2428](39) A clear danger is that grief may impair the deployed army’s ability to fight effectively.

    In the Chanson the hero’s sacrifice is an asymmetric gesture since no act by the avenging army is enough to bring back Roland, nor can Charlemagne’s prowess match the uncompromising courage of his dead nephew. Due to Roland’s ostensive gesture, the epic poem cannot become the “Song of Charlemagne,” regardless of the hero’s absence in the last third of the narrative.(40) Roland feeds the plot as sacrificial victim, and therefore determines and dominates the scenic focus of the poem. The glory Roland reaches in death becomes an object sought by the army of Charlemagne through progressive reiteration of such warring spirit as is kindled by remembrance of the Oliphant’s call. After Roncevaux, there follows directly in the text the chase and demise by drowning of Marsile’s fleeing forces. The King prays that the sun should not set before revenge is carried out [2450-2451].(41) The consequence is a deus ex machina: an angel comes and God performs a miracle [2454-2459]. The sun finally sets after all pagans drown [2474]. Roland reaches Eternal Glory through a warrior’s death while a guardian angel facilitates victory for the French army.

    We see the Oliphant’s sound as intensely climactic due to precise developments in the plot. The unfulfilled desire to help, no longer possible in response to the Oliphant’s sound, is redoubled and infuses new strength into the French forces. The French host cannot save the rearguard, but every soldier in the army can run to battle willing to die valiantly on the rearguard’s example and attain Eternal Glory. The protracted Oliphant’s call spreads the deep significance of the quest for glory throughout the Frankish host. Every soldier is desperate to participate in the violence of war.

    The unraveling sacrificial crisis defers the expectation for a victorious end to war and the narrative closure the reader may long for. This is war, not just a single battle. In terms of motivation, we sense that to die while fighting brings immortal glory through noble death. As Turpin explained during the thick of the fray at Roncevaux: “Better to die with honor on this field!” [1518](42) Heaven waits: “For you stand open the gates of Paradise” [1522].(43) The reader senses in the Chanson a quest to transcend military and political renown in order to attain a self-justified system of sacred values. At Roncevaux Turpin repeatedly blesses warriors [1034,1515]. He draws his sword, Almace, and causes havoc [2089].(44) Throughout, the bishop fights valiantly, and he eventually dies with arms outstretched, emulating crucifixion [2241].

    Before concluding our argument, we should consider briefly the sacrificial nature of Carolingian conquest. Just as Roland wishes to keep Durendal from enemy hands, Roland’s body is protected by Charles’ avenging forces [2434-2439]. The French war-cry Montjoie, transformed on Roland’s example into an ostensive sign, is intimately tied to the concept of deriving victory from suffering, as seen in the etymological reference to Charles’ sword, Joyeuse. The mount, or hill, of joy recalls the place where the martyrdom of Saint Denis took place. Historically, the battle-cry Montjoie itself evolved from reference to “Mount Joy of St. Denis.”(45) Both swords, Joyeuse and Durendal, bear relics in the pommel establishing the representational value of sacrificial martyrdom.(46) Both swords now have a new sacrificial narrative to carry them beyond their physical status as weapons. A fearless desire to undergo sacrifice takes central stage. To keep faith, the French army had to protect Roland’s corpse from violation by Saracen forces upon arrival at Roncevaux. As the body of a saint, Roland’s corpse became the object of a communal interdiction. Ancestral custom and natural law demand Christian burial. Roland deserves public reverence, for he endured martyrdom. Burial rites must be performed to answer the societal need for propriety [2962-2973]. The individual’s dependence on the community for proper signification is absolute. Glory is realized through martyrdom, evidenced by a relic left to posterity.

    At five instances during the course of the narrative the battle cry “Montjoie,” Munjoie, is voiced by a character in direct discourse. The jongleur quotes Turpin directly as the bishop-warrior urges on the troops at Roncevaux [1350]; soon thereafter in the text the army shouts their war-cry during the furious infighting [1525]; finally, Oliver shouts out one last time as he dies [1974]. The increasing sense of doom strikes a tragic note as the ostensive Montjoie becomes a harbinger of death. The other two instances in the Chanson for the protracted battle-cry to appear in direct discourse occur as Charlemagne’s army approaches Roncevaux [2510]. And we again hear “Montjoie” voiced while the host witnesses the need to confront the forces of Baligant, the powerful emir from abroad who comes to avenge the dead Marsile [3092].

    The deep significance of the Oliphant again surfaces as the French contemplate Charles’ encounter with Baligant:

    The clear-voiced trumpets ring out from every side-
    Above the others resounds Count Roland’s horn;
    Then all the Frenchmen remember him and mourn.
    …………………………………………………….
    Sunent cil greisle e derere e devant;
    Sur tuz les altres bundist li olifant.
    Plurent Franceis pur pitet de Rollant. [3118-3120]

    Roland had died on line 2397. But, after the battle at Roncevaux, Roland’s memory has become significant enough to maintain continual warlike action. His Oliphant is a pervasive, phantasmagorical presence. Every trumpet sound harkens back to Roland’s awe-inspiring horn. The Oliphant’s call must retain its nature as supplemental war-cry despite the intense sorrow. The practical consequence of lamentation over Roland’s death must include an expansion of violent warfare. The King battles Baligant at the call of his own Oliphant, as Baligant himself tells his son Malpramis:

    “A valiant lord now sounds the Oliphant,
    From his companion a trumpet call comes back.”
    ……………………………………………….
    Cil est mult proz ki sunet l’olifant:
    D’un graisle cler racatet ses cumpaignz.”
    [3193-3194]

    A trumpet answers in support of the Oliphant’s call, enhancing the exchange. Throughout the Chanson, cause for sounding an Oliphant must be the need to kill. The Oliphant no longer needs to signal a new martyrdom; that meaning is already infused within its call as a rally to the army. The post-Roncevaux Oliphant call, intensified through Roland’s death, has become more threatening. The enemy is aware of such intensity, as well. Henceforth in the text, and through the ages, the French army becomes ferociously courageous in their charge against the enemy.

    In fact, the phrase “high they are,” haltes sunt, mentioned during discussion of the high pass leading to the Roncevaux valley, occurs again in the final mention of the King’s Oliphant, when last blown in the Chanson:

    The trumpets sound, their voices clear and high;
    The Oliphant rings out above them all.
    …….. …………………………………….
    Sunent cez greisles, les voiz en sunt mult cleres;
    De l’olifan haltes sunt les menees.
    [3309-3310]

    By breaking through the tone of trumpets, an Oliphant’s call combines sound and scene through dramatic remembrance of Roland’s heroic death, coalescing military prowess into legend. The sound of an Oliphant encourages the forces of Charlemagne, as he prepares to encounter his nemesis, Baligant. In context, the phrase, “high they are,” haltes sunt, referring to an Oliphant’s sound, recalls the rearguard’s fate at the sacrificial scene, since previously in the poem “high they are,” halt sunt, had referred to the high cliffs at Roncevaux. The ambush site not only inspires awe, the locale also provides a setting for carrying the realistic echo of an Oliphant’s sound, and maintains our attention on the call’s climactic significance in overall plot development.

    At the end of the Chanson, after Ganelon’s trial and execution, the Angel Gabriel comes to Charles to signal new troubles ahead [3994-3998]. As the Wheel of Fortune spins on, the King confesses his sorrow: “’God!’ says the king, ‘how weary is my life’” [4000].(47) Since Charles takes on a more active role after Roland’s death, we must refer the Carolingian offensive to the Christian doctrine of redemption through sacrifice. Reward is otherworldly and in human life joy is temporary. In the context of Christian piety victory is delayed until the afterlife. The glory Roland attains is fame in this world, salvation in Heaven.

    We recall that in his final moments at Roncevaux, Roland uses the Oliphant as a physical object to smash the head of a Saracen [2295]. We assume the horn as instrument survives the impact, since the object resurfaces twice in the later narrative [3119, 3310]. But possibly the King may have his own Oliphant, separate from Roland’s horn. The text is not specific in this regard. What is certain is that the effect of the Oliphant’s call endures beyond the instrument’s use. Its influence cannot be destroyed. We know the hero’s sword is indestructible; Durendal survives as emblem of destruction [2342]. As Roland dies heroically, his soul is carried to Paradise by a Cherubim, and by both Saint Michael, and Saint Gabriel [2393-2396]. He will not wield Durendal again, and the Oliphant will be blown by him no more. But his glory and heroism survive his demise. Since through self-sacrifice a Christian may strive toward Eternal Glory, we sense a movement from Christ to Christianity, or from Roland to the Crusades of ensuing centuries. At Roncevaux a center with an absent central figure opens up a potentially plural signification.

    Careful reading of The Song of Roland discloses a sacrificial crisis caused by rivalry, and persistent, unmitigated violence, intensified by the Oliphant beyond literary language. The dramatic impact of the hero’s sacrificial death acquires greater symbolism through the delayed Oliphant’s call. Roland’s delay in blowing the horn, converting an imperative signal to an ostensive sign through sanctifying heroism, expands epic drama and suspense while conveying the real spirit behind a genuine call to arms from the distant past.

    Works Cited

    Bédier, Joseph. La Chanson de Roland. Vol 2. Commentaires. Paris: L’edition d’Art H. Piazza. 1968. Print.

    Dictionnaire de la’academie française. 8 ème édition. 1987-2010.

    http://www.mediadico.com/dictionnaire/definition/mont-joie/1

    Farnsworth, William Oliver. Uncle and Nephew in the Old French Chansons de Geste, A Study in the Survival of Matriarchy. New York: Columbia University Press. 1913. Print.

    Forney, Kristine, and Machlis, Joseph. The Enjoyment of Music. New York: W.W. Norton & Company. 2008. Print.

    Gans, Eric. Originary Thinking: Elements of Generative Anthropology. Stanford: Stanford University Press. 1993. Print.

    Guillaume d’Orange: Four Twelfth-Century Epics. Trans. Joan M. Ferrante. New York: Columbia University Press. 2001. Print.

    Jotischky, Andrew, and Hall, Caroline. Historical Atlas of the Medieval World. London: Penguin Books. 2005. Print.

    La Chanson de Guillaume. Ed. & Trans. Philip E. Bennett. London: Grant & Cutler LTD. 2000. Print.

    La Chanson de Roland. Ed. Gérard Moignet. Paris: Bibiothèque Bordas. 1969. Print.

    Le Charroi de Nîmes. Trans. Fabienne Gégou. Paris: Editions Champion. 1984. Print.

    Menéndez Pidal, Ramón. Trans. I.M. Cluzel. La Chanson de Roland et la tradition épique des Francs. Paris: Editions A. et J. Picard. 1960. Print.

    Rychner, Jean. La chanson de geste, essai sur l’art épique des jongleurs. Genève: Librairie E. Droz. 1955. Print.

    The New Scofield Study Bible: New King James Version. Ed. C.I. Scofield. (1967) Consulting ed. Arthur L. Farstad. Nashville: Thomas Nelson Publisher. 1989. Print.

    The Free Encyclopedia. http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Almace

    The Song of Roland. Trans. Patricia Terry. Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merrill. 1979. Print.

    Notes

    1. Ferrante 23. (back)

    2. Ferrante 21, 288. In the context of this epic, William in the Monastery, the hero retires to a monastery, where he experiences the monks’ hypocrisy in flagrant breaches of their own rules of silence and attendance at services. In turn, William’s uncouth habits and large size appall the monks, who set him up to be robbed and killed by thieves; but the hero wins the fight. Eventually learning of the ruse, the disappointed hero leaves the monastery and becomes a hermit. (back)

    3. Gégou 14-15. Ferrante 16, 18. The epics of the Guillaume cycle are interconnected. In The Crowning of Louis William travels back and forth from Paris to Rome, constantly saving King Louis and the Pope from enemies. Since the King forgets William when he distributes gifts at the beginning of the Charroi, in the Couronnement Louis offers lands to the hero outright; but the offered lands have heirs already. Incensed, William refuses to take them and decides instead to conquer lands held by the Saracens, first Nîmes, and then Orange. To enter Nîmes, William disguises himself. His skill in speaking Arabic comes in handy. Although he eventually is successful, he and his relatives become restless and leave for Orange. In The Conquest of Orange William feels especially enticed by possession of the magnificent palace and the beautiful queen Orable. Again disguised, William, with his brother Gilbert, and his nephew Guielin, enter the Gloriette castle, but they are eventually discovered. William sends Gilbert to bring Bertrand, his other brother, with help. After a stint in towers and subterranean passages, William is successful. Aided by Bertrand, he wins the city and marries Orable, who is baptized and takes the name Guiborc. (back)

    4. Ferrante 33-35, 66. (back)

    5. Terry 4-5. (back)

    6. Ferrante 26, 32, 83-85, 91-92. (back)

    7. Ferrante 40. Bennett 93, 97. La Chanson de Guillaume presents a series of battles.Vivien, William’s nephew, is mortally wounded defending a hopeless position in the first battle. William hears about the battle at Archamp and leaves home with his own nephew Girard and his wife’s nephew Guishard. Both youngsters die in the second battle, and William leaves the battlefield to return Guishard’s body to Guiborc, his wife. At home he is treated to a hearty meal and goes back to battle with reinforcements. Back at the third battle, William is victorious against the Saracen Derame, whom he slays with help from his nephew Gui, renowned for his small stature. William then finds the dying Vivien and gives him communion before he dies. William returns home and is not recognized by his wife until he shows her the famous wound to his nose. She urges him to seek aid from the King. He then leaves for court. There is intrigue at Louis’s court. William’s father, Nemeri of Nerbune, smoothes things down. After a huge feast, the army marches south joined by the powerful Rainoart, former kitchen helper. In the fourth battle the pagans are caught picnicking, so victory is swift. After further intrigue at court, Rainoart’s identity as Guiborc’s brother is revealed. The poem ends on this note. (back)

    8. Ferrante 36. Aliscans, another name for Archamp, tells basically the same story as La Chanson de Guillaume, except that the death of Vivien opens the poem; instead of extended battles, these come later; in addition, Rainoart’s deeds are recounted in more detail. (back)

    9. Ferrante 19, 204. Bennett 128-131. (back)

    10. Ferrante 193. Bennett 85, 102. (back)

    11. Gans 151. (back)

    12. Line references and quotes in English are from the Patricia Terry translation, unless otherwise specified. In general, Terry’s translation seems to follow the Gérard Moignet edition. Terry 43. “De nos Franceis m’i semblet aveir mult poi!” [1050] Moignet 94. (back)

    13. Durendal was given to Roland directly by Charlemagne, perhaps in the knighthood ceremony. …Durendal,/ Ma bonne espee, que li reis me dunat [1120-1121]. Farnsworth 48, 54. (back)

    14. “Nus i avum mult petite cumpaigne” [1087]. (back)

    15. The actual Medieval French reads: “Mis talenz en est graigne,” literally, “My ardor is superior to that” (trans. mine). In his edition, Moignet notes: “Graigne, comparative form of granz; the usual form for the nominative case is, in Medieval French, graindre<grandior; the form graigne is reconstructed analogically from the oblique case graignur<grandiorem.” (trans. mine) Moignet 96. (back)

    16. “Veeir poez, dolente est la rereguarde” [1104]. (back)

    17. “Nus remeindrum en estal en la place” [1108]. (back)

    18. The text reads: “Ben devuns ci estre pur nostre rei” [1009], literally: “We must hold ground here for our king.” (trans. mine) Moignet 92. (back)

    19. Bédier 17. (back)

    20. The route to Santiago de Compostela, a popular medieval pilgrimage site, passed by Roncevaux to continue on through to Northern Spain. Jotischky & Hull 61. (back)

    21. “Jo cornerai, si l’orrat li reis Karles” [1714]. (back)

    22. Such scenic source may be contrasted with a warning cry of “Fire!” which points to a communal danger and the decision to flee immediately, or fight the fire subsequently. In our Roland what is overtly designated is a sacred locus, Roncevaux. The esthetic effect is pronounced, as the close-up in a modern day cinematographic zoom-in secures enthralled participation by the audience. (back)

    23. “Pur un sul levre vait tute jur cornant.” [1780]. (back)

    24. Asez savez le grant orgoill Rollant” [1773]. (back)

    25. Devant ses pers vait it ore gabant” [1781]. (back)

    26. Gans 152. (back)

    27. Ganelon’s betrayal during his Embassy at the enemy camp leads to the rearguard’s separation from the Frankish host and makes possible ambush at Roncevaux by the emir’s forces. (back)

    28. Ço dist li reis: “Bataille funt nostre hume!” [1758]. (back)

    29. Ce dist li reis: “Jo oi le corn Rollant!” [1768]. (back)

    30. Ço dist li reis: “Cel corn ad lunge aleine!” [1789]. (back)

    31. Syntactic repetition is seen more obviously in the original text, since identical understatement heads all three lines. The phrase in question is, “N’i ad celoi,” literally, “There is not one.” Terry 70.(back)

    32. Rychner 93-99. (back)

    33. Forney and Machlis 82. (back)

    34. Halt sunt li pui e la voiz est mult lunge [1755]. (back)

    35. Halt sunt li pui e tenebrus e grant [1830]. (back)

    36. Halt sunt li pui e li val tenebrous [814]. (back)

    37. Halt sunt li pui e mult halt les arbres [2271]. (back)

    38. The resentful relationship between Roland and Ganelon has a tradition extrinsic to the text of the Chanson. A Latin text from the 1100’s, “Song of Ganelon’s Betrayal,” Carmen de prodicione Guenonis, narrates how Charlemagne, tired of fighting, wished to return to France; but Roland insists on sending an Embassy to Marsile in Saragoce demanding surrender before returning to France. Roland suggests that Ganelon should take the King’s message to the Saracen emir. There follows a confrontation between Roland and Ganelon, where Charles intervenes. Ganelon goes to Marsile, who becomes enraged at the demand for surrender. Marsile’s wife, Bramimonde, calms down the emir. At this point Marsile insinuates the ambush plot to which the frightened Ganelon agrees, later bringing back the lying promise of Saracen surrender to Charles. The King departs, leaving the rearguard behind, a decision which makes the ambush at Roncevaux possible. In the Latin poem, delaying warfare through Ganelon’s resentment interrupts the train of narrative, as in The Song of Roland. The scene of betrayal at the enemy camp provides a backdrop to events leading up to tragedy at Roncevaux. Menéndez Pidal 129-130. (back)

    39. “Car chevalchez! Vengez ceste dulor!” [2428]. (back)

    40. Moignet quotes P. le Gentil: “Charlemagne avenges Roland. Therefore, the latter remains the character around whom the work holds together; yet, pursuing vengeance, the former remains at the height of his holy mission. Thus, the homage Charlemagne grants Roland ennobles the one, without diminishing the other. There is no Song of Charlemagne grafted on a Song of Roland; there is aSong of Roland, of powerful import, which surpasses the trauma to attain the level of myth.” (translation mine). Moignet 249. (back)

    41. This scene is reminiscent of Joshua 10:12-14. The Lord delivers up the Amorites before the children of Israel by delaying sundown for a whole day. The delay of nightfall allows the chosen of God to have revenge over their enemies. Scofield 279. (back)

    42. “Asez est mielz que moerium combatant” [1518]. (back)

    43. “Seint pareïs vos est abandunant” [1522]. (back)

    44. Bédier considers “Almace” an unexplained name, nom inexpliqué, for Turpin’s sword. Bédier 506. The etymology of the name is uncertain; but it may be derived from the Germanic, all macht, meaning Almighty. The Free Encyclopedia. en.wikipedia.org (back)

    45. From the Annuaire des dictionnaires website we read: “The Mount Saint Denis Joy, or simply Joy Mount, used to be the name for the hill close to Paris where Saint Denis endured martyrdom; so named because the place of martyrdom was a site of joy for the saint who received his reward. The Mount Saint Denis Joy, la Mont-joie Saint Denis, means the Mount Joy of Saint Denis, le Mont-joie de Saint Denis, according to the old rule which rendered the Latin genitive by the ablative case. The name Joy Mount extended to all mounds and was used even figuratively. On the other hand, the French seized as war cry Mount Joy of Saint Denis, or, simply, Mount Joy (Montjoie); eventually this war cry became the name for the King’s coat of arms in France.” (trans. mine) Dictionnaire de L’academie Française. Mediadico.com (back)

    46. Durendal has St. Peter’s tooth, part of a garment from the Virgin Mary, drops of St Basil’s blood, St. Denis’ hair [2344-2348]. Joyeuse has in the pommel part of the spear that wounded Christ; a direct reference to death and resurrection; it can conquer any foe [2503-2505, 2510]. Geoffrey of Anjou carries the oriflamme, which belonged to St. Peter, also called Montjoie [3092]. (back)

    47. “Deus, dist li reis, si penuse est ma vie!” [4000]. (back)

  • Neoclassical Protagonists in Thomas Heywood’s Edward IV

    In early modern English drama, there is palpable tension between Christian moral ideals and the ethics inherent in the hierarchy of the monarchical order. Thomas Heywood’s play Edward IV, parts 1 and 2 (first performed in 1599) traces the domestic tragedy of Matthew and Jane Shore through the historic events of the War of the Roses and the rise of Richard III, ultimately linking the couple’s plight with the emergence of the middle class from the prosperity of early modern London. In the play, King Edward occupies a mimetically desired centre, around which the peripheral potential protagonists Matthew, Jane, and Falconbridge gather and threaten to become rivals. Though his royal status necessitates his desirable centrality, Edward is not immune to lure of collectively desired centres, a fact which is illustrated in his fascination with the London Jewellers, Matthew and Jane Shore. Another example of the draw and potential permeability of centres of desire appears in the play’s rebellion plot, where the rebel Falconbridge is drawn to the metropolitan centre of London, which functions as a synecdoche for royal power. Employing Gans’s notion of the neoclassical aesthetic, I propose that Heywood’s play illuminates the early modern version of the originary scene in its positioning of the characters Falconbridge, Jane Shore, and Matthew Shore in relation to King Edward. Heywood’s play illustrates the influence of the Christian equality of souls in the class tensions of the early modern period by illuminating the dramatic trajectories of multiple protagonists emerging from the Christian moral ideal as it coexists with the ethics of feudal hierarchy.

    In Gans’s account of the historical transition from the classical aesthetic to the neoclassical aesthetic of the early modern period, literary protagonists become increasingly aware of their peripheral position on the scene of representation. The neoclassical aesthetic and its stymied protagonist emerge via the problematic “integration of Christian ethical values into the classical esthetic” (Gans 1993: 150). In foregrounding tensions within the social hierarchy, Heywood’s Edward IV aesthetically manifests the ethical problems resulting from the sustained influence of Christianity on the fading classical aesthetic and its strict hierarchies. In Heywood’s neoclassical aesthetic, Mistress Shore takes on a sacral aura through her ambitious transgression of the centre, which prefigures her class-levelling beneficence, but also her tragic death. More’s brief account of the historical Mistress Shore, in his History of Richard III, contains the seeds of the tragic pathos, manifest in the Christian critique of scapegoating, that Jane’s literary character would foster throughout the 16th and into the 18th centuries. Another neoclassical protagonist appearing in part 1 of the play is Thomas Faulconberg—or Falconbridge—who is the bastard son of the 1st Earl of Kent, and a turncoat leader during the War of the Roses. In Edward IV, religiously propelled social levelling is complicated by the immediate reality of the monarch’s coercive dominance over subjects daring to recognize their spiritual equality with royalty. Paradoxically, the Christian ethic, which exacerbates a commoner’s resentment toward the elite and affects the disintegration of classical hierarchies, also provides the representational means of deferring the citizen’s potentially violent resentment. Gans argues that belief in religious revelation, language, and its associated moral awareness of total reciprocity are the repetition of the circumstances of the originary scene, which allows each individual in the community to mirror the group’s signification of an enduring sacred presence (1990: 26-27).(1)

    In Science and Faith, Gans argues that Christian moral reciprocity resembles (while remaining distinct from) the rules governing the distribution of resources, or ethics. Gans explains: “Morality takes the originary scene as a self-sufficient model of human interaction, whereas ethics is concerned with its prolongation in the economic life of the society. Signs are infinitely reproducible; things are potentially scarce, and access to them must be regulated” (95). Systems for the distribution of resources are traditionally hierarchical, whereas Christian notions of moral reciprocity posit a radical leveling of society, which occurs in the idealized realm of language. With their individuated but equal souls, each Christian subject is on the same moral footing before God, who forms the organizing centre of the Christian scene of representation.(2) However, this shared moral consciousness—which is founded on the reciprocal exchange of signs—does not obviate ethical rules and hierarchies, which govern the distribution of resources. The centre of such hierarchies is typically dominated by a big man or king, whose apportionment of the community’s wealth establishes a social order and affords him a great deal of influence. In the Christian societies of the middle ages and early modern period, where the history of Edward IV and its re-enactment in Heywood’s play take place, the ethical and the moral orders existed in tension with one another. Edward IV takes up and explores these tensions in its examination of both the relationship of various characters to King Edward and the manifestations of those characters’ Christian moral awareness.

    The action of the play depends on the draw towards England’s centre, King Edward, which is felt by the socially and politically peripheral protagonists Matthew, Jane, and Falconbridge. The play opens just after King Edward has married the commoner, Elizabeth Woodville, and when London is threatened by a siege led by the Lancastrian General, Thomas Falconbridge. The king is absent from London. Nevertheless, the city prepares to display its loyalty to the sovereign by denying the rebel army access to the city. Matthew Shore, a citizen-jeweller, successfully leads the city’s defence. After the rebels’ defeat, Edward returns and offers to knight Matthew as a reward for his efforts, Matthew declines, implying that he is either not worthy, or indifferent, to the honour Edward wishes to bestow. In the moments after Matthew’s slight against the king, Edward’s eye falls on Matthew’s wife Jane. Eventually, the king seduces her. Matthew flees into exile to avoid the shame of his cuckolding. However, wartime events bring him back to London under an alias. He is imprisoned and nearly sentenced to death. In the meantime, Jane uses her courtly position as the king’s mistress to help the common people of London and plead for the lives of the recently imprisoned sailors, one of whom is Matthew, though Jane does not recognize him. As the play draws to its conclusion, the ailing Edward dies, allowing Richard (Duke of York) to take the throne from Edward’s murdered sons. Richard, wishing to obliterate all remnants of Edward’s reign, has Jane banished from the city, where she and Matthew are reunited and tragically die of starvation in each other’s arms. Their deaths amplify the pathos of their shared prayerful repentance, definitively drawing the audience’s attention away from the play’s royal centre to foreground London’s common citizens.

    Though at the beginning of the play King Edward occupies the play’s coveted central space, he is not immune to the machinations of mimetic desire, which tend to imbue rivals and the objects belonging to rivals (common or not) with, what René Girard describes as an illusory—or metaphysical—excess of being (Girard 1987: 295, 297). Edward is gripped with resentment when Matthew Shore declines his invitation to be knighted. As a warrior expressing intense loyalty to London, Matthew arouses resentment in Edward by refusing to swear fealty to the king. That Edward does not easily command Matthew Shore’s obedience is clear when Matthew refuses to adopt the posture of humble deference assumed by the city fathers. Matthew excuses himself by saying: “Far be it from the thought of Matthew Shore / That he should be advanced with Aldermen, / With our Lord Mayor, and our right grave Recorder” (1.10.233-35). Matthew’s excessive humility is a means of tactfully indicating his resentment for the king. Matthew’s resentment is a response to Edward’s claims on the city’s wealth, but also his absence from the battle, which Matthew fought, partly, on Edward’s behalf. Despite these possible criticisms of the king, Matthew gives no overt—or identifiably treasonous—indication that he resents the king. Nevertheless, Matthew’s refusal of the king’s offer is experienced by Edward as a diminishment of his royal prestige—or metaphysical being. Edward’s resentment emerges in response to Matthew’s evasion of his royal favour. It is upon his remembrance of this refusal at the Guildhall that Edward begins to fixate on Jane, who he wishes to control in order to re-establish his superiority over Matthew.(3)

    The link between Matthew’s slight against Edward and Edward’s subsequent fixation on Jane is explicable in terms of mimetic desire. According to Girard, every subject desires according to the desire of another. The other is the model for the subject’s desire. He designates objects for the subject. For the subject, attractive models are often those that demonstrate indifference toward the subject, since this posture indicates to the subject that the model is completely self-sufficient and therefore in possession of a wealth of metaphysical being (Girard 1987: 295, 297). In Edward IV, Edward is the subject and Matthew is the model. Matthew’s great wealth of prestige (or metaphysical being) derives from his contentment with the life and wealth of the city. The king can never really experience this wealth of being except by having his subjects submit themselves to his authority and affirm the superiority of the king’s position. Matthew refuses to do this, so the king must find another way to appropriate the prestige Matthew embodies. Matthew’s indifference to him propels Edward’s desire for Jane.

    Jane Shore’s chastity functions as a symbol of both Matthew’s material wealth and his public prestige. Coppélia Kahn illuminates this dramatic trope in her analysis of cuckoldry in Cymbeline: she characterizes the objectification of women in cuckold plots as a way to embody and represent the metaphysical notion of a male character’s prestige. As Kahn explains, “Iachimo draws Posthumus into betting on his wife’s chastity . . . thus reminding the hero that her chastity is valuable to him because his honor and his status depend on it” (126). The exclusive possession of the female body is analogous to wealth and the ability to defend it. Similarly, Edward’s cuckolding of Matthew functions as a counter-attack in the battle for prestige, where Edward’s ability to defend his ostensive holdings, London, is undertaken by a commoner, who subsequently refuses to accept the knighthood.

    Accordingly, Edward’s cuckolding of Matthew is revenge for Matthew’s indifference to royal honour—Edward takes Jane in retaliation for Matthew’s refusal to cede London via his fealty. In this case, the oscillations of mimetic rivalry extend beyond the realm of violence and may be manifest in “sexual activity” (Girard 1979: 152). Edward’s desire for Jane is mediated by Matthew, who represents the wealth and power of the city of London,(4) as evidenced in the following exchange:

    Edward. How? Mistress Shore? What, not his wife
    That did refuse his knighthood at our hand.
    Mayor
    . The very same, my lord, and here he is.
    Edward
    . What, Master Shore? We are your debtor still,
    But by God’s grace, intend not so to die.
    And, gentlewoman, now before your face
    I must condemn him of discourtesy—
    Yea, and of great wrong that he hath offered you;
    For you had been a lady but for him.
    He was in fault; trust me, he was to blame
    To hinder virtue of her due by right. (1.16.84-94)

    Even if the king’s condemnation is an attempt at humour through hyperbole, there is tone of bitterness in the repetitious indictment of Matthew’s refusal. The king says Matthew is discourteous; that he wrongs his wife; that he is at fault; that he is to blame; that he hinders virtue. The rapid iteration of his condemnation before Matthew’s wife and the Mayor amounts to an insult. The king is taking advantage of a public scene to dishonour Matthew in return for the way he has been dishonoured by Matthew when the latter refused to be knighted. The king’s insult is part of his attempt to allay his resentment over Matthew’s prestige and apparent self-sufficiency. A few lines later, the king admits his attraction to Jane, asking, “Had ever citizen so fair a wife?” (114). This jealous resentment is manifest in the king’s inner comparison of himself to Matthew, where he wonders “What change is this? Proud, saucy, roving eye, / What whisperst in my brain? That she is fair? / I know it, I see it. Fairer than my queen?” (120-22). Such a comparison between his own wife and a subject’s wife implies that king and subject occupy the same sphere. In imagining Shore’s superiority to himself, the king undercuts his nobility before the audience and himself. Recognizing his ignoble devaluation of the Crown, the king inwardly condemns himself in a stagey monologue: “Down rebel! Back, base treacherous conceit” (125). The king does not succeed in overruling his treacherous desire. Instead, his resentment manifests itself in his obsession with—and eventual seduction of—Jane Shore.

    In Gans’s account of the historical transition from the classical aesthetic to the neoclassical aesthetic of the early modern period, literary protagonists become increasingly aware of their peripheral position on the scene of representation. According to Gans the classical aesthetic embodies a hypothesis of origin that represents “the scenic center at the expense of the scene qua scene” (1993-132). The scenes created in the classical aesthetic depict a hero who dominates the center without becoming self-conscious regarding his position relative to the covetous periphery. Gans defines the classical aesthetic in contrast with the neoclassical aesthetic, in which the hero becomes aware of his position on the periphery of a scene of desire. The classical hero stands alone in the centre, uncomprehendingly suffering the violence its contested space attracts. Unlike the classical hero, the neoclassical hero imaginatively projects himself into the sacred centre, self-consciously reflecting to the audience his desire for the centre along with his resentment of its inaccessibility.(5)

    According to Gans, the classical hero’s domination of the centre depends on the audience’s recognition that they have “an imaginary but not a real place in the central agon” (148). The classical scene, with its focus on an embattled king or prince, is upended by the advent of Christianity, “with its foregrounding of the moral equality of all” (148). In this new world, Hamlet can draw the audience’s attention away from Claudius, the royal centre of attention, with his melancholy bearing and ironic asides. It is in the neoclassical world—where equal yet peripheral souls surround the sacred centre—that the common citizens and denizens of London can be imaginatively launched from the spectators’ pit onto the stage of stately affairs. On the same early modern stage where a pagan Julius Caesar breaths his last, the contemporary apprentices, guildsmen, women, and citizens of London may also (despite their lower social status) live and tragically die encircled by their fellow Christian souls. The plots of domestic dramas and London city plays provided numerous examples of this trend throughout the period.(6)

    In foregrounding tensions within the social hierarchy, Heywood’s Edward IV aesthetically manifests the ethical problems resulting from the sustained influence of Christianity on the fading classical aesthetic and its strict hierarchies. The neoclassical period’s resentful peripheral characters appear in the first scenes of the play, which opens on the Duchess of York chastising her son, King Edward, for marrying below his rank. Thus, the play’s first problem occurs when a peripheral character (the commoner Elizabeth Woodville) insinuates her way into the kingdom’s sacred centre. By focusing on this tension between noble and common—especially in the Shore plot—Heywood highlights the trend of social levelling that emerges from the medieval Christian critique of classical hierarchy, which—in the early modern period—rapidly extended the ideal of Christian equality. As Edward observes to his exasperated mother: the Britain of his day “’tis a stirring world” (1.1.15). Later in the play, Matthew Shore, a citizen of London, will out do Edward in defending the realm and dare to abstain from swearing fealty to the king. This subtle display of resentment towards a king, who lowers the weight of civil defence onto the shoulders of Londoners, allows a mostly common audience a fanciful journey toward the coveted royal centre. A citizen of London watching Matthew Shore decline the King’s offer with high reasons, but veiled disdain, might be inclined to identify with the citizen-soldier, who is not so different from themselves. In the same way, Heywood’s depiction of Jane Shore’s seduction offers London’s denizens an imaginative foray into the warm centre of courtly life. In this way, Heywood’s theatre is, as Gans says of the neoclassical era, “characterized by a new consciousness of the reciprocity between center and periphery and a concomitant intensification of resentment” (150). This new consciousness in the early modern period is distinct from the classical understanding of the centre’s inviolability, since—in the preceding classical aesthetic—no peripheral subject had been able to challenge the hero’s domination of the scene’s centre.

    In Heywood’s neoclassical aesthetic Mistress Shore takes on a sacral aura through her ambitious transgressive movement toward the centre, which prefigures her class levelling beneficence, but also her tragic death. Considering that Heywood’s Jane is a member of the wealthy merchant class growing up in London during this period, Richard Helgerson argues that Jane’s tragedy is an important founding narrative in the emergence of England’s bourgeoisie. Thomas More’s mention of Mistress Shore, in his History of Richard III (1513), notes that she used her position to benefit the common people of London. In his analysis of More’s history of Jane Shore, Helgerson claims that the Shores’ story plays a small, but notable, role in the rise of the English middle class, as in it the historical figure of a tragic king is replaced with that of a tragic secular saint, with whom the majority of the audience might identify. Helgerson traces the history of Jane’s pathos in poems and plays from More’s History up unto Nicholas Rowe’s Tragedy of Jane Shore (performed in 1714). Helgerson observes that Heywood’s play creates out of the ditch in which Jane and Matthew Shore die a fanciful etymology for the suburban village of Shoreditch, where his theatre was located just to the north of London (2.23.71-4). This, Helgerson says, “associates the spectacle of Jane Shore’s death with its theatrical re-enactment . . . . Watching the play, weeping over Jane Shore, Londoners in 1599 were made one with those beneficiaries of her merciful acts who, in defiance of King Richard’s command, attempt to relieve her suffering” (467). Edward IV acts as a founding myth and appropriates Shoreditch as a memorial for Jane.

    The aspirations of “Saint Jane” derive from the possibility of equality implicit in the Christian ethic, as evinced by her ambition along with her redistribution of royal privilege among the people. In order to keep Jane as pure as possible in the audiences’ eyes, Heywood does not depict her directly considering Edward’s adulterous proposal. Instead, Jane’s desire for the monarchal centre is expressed in the council of Jane’s confidant, Mistress Blage, whose advice Jane considers before leaving her husband for Edward. Expounding the potential benefits of Edward’s interest, Blage tells Jane, “you yourself, your children and your friends, / Be all advanced in worldly dignity / And this world’s pomp, you know is a good thing” (1.19.33-35). Invited by the king, Jane transgresses the sacred space of the monarchal centre, ultimately becoming a victim in the ongoing battle to secure it, while demonstrating the power of its draw for the peripheral neoclassical protagonist. By attending Heywood’s theatre, and engaging the various literary re-imaginings of Shore’s life, England’s middle class audiences pay homage to their saint, by whom they are at first scandalized and then partially constituted.

    The literary tradition surrounding the rise and tragic fall of the historical Mistress Shore, to whom Heywood assigns the familiar appellative Jane, has its earliest version in an account authored by Thomas More. More’s brief relation of the fate of Mistress Shore appears in his History of Richard III and contains the seeds of the tragic pathos. This pathos is especially legible in More’s description of the humiliating penance assigned her by the new Protector, Richard. Heywood’s play also describes the scene, in which Jane (as a convicted adulteress) is required to walk, clad only in an undergarment, from Temple Bar to Aldgate carrying a taper, before her final expulsion from the city. More notes the humiliating circumstances of this sentence, but also indicates that not all of the onlookers, who condemned her for her adultery, took pleasure in seeing her shamed. He writes:

    even good people who hated her faults pitied her disgrace rather than joying in it, since they considered that it had been arranged by the Protector not out of any real interest in decency but out of hypocrisy and malice. (425)

    The pity Mistress Shore evokes from even those who hate her speaks to the widespread awareness that she was being forced to play the role of a scapegoat in the concluding turmoil of the country’s long civil war. The performance of this penance, which is the prelude to her death in Heywood, is only the beginning of her destitution in reality. Shore was still alive at the time More wrote his history in 1513. It is likely he knew her, given the way he reflects on the great disparity between her former position as a royal courtesan and the poverty of her old age. Considering the generous way that she used her status to help the citizens of London, who approached her with petitions, More concludes his section on her by observing:

    [S]he was little inferior in authority and influence to any of those who at various periods had great power with their princes but who are known to posterity only for their crimes, the more scandalous their memory, the more lasting, as we record good deeds done to us in dust but the wrongs we have suffered in marble. But this very woman, so famous once . . . today ekes out a wretched existence by begging, although some are still living and pretending not to know her who would now be her partners in adversity had she not once salvaged their fortunes. (431)

    These last lines highlight the generative nature that is attributed to the figure of the sacred victim. Such a figure is viewed before her expulsion as a corruption, contaminating the community with violence, and after as a life-giving benefactor. Girard terms this effect, in which new life seems to emerge from the death of an apparent criminal, a “double transference”. The victims of ancient myth often become the gods that foster and watch over a nascent society (1986: 44). Jane’s victimization was productive of a body of literature, but also played a part in the emergence of early modern England’s middle class.

    Another neoclassical protagonist appearing in part 1 of the play is Thomas Falconbridge, who is the bastard son of the 1st Earl of Kent, and a turncoat leader during the War of the Roses. Falconbridge is a type of Phaeton, who makes a speech referencing London’s mythic roots in the classical age, thereby highlighting the break between the hero of the classical aesthetic and the protagonist of the neoclassical aesthetic. His speech recalls the siege of Troy, in which he figures himself as the offended hero Menelaus come to retrieve a figurative Helen from New Troy (or London). He attempts to speak in the mode of a classical hero challenging his foe on the field of battle. However, there is something not quite classical in the way he presents himself. His challenge, instead of focusing unselfconsciously on his own achievements and power, reflects on equality—questioning the legitimacy of hierarchal authority. Rallying his troops, Heywood’s Falconbridge imagines Mile End Green as the classical plains of Troy, saying:

    Yet stand we in the sight of upreared Troy,
    And suck the air she draws. Our very breath
    Flies from our nostrils, warm unto the walls.
    We beard her bristling spires, her patted towers,
    And proudly stand and gaze her in the face. (1.9.1-5)

    In these lines Falconbridge almost sounds like the heroic Achaean warriors, who are always certain of their own martial prowess and centrality. For instance, the rarely mentioned hero Euphorbus has no doubt of his pre-eminence. In a threatening speech against Menelaus he boasts:

    I was the first Trojan, first of the famous allies
    to spear Patroclus down in the last rough charge.
    So let me seize my glory among the Trojans now
    —or I’ll spear you too, I’ll rip your own sweet life away.
    (Homer 17.15-17)

    Despite not actually having killed Patroclus, the vaunting Euphorbus claims his glorious centrality with conviction. Euphorbus occupies the central sacred space surrounding Patroclus’s body with a certainty that does not require comparison with the other. He assumes his self-asserted dominance in a way that is rare in neoclassical protagonists, who are encumbered with the Christian notion of equality among souls. Falconbridge would sound more like Euphorbus if he did not articulate the overwhelming power of the city to dominate the centre, as it draws the air from the his and his army’s bodies. Critic Richard Rowland notes how London, despite being unoccupied by King Edward at the moment of Falconbridge’s attack, is still imbued with the presence of the King (102). This royal presence is a sacrosanct space, which the Lancastrian Falconbridge attempts to invade and usurp. In this way, the city is a synecdoche for royal power and centrality to which Falconbridge’s army is a desiring periphery. The neoclassical insecurity and resentment inherent in Falconbridge’s marginal position vis-a-vis Edward is more evident in the second part of the speech, where he says:

    Look on me, and I doubt not ye imagine
    My worth as great as any one of yours;
    My fortunes, would I basely fawn on Edward,
    To be as fair as any man’s in England.
    But he that keeps your sovereign in the Tower
    Hath seized my land, and robbed me of my right.
    I am a gentleman as well as he;
    What he hath got, he holds by tyranny. (1.9.6-13)

    Rather than reinforcing the impression of his equality to the king, Falconbridge’s grasping self-comparison to Edward reminds the audience of his marginality. Falconbridge provides his listeners with an image of himself potentially fawning on the king, while he shrilly asserts his equality with the monarch. His attempts at confidence are troubled by his sense of equality, as when he wonders that Londoners don’t see his worth at par with their own. He resents this position outside the king’s presence and imagines a scenario where, after taking the city, “[t]he meanest soldier [will be] wealthier than a king” (1.9.21). These frustrated neoclassical sentiments, which conceive of the equality of each soul despite strict hierarchy, stand in contrast to the confident self-aggrandizement of even the most marginal heroes of Homer.

    In Edward IV, religiously propelled social levelling is complicated by the immediate reality of the monarch’s coercive dominance over subjects daring to recognize their spiritual equality with royalty. When Jane Shore is wooed by Edward, part of her decision to give in to the King’s seduction derives from her concern that he might use his power to harm Matthew if he is denied and humiliated. Another example is the understandable impotence Matthew feels regarding the possibility of exacting revenge upon a man who commands the realm’s military and is constantly surrounded by a personal bodyguard. Realizing Edward has seduced his wife, Matthew has no recourse but the language of the sacred to smother his resentment: “I cannot help it. A’ God’s name, let her go / … / Where kings are meddlers, meaner men must rue” (1.20.77-79). Though Heywood positions Matthew in the sacred centre by casting him as the heroic vanquisher of the realm’s enemies and imagining him degrade Edward by refusing his knighthood, Matthew’s neoclassical heroism remains proscribed by the traditional ethics of hierarchy, which prohibit the violation of established worldly social orders.

    Christianity’s moral imperative, which exacerbates a commoner’s resentment toward the elite and affects the disintegration of classical hierarchies, also provides the representational means of deferring the citizen’s potentially violent resentment. Matthew’s brief appeal to the name of God, as he recognizes his loss of Jane to the inaccessible royal centre, is a means of reproducing the structure of the originary scene, with its resentment-deferring effect. The invocation of the deity is repeated again in the Shores’ final scene, where Matthew promises pray God’s forgiveness on both his and Jane’s sins:

    Jane. How can I look upon my husband’s face,
    That shamed myself, and wrought his deep disgrace?
    Shore.
    Jane, be content. Our woes are now alike:
    With one self rod thou see’st God doth us strike.
    If for thy sin, I’ll pray to heaven for thee,
    And if for mine, do thou as much for me.
    Jane.
    Ah, Shore, is’t possible thou canst forgive me?
    Shore.
    Yes, Jane, I do.
    Jane.
    I cannot hope thou wilt:
    My fault’s so great that I cannot expect it.
    Shore.
    I’ faith, I do, as freely from my soul
    As at God’s hands I hope to be forgiven. (2.22.73-83)

    Registering the shame that accompanies the resentment-producing transgression enacted by herself and Edward, Jane states her inability to initiate an exchange of signs with Matthew: “How can I look upon my husband’s face.” In order for Mathew and Jane’s morally sanctioned reciprocal desire to be reinstated in the eyes of the community (here the audience), Matthew gestures toward the sacred centre, through which his and Jane’s desires and resentments are mediated and deferred. As Jane admits the inimical quality of her erstwhile desire for Edward, so Matthew implicitly acknowledges the transgressive quality of his resentment: “If for thy sin, I’ll pray to heaven for thee, /And if for mine, do thou as much for me.” In the quid pro quo of penitent prayers, Matthew presents a possible reinstatement of enduring symbolic exchange between himself and Jane, which was interrupted when—mirroring her flight to Edward—Matthew chose to exile himself from English society in an attempt to become as the play’s central victim—cast out by his wife’s faithlessness. However, the central position in the play ultimately belongs to the Deity, whom Matthew imagines as a moral force meting punishment and forgiveness to himself and Jane, recognizing that they occupy equally peripheral and subjected positions relative to the sacred centre.

    Gans argues that belief in religious revelation, language, and its associated moral awareness of total reciprocity are the repetition of the circumstances of the originary scene, which allows the community to conceive of an enduring sacred presence (1990: 26-27). He explains that “the ostensive sign is ambiguously directed both to the central divinity and to its worldly addressees, the other participants on the periphery. The repetition of the original sign designates the present divinity and thereby constitutes the central moment of the reproduced event” (1993: 92). Matthew’s invocation of the divine (“A’ God’s name, let her go”) in the moment when he is most vulnerable to resentment does not function as an empty pious platitude. Rather, it constitutes a speech act, which contains the possibility of reinstating peace of the originary scene, where the non-violent reciprocity created by collective recollection and repetition of the first sign defers violent resentment. However, Matthew’s initial self-expulsion, in his removal from England, indicates his inability to peacefully abide the appropriation of his cherished object. Beset with violent resentment, Matthew seeks a cathartic resolution to his angst and humiliation by tearing himself from his London community. In the pathetic but magnanimous grief occasioned by his cuckolding, Matthew becomes, briefly, another of the play’s multiple protagonists.

    In Edward IV the audience’s attention is routinely redirected from supporting character to supporting character, never resting for long on the play’s king. In part one scene thirteen, the King leaves London and encounters Hob, the Tanner of Tamworth. Edward conceals his identity in order to question Hob on his political leanings as they pertain to the power struggle occurring among the divided Plantagenet household. Considering the scene’s antecedents in Robin Hood and “king and the commoner” ballads, Rowland reflects that the King’s disguise can affect “an evanescent leveling fantasy,” wherein the noble is able to “converse on ‘equal’ terms with men of the same social status,” after which “the revelation of true rank produces temporary and comic trauma, followed by the reabsorption of the deceived into an unquestioned and benevolent hierarchy” (32-33). Though Hob does not displace Edward in the play’s centre, as Jane and Matthew do, he does enter into an evasive and playful dialogue with Edward, hinting that—through his clever use of language—he might vie in wit with the monarch and win. As in Rowland’s account of the familiar structure, however, Hob subjection is ensured by Edward’s provision of a royal pardon for Hob’s son. In a subtle movement of the neoclassical aesthetic, the focus of the play falls briefly on Hob but his resentment of royal centrality is never definitively articulated.

    Throughout Edward IV the neoclassical aesthetic operates by foregrounding characters who in the classical aesthetic would be virtual nonentities, who exude far less metaphysical being than one of Sophocles’ heroes. When Edward begins an affair with the married Jane Shore, he acts as a competitor in a game of mimetic rivalry against his subject, thereby allowing Matthew and Jane to occupy the sacred royal centre, where royal precedence in the ethically constructed hierarchy ensures his success. However, the Christian moral critique of his actions manifests in the eventual reconciliation and reunion of Matthew and Jane, whose resentment, guilt, and angst make them the likeliest candidates for the play’s central character. In the cases of Jane, Matthew, and Falconbridge, desire for the centre is conflicted, as the centrality of deity and king entice them to a position of privilege, while simultaneously designating them as peripheral and equal. At the outset of the drama, Falconbridge’s attempt to usurp authority through classical posturing betrays his awareness that, in the Christian context, all claims to absolute sovereignty are dubious. Ultimately, the class tensions in Heywood’s play emerge from the dissonance between the ethics of hierarchy, manifest in the structure of early modern monarchy, and Christian morality, as it depends on the radical reciprocity existing between sign exchanging souls on the early modern stage.

    Works Cited

    Gans, Eric. Originary Thinking: Elements of Generative Anthropology. Stanford: Stanford UP, 1993. Print.

    —-. Science and Faith: The Anthropology of Revelation. Savage: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, 1990. Print.

    Girard, René. Things Hidden Since the Foundation of the World. Trans. Stephen Bann and Michael Metteer. Stanford: Stanford UP, 1987. Print.

    —-. The Scapegoat. Trans Yvonne Freccero. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins UP, 1986. Print.

    —-. Violence and the Sacred. Trans. Patrick Gregory. Baltimore: John Hopkins UP, 1979. Print.

    Helgerson, Richard. “Weeping for Jane Shore.” The South Atlantic Quarterly 98.3 (1999): 452- 76. Web. JSTOR.

    Heywood, Thomas. The First and Second Parts of King Edward IV. Ed. Richard Rowland. Manchester: Manchester UP, 2005. Print. The Revels Plays.

    Kahn, Coppélia. Man’s Estate: Masculine Identity in Shakespeare. Berkeley: U of California P, 1981. Print.

    More, Thomas. The Complete Works of St. Thomas More. 15 vols. to date. Ed. Daniel Kinney. New Haven: Yale UP, 1963- . Print.

    Rowland, Richard. “Introduction.” The First and Second Parts of King Edward IV. Ed. Richard Rowland. Manchester: Manchester UP, 2005. Print. The Revels Plays.

    Notes

    1. In Science and Faith, Gans explains how the scripturally documented phenomena of moral revelation (particularly the Mosaic and Christian) proceed from the originary scene. He explains, “[w]hat is revealed in the originary event is the organization of the collective as a peaceful community on the scene of representation. This revelation emanates from the center and its ethical content is realized in actu each time that men reconstitute the scene around a new center–each time, in fact that they use language” (1990: 26). (back)

    2. Gans explains: “An ethic maintains a social order; morality, on the contrary, is indifferent to any such order. Morality is a vision of human relations derived exclusively from the reciprocal exchange of signs on the scene of representation” (94). Gans further claims that the reciprocity of signs, as the foundation of the moral order, is radicalized in the Gospels: “The moral utopia of the Gospels is based on perfect equality and reciprocity; there are on superiors and inferiors. In such a world resentment will be abolished” (96). (back)

    3. The dynamic of resentment expressed between these two individual’s may also be considered a synecdoche of the resentment often latent between the wealthy city of London and the monarchy.Richard Rowland notes that in the poem by Michael Drayton, from which Heywood draws the Shore plot, “the Shores [operate] as a site of economic power which challenges the authority of the monarch” (46). It is interesting to observe that Jane, as the chattel of a citizen, is associated with the wealth of London, which was a taxable resource for the crown. (back)

    4. Matthew’s seeming embodiment of the city’s prestige is due to his crucial, and successful, role in defending the city, in which Edward had no part (1.9.183-86). Matthew’s wealth, which is analogous to the wealth of the city, is symbolized in his occupation as a goldsmith who owns his own shop (Rowland 46). (back)

    5. In the tragedy of the classical aesthetic, Oedipus is heroic and doomed because, as king, he occupies the central position of the Theban community. In the tragedy of the neoclassical aesthetic, Hamlet is heroic and doomed, as he aspires to kingship from the periphery of Elsinore’s court (152-53). Oedipus unselfconsciously struggles to maintain his position at centre, while Hamlet reflects at length on his inability to properly occupy the centre of the scene without nagging doubts about the legitimacy of his usurpation. (back)

    6. City plays and domestic comedies and tragedies take middle and lower class subjects as their protagonists; examples include, among city plays: Thomas Heywood’s The Four Prentices of London(1592), Thomas Dekker’s The Shoemaker’s Holiday (1599), Francis Beaumont’s The Knight of the Burning Pestle (1607), Thomas Middleton’s A Chaste Maid in Cheapside (1613), in domestic tragedies: Thomas Heywood’s A Woman Killed with Kindness (1603), and in domestic comedies: Ben Jonson’s Batholemew Fair (1614 also a city play set in Smithfield) Dekker, Chettle, and Haughton’s Patient Grissel (1599). (back)

  • Benchmarks (Anthropoetics XVIII, no. 2)

    This issue of Anthropoetics contains articles by three attendees of the joint COV&R-GASC (and Japan Girard Association) conference last July in Tokyo. Both Peter Goldman‘s and Ben Barber‘s articles are taken from papers delivered at the conference. Peter, in his eighth Anthropoetics article, continues his Shakespearean reflections with the valedictory Tempest, treated as a historical farewell to the possibility of Shakespearean theater. Ben, after an earlier piece on Hunter Thompson, turns to classical English literature with an essay on the Shakespeare near-contemporary Heywood as chronicling the breakdown of the rigid social system of the Middle Ages, exemplified by a hitherto inconceivable rivalry between a commoner and the king. And Marina Ludwigs, in her sixth contribution, takes up the interesting phenomenon, largely confined to its own community, of Russian exile literature in the West, which she shows as creating a unique topography in Western cities such as New York or London, turning walking into a figure of narrative self-creation and self-reflection.

    Finally, I am happy to present an article on La chanson de Roland, always one of my favorite works of literature, by Robert Rois, a UCLA PhD whom I have known for many years and who has recently begun taking an interest in GA. The ostensive/imperative contrast he describes in Roland’s delayed blowing of his horn, the crux of the epic, shows the applicability of GA’s linguistic concepts to the analysis of this seminal medieval work.

    About Our Contributors

    Ben Barber is a PhD student in the Department of English at the University of Ottawa, where he holds a Canadian Social Science and Humanities Research Scholarship for his research on the influence of Shakespeare’s representations of mimetic desire upon the poetic vision of Lord Byron.  In 2012 he received an MA in English from the University of Victoria, where his research focused on honor and mimetic rivalry in early modern drama.

    Peter Goldman is Professor of English at Westminster College in Salt Lake City. He serves on the editorial board for Anthropoetics and is also a board member of the Generative Anthropology Society & Conference (GASC). Peter teaches classes on Shakespeare, Renaissance literature, and film studies. His publications include articles on Shakespeare, Reformation literature, film studies, Generative Anthropology, and Kafka. His current project is a book on Shakespeare and the problem of iconoclasm, for which the article here will be a chapter.

    Marina Ludwigs teaches English Literature at Stockholm University. She has a PhD in Comparative Literature from UC Irvine and has worked with, and presented papers on, both Girardian theory and Generative Anthropology. She is currently writing a book on the anthropological structures of epiphanies.

    Robert Rois occasionally teaches beginning Spanish language courses at Valley College in Los Angeles. Born in Havana, he left Cuba with his parents, first wave political refugees of the 60’s. His alma mater is U.C. Berkeley. After a year at the École Normale Supérieure in Paris studying Medieval French, he finished a Ph.D. in Romance Linguistics and Literature at UCLA. He resides in California.

  • Victimocracy

    Readers of these Chronicles know that I have often spoken about the victimary nature of the postmodern era. No doubt victimary tendencies were present from the outset. The birth of the human, according to GA’s originary hypothesis, was marked by a denial of the absolute nature of pecking-order hierarchy and the institution of fundamental reciprocal equality under a communal sacred authority. It is inherent in the human condition that any hint of another’s advantage arouses resentment, which is nothing other than the feeling of being a victim. That since WWII these resentful tendencies have become the dominant ones is nonetheless a radical historical change. From providing a correction to the self-enhancing nature of firstness they come to deny its legitimacy altogether.

    It is not easy to explain to those of younger generations that in the pre-Holocaust era the victim’s role was typically stigmatized. Indeed, when the term “Holocaust” came into common usage in the 1970s, thirty years after the events, it marked the beginning of a new era in which victimhood acquired a privileged, not to say sacred status. Quite a contrast from the contemptuous description of the Jewish victims in the immediate postwar years as “going to their death without a fight like sheep led to slaughter,” etc.

    Since that time, the persecutor-victim relation, always an essential element of Christianity and already of Judaism (remember the prophets’ tirades about the “widow and orphan”), has become the dominant paradigm in social relations, steadily winning each of its battles against the “normal,” at first, against open injustice and prejudice (Civil Rights), then against the presumed residues of past injustice and in favor of groups who for whatever reason do less well than others (Affirmative Action), then for marginal stigmatized groups even in the face of age-old and apparently biologically based custom (gay liberation and marriage). I used the term victimary thinking to refer to this trend. But a few months ago I was struck by the stronger term coined by Adam Katz: victimocracy. The 2008 election of our first—literally—African-American president (who had to be a Democrat—Colin Powell would not have produced this effect), also not coincidentally the most “academic” president since Woodrow Wilson, had been touted as ushering in a new post-racial era. Might this not signal the “millennial” overcoming of the victimary that I had erroneously seen as arriving in the wake of 9/11? But it now seems that this proof that the American public is less racially prejudiced than in the past must be seen less as a sign of the end of racism, than, ironically enough, a signal to the victimary world to step up its campaigns, not merely out of cynical calculation but with the intuition that this election was not a demonstration that American society no longer has victims but that now the victims are in charge.

    Of course, if you will pardon the obvious pun, such matters are too complex to be understood in simple terms of black and white. But Adam’s blog makes a point worth pondering. The Obama administration would seem to mark an at least tentative tipping point where victimary tendencies whose more radical expressions had been confined to universities, journalism, and the media have become mainstream and have pushed the “old normal” into a defensive posture. The victims are no longer trying to “win a place at the table”; they have done away with the table. The erstwhile “majority” term “white male” has begun to bear a certain stigma, an extension of the one attached to “dead white males” in the university setting. The decline of Europe and the withdrawal of the US from a self-confidently dominant position in world affairs are both cause and effect of this development, one that Obama’s foreign policy very much reflects, but they are only corollaries of the key event of the last half of the 20th century.

    Crucial is the failure of a great historical experiment: the fall of the Soviet Union gave the civilized world convincing proof that we can no longer look forward to “socialism” in any form to resolve the “contradictions” of “capitalism” and restore in utopian terms our originary equality. But to acknowledge that we are not working toward a final egalitarian paradise, that we have come to the end of eschatology (which is really the point of Francis Fukuyama’s oft-misunderstood thesis), is to accept that victims will always be with us. This allows historical victimology to evolve into post-historical, anthropological victimocracy.


    The basis of post-Holocaust victimary thought had first appeared to be that domination on the Nazi-Jew model must be abolished as the mark of the oppressor, leaving only a “Rawlsian” residue of authority that is beneficial to the society as a whole. But if domination can never be abolished, then it must be controlled, morally, culturally, and to the maximum extent politically (if not fully economically) by the victims themselves and their agents. In victimocracy, domination by and/or for victims will always remain necessary. This is no longer simple reversal, using coercion punctually to right some wrong—as Affirmative Action was supposed to do. Now the coercion is exercised on a quasi-permanent basis by those whose power comes from their ability to designate themselves and/or their allies as victims, and whose status depends on being able to condemn and punish, but never of course to end, victimage.

    As day to day relationships between “minorities” and the majority population have generally improved (and Obama’s election has certainly contributed to this), the political class and victimary ideologues continue to complain of racism and oppression. The society’s institutions are increasingly focused on the victimary as the dominant moral priority. Objective criteria that respect the principle of firstness (meritocracy, competence, the work ethic) are rejected as biased if their application shows “disparate impact” on identifiable victim groups. Whole areas of scholarship such as “critical race theory” have grown up to track “micro-aggressions” and other non-obvious traces of victimization that must be demonstrated to permit continuation of the moral and material privileges of victimary status. In a world where we no longer expect moral reciprocity to be ever achieved, the victim’s role is that of a non-agent whom the agent’s firstness necessarily exploits and injures unless his actions are uniquely geared to promoting the victim’s interests.

    The term “minority” has become a code word for the favorable moral status accorded to those recognized as victims and by extension, those whose efforts are devoted to them. There is no incentive to join the “majority” or “mainstream” when this involves not merely loss of affirmative action-like privileges (which may be considerable) but of the immense prestige of moral innocence. If human firstness is fundamentally evil, then there is a considerable premium on being able to describe oneself as its passive victim; such persons are alone of moral value, and are encouraged to consider themselves entitled to whatever compensation can be given them.

    Inequality will always be with us, hence it will always have to be denounced, and its “Rawlsian” justification as making everyone better off, although implicit in the “social contract,” becomes less salient than the denunciation that perpetuates, sincerely or hypocritically, its bad conscience. That this denunciation goes hand in hand with an outrageous culture of bling, of billionaires buying up real estate, even governing major cities (Bloomberg) and countries (Berlusconi), merely adds a demonstration, so far from everyday life as to generate less rather than more resentment, of the eternal necessity of inequality and hence of the victimary. Victimocracy as a worldly religion has taken over from Hegel’s old idea of religion as the “inverted world” in which worldly injustices are resolved. In the absence of an apocalyptic ideology such as Marxism (or Islamism, for that matter, which may perhaps best be understood as the only militant eschatology remaining as a rival to more sophisticated, “civilized” victimocracy), maintaining the salience and legitimacy of victimary resentment can begin to be understood as the reflection of a permanent human condition.


    To give an example close to home of a benign but real form of victimocracy: a few years ago the UCLA French department hired a prominent scholar of French literature outside of France (Francophonie) to both chair the department and develop a specialty that had been neglected and unstaffed for several years. She brought in a second specialist, the field expanded, and now we have 4.5 specialists in Francophone literature out of 12 faculty (there are no more than 2 in any other specialty). More significantly, 75% or more of our entering graduate students choose Francophone literature as their specialty; postcolonial studies have a cachet (and a presumed advantage in the job market) that is rivaled only by other victim-oriented studies such as that of gender. Rare is the student who, as was universal up to fifteen or twenty years ago, enters the department because she (occasionally, he) is interested in a particular “century” of French literature. It is striking, and I think exemplary in an increasingly victimocratic world, how quickly la Francophonie, which is objectively a modest component of a millennium-old transnational literature, went from being respected as a field worthy of interest in itself to a hegemonic domain that has largely reduced the others to ancillary status. Similar (although generally less radical) developments have transformed other formerly “Eurocentric” departments—and those that cannot do so (such as our local Germanic department) risk being decimated.


    Another Chronicle would be required to do justice to the extension of victimocracy to the relationship between humanity and the natural world. Many environmentalists dogmatically oppose the use of fossil fuels and any form of “development.” The logic behind such beliefs, leaving aside the undecided question of “global warming” (now referred to euphemistically as “climate change”), is that we must not make irreversible changes in the environment however far off their effects might be. The planet and “Nature” as a whole present a permanent victimary obstacle to human activity. In principle human inequalities had been justified by the principle of firstness: that hierarchical superiority leads to an ultimate sharing of the advantages it procures, the model of reciprocal exchange being always the ultimate basis of human morality. The human model is one of indefinite advance, although not necessarily of visible “progress.” The victimary model, in contrast, sees all action as ultimately zero-sum: exploitation and domination. In this perspective, for which the only moral actions are those that undo previous actions, the exploitation of nature, as exemplified by the extraction of energy from the earth, is the very model of evil, since however much of the natural resource there remains, what has been extracted can never be returned. If the 1970s were haunted by the Club of Rome’s apocalyptic—and wildly inaccurate—predictions of early resource exhaustion, today it is the principle that matters. It sometimes even seems that the humanity-nature paradigm, where agency is unproblematically on one side only and the “victim” is wholly passive and innocent, has replaced the Nazi-Jew paradigm of the earlier phase of the postmodern. The Jews were agents deprived of agency; victims today tend to be assimilated to nature, or to small children, as though they lack (mature) agency altogether.

    Today the extraction of the energy needed to run the economy is increasingly stigmatized and restricted in the “blue” parts of the country, leaving “red” states such as North Dakota to profit from the great energy boom recently made available to the US by fracking. This gives partial confirmation to what I understand to be Adam’s thinking on the matter: that the victimary cannot be overcome on its own terrain, which is now increasingly that of all “official” discourse, and that only withdrawal into local, more or less autonomous (if not autarkic) communities can permit the continued flourishing of the economic and technical activities that maintain modern prosperity. North Dakota would be in this perspective a living example; presumably those engaged in mining are not overly concerned with victimary niceties.

    Yet such largely male communities are not complete social orders either. Can the emergence of “pockets of resistance” to victimary values be a significant source of renewal? Victimocracy still “works,” after all, otherwise we could not continue implementing it. Can anything less than a catastrophe force the US and the “West” to defend the superiority of its values—or demonstrate to its detriment that this superiority is no longer real?

    A powerful argument in favor of affirmative action is that most jobs can be done more or less satisfactorily by people far from the most competent or highly qualified. The question is how much relative inefficiency a society can tolerate for the sake of maintaining its victimary focus. Is the decline of whole areas of the humanities a permanent damage to civilization? or does it just signify an ironically indirect return to the old standard, where a small educated elite have a deep knowledge of the “classics,” however defined, and the mass, who used to be frankly illiterate but who now attend on the average “some college,” acquire a smattering of “classical” and somewhat more victimary knowledge about literature and the arts. Only History, in deciding among our various social experiments, can provide, not always at the pace we would like, practical answers to such questions.


    My final point may seem in partial contradiction to what proceeds, but the central ethical principle of GA as a “scenic” anthropology (as distinct from its theory of morality) is that in theoretical reflection we should have more confidence in the collective human scene than in our personal version of it. Morality is one, but if everyone’s morality derives from the same source, there can be no self-justifying moral positions. Victimocracy involves a great deal of nonsense, but as Voltaireans are happy to tell us, all religions and comparable belief systems contain similar irrationalities, which reflect the contrast between the urgency of establishing collective standards and the impossibility of determining to general satisfaction the “best” standard (a phenomenon well known to users of keyboards and Microsoft Word).

    The victimary denies the virtues of human firstness, in its extreme forms denies even the moral value of the existence of humanity, the scourge of Gaia. And yet we still have Art, in an undiminished variety of forms. Our attempt to persuade others of what our esthetic sense tells us is beautiful drives creativity in all the arts, from the most vulgar to the most sublime. Popular culture thrives on victimary works, a still-popular archetype for which is the 19th century melodrama where the invincible hero defends widow, orphan, and (pretty) maiden from the depredations of the mustachioed villain (who today usually works for a “corporation”). But, outside of the airy and already strangely archaic pronouncements of “French theory” about such things as the “scriptable” text, is there truly a victimary esthetic?

    Art cannot exist without the affirmation of its firstness, its unique local superiority to other claims on our attention. The humblest YouTube video and Instagram photograph pay homage to the principle of firstness, which is inherent in art because it is inherent in the scenic nature of human shared attention and the culture that emerged from it. Once we remind ourselves of the constancy of the human throughout its various avatars, we can allow ourselves the faith that victimocracy is not a simple denial of human creativity but ultimately a means, however apparently perverse, of stimulating it. We can only hope that its excesses do not provoke one of those catastrophes that have so often ended the great cultural enterprises of the past.


  • GA vs BA or The Mind-Body Fallacy

    There is a time in life, which one might call “retirement,” when one is no longer willing or able to maintain one’s commitment to a “profession,” however defined, so that one can no longer communicate responsibly with the other members of that profession, and must consequently withdraw at least partially from the scene and limit oneself to such retrospective activities as writing memoirs or offering “quaint” reactions to the modern world from one who (like my old friend S) never learned to use a computer, or (like me) finds the very idea of “social media” an abomination.

    I’m not sure if I’ve reached the retirement stage on all fronts, but I will admit that one aspect of GA is designed to limit the need for “professional” updating, not just for me personally, but for culture as a whole. A culture, or as Durkheim called it, a “society,” needs to have a sense of itself that does not depend on the latest discovery of the neurology lab. Does a society need an anthropological theory? Well, yes, in the sense that we must have some ideas in common about what we have become uncomfortable calling “human nature.” Because of the way professions operate in our culture, we expect that the “experts” on neurology, evolution, and related “life sciences” will provide new ideas about how our neurons and the rest function, and that it is exclusively in the development of these ideas that our fundamental self-understanding will be modified. Thus our background anthropology (BA) is designed to accommodate what might be called the Scientific American world of discovery in this area, just as it does, non-controversially, that of the discoveries of physics and chemistry and astronomy. The problem that GA poses is that it does not accept BA, in which it sees a systematic distortion of our self-understanding. The fact that all the “expert” discoveries of the past decades have only confirmed GA’s fundamental intuition: that the human is qualitatively different from other species, who can’t “learn language” in any meaningful sense, while their own “languages” are signal systems incomparable to human language, suggests at the very least that there is more to GA than BA seems to think.

    In my talk at the forthcoming GASC, I will take up a recent attempt by a philosopher to rethink some of these questions, which I call anthropological but which he situates in the traditional metaphysical categories of “cognition” and “value.” In this Chronicle I would like to focus on the heart of my argument, which is not really new but which, before being at a stage of my career where I was obliged to think of “retirement,” I had not previously put in such sharp terms. And one might say that the sharpness of terms, when one is attempting to propose a “new way of thinking,” is of considerable importance.


    One of the fundamental tenets (if such a word isn’t too rigorous in this context) of BA is the so-called mind-body (sometimes mind-brain) distinction: that there is something called “consciousness” that is different from material reality and that is therefore the basis of an informal dualism that “professional philosophers” argue about more rigorously, to wit, as to whether this naive dualism is “real” (dualism) or can through unspecified “scientific” operations be reduced to a single category (monism), generally speaking the material (materialism). The now all-but-forgotten Marxist “dialectical materialism” reflected the late-19th century atmosphere in which Marx operated, when Hippolyte Taine was famous for the phrase Le vice et la vertu sont des produits comme le vitriol et le sucre [Vice and virtue are products like sulfuric acid and sugar.] In reaction to this was born “phenomenology,” which tried to avoid the mind-body dichotomy by just talking about the “contents” (phenomena) of the mind.

    Where does GA stand with respect to the mind-body dichotomy? As an old Girardian—as I get older I feel less and less obligation to distance myself from my teacher; history will measure our respective contributions, but as it progresses it seems to me that our branch of thinking is ever less “mainstream,” and that one important function of GA is to keep the “other” Girardians aware of the danger of backsliding into BA and its banalities—I have always had a healthy skepticism about the relevance of “philosophical” distinctions. But one can’t simply ignore them. Here then is a “sharper” statement of what I think GA’s position on the mind-body problem should be: that there isn’t one, that the real dichotomy is elsewhere, where I have for thirty years said it was, not between “mind” and “body” but between the world and language, or more broadly, representation.

    Let me put this more provocatively. I see no reason to deny that animals have “consciousness.” Nor is it necessary to insist that animal consciousness lacks “qualia” or that it either does or does not differ essentially from the recursivity found in robots. But I see no problem in animal consciousness, any more than in the origin of life, for the usual Darwinian explanation of how it evolved. There is no mystery, and if Darwinian evolution is somehow inadequate to explain it (although I fail to see how it can be challenged without any semblance of a testable theory to oppose to it; and please don’t talk to me about “intelligent design”!), then it is not especially inadequate for “consciousness” as opposed to any other characteristic of living beings. If “qualia” is the problem, then any creature with some kind of brain poses a problem. How does an amoeba feel when you prick it? What is the quality of its pain? How does an earthworm feel pleasure? We find life too short to reflect on such questions. The only qualia that are of real interest to us are human qualia. And why, pray tell, is this? Might it not be because we, unlike our animal friends, have language, which is to say, we can talk about qualia?

    Philosophers-metaphysicians deal with all such matters in terms of a human atomism where the only interaction of importance starts with a single human mind, who may then be forced to recognize “other minds,” but who is never theorized as once upon a time having been obliged to get together with these “other minds,” even before they were “minds” in the human sense, in a hypothesis about how they began to communicate via representations. If, instead, these philosophers accepted a form of originary hypothesis then… they would no longer be philosophers, that is, metaphysicians for whom language is an unproblematic given, but (generative) anthropologists. But no doubt it is a good thing that there not be too many generative anthropologists in the world.

    All the problems associated with “consciousness” are reflections of the human propensity to use representations. But not because representations are a sign of the need for a new theory of cosmic evolution to replace Darwin’s, whose inadequacy to “explain” the human I have been talking about for some time without ever suggesting that we need to redo cosmology to allow for the possibility of “thinking beings” or whatever we are supposed to be. Good old Darwinian evolution is all we need, so long as we take into account that the human emerges in a different way from biological characteristics, and that there is no sense in seeking in mutations, as incredibly enough some philosophers still seem to do, the explanation of the origin of language (“Johnny has the language gene! He can talk! But the only other person around here with the gene is a girl in the next village, so we’re arranging for them to marry…”).

    It is amazing both how easily the originary hypothesis simplifies these questions and how reluctant the BA-philosophizing world is to entertain it as a possibility. “Consciousness” is part of culture, but only at the level where we can communicate via shared representations, which are not first of all about the world, but about sharing sacred interdictions that prevent us from killing each other. But in the same way that we can share our sense of the object’s significance/desirability/danger/holiness, we can share information about it, situating it on the “other scene” of the declarative sentence or proposition. Here the philosopher feels at home; we are engaged in cognitive activity, and, as they say, about the rest we, or they, should shut up. Wittgenstein was indeed more aware than his successors of the limits of metaphysics, which he tested with his—essentially imperative—word-games, but he would never have thought to situate such games in a hypothetical history of human emergence.

    But although we easily communicate about “objective” qualities, we cannot communicate “subjective” ones, and this leads to much agonizing over the “private” nature of consciousness. All it means, it seems to me, is that we are able to communicate “socially valuable” information, which consequently appears “objective” and independent of our internal scene of representation. “The cat is on the mat” is part of the world’s state of affairs, and its reproduction on our internal scene and in language seems therefore unproblematic. But when it comes to “qualia,” we have sensations that we discover we cannot communicate using language, since saying “I see red,” or “I feel pain” conveys no information to the hearer about the quality of these experiences. I want to somehow tell you how it feels to see red; I might try some kind of synesthesia: red is like the sound of a trumpet, or the smell of… God knows what. But clearly that just leads to infinite regress. Ergo, I declare that my “qualia” of seeing red or feeling pain are irreducible to the material reality of my nerve endings, which are in my body, whereas my mind, etc., etc.

    But this “private” area of consciousness that seems so precious is obviously an artifact of language. Animals have internal scenes of a kind, but they do not permit of representation and therefore cannot lead to a prise de conscience of the existence of consciousness. Or in other words, you only know you’re conscious because your possession of language makes you aware of being aware of sensations that are not exhausted by the words that designate them, whether it be the sensations of pain, of perception, of pleasure… We realize we can talk about them and communicate them by analogy to others, but that their “personal” or “subjective” content cannot be transmitted by language—although the attempt to convey my “qualia” may inspire poetry, music, even, who knows, mathematics. It is this awareness that gives us the sense that our qualia are something other than “material” reality, although the very scene of consciousness is a derivative of the human scene. Animals are “conscious,” but they are not conscious that they’re conscious, since that would require them to represent their consciousness, that is, to have the equivalent of human language. Which, as GA has always known, they do not.

    We may think of the scene of consciousness, which today is perhaps more easily figured as the screen of consciousness, as a means of combining one’s perceptions and knowledge of one’s environment in order to more efficiently make decisions about it necessary to life, or we might say, conducive to reproductive fitness. The problem of whether robots can be made/taught to “think” like humans is a deep one, and I am not ready to say that the robotic simulation of human thought is inconceivable, but as a believer in the necessity of an originary hypothesis, my point is that robots, lacking humanity’s originary scene, cannot “think like humans” unless they can acquire a history similar to that of humans. But I see no problem whatever with robots “thinking like animals,” which in many ways they do already.


    The current debate about whether such things as “qualia” and “values” cast doubt on the materialist genesis of life and humanity only demonstrates the extraordinary poverty of “philosophical” thought in our era, a proposition I intend to defend more concretely in June. In my view, the specific nature of human genesis and development involves no contradiction with Darwinian evolution, merely an understanding that the human and its scene-event configuration is simply of a different nature, either an “emergent” one, or if you prefer, one that demonstrates the existence of a sacred coexistent with the human, whether transcendent or immanent but in any case constituent.

    The point is not, as some on the “right” would like to think, that the weakness of the materialist Darwinian approach to human genesis “supports” the existence of God, any more than it supports creationism or intelligent design. These “God-of-the-gaps” arguments are pathetic. The “existence of God” in the mouths and minds of the philosophers is as impoverished a concept as that of the elephant that isn’t standing by the door or the collection of rabbit parts, far less rich than that of the cat on the mat. Once one realizes that the human can only come into existence not through genetic mutation but as a communal phenomenon, then one understands that such a thing as “values,” which Kant understood as essentially linked to human interaction, cannot even begin to be understood by the “introspection” of such ideas as, “Causing pain to a sentient being is wrong in itself…” One may well have such convictions, and I am the last to tell people to abandon them. But to make such introspection the basis of a “philosophical” discussion is a demonstration of the decline of this great enterprise since the pre-Socratics first thought of it as a discovery procedure for solutions to the ethical problems of the polis. If I have a conviction that something is wrong, and especially if I am not willing to “materialize” it by reducing it in terms of evolutionary psychology to an “adaptive” certitude that will somehow make my DNA more likely to survive, then I should be asking where such a conviction comes from, and how it is related to the fact that we express it in language and that creatures without language are unable to express such convictions.

    Of course if “language” is just a convenient shorthand to use in “expressing” our inner truth-convictions that otherwise exist independently of language, then there’s no need to meditate on the curious fact that language and morality go together. Durkheim never quite says this, nor Girard either, but I submit that it is strongly implicit in their understanding of the human social order, and that GA’s distillation of this relationship in the originary hypothesis is the natural conclusion of the process.

    And if the universe must indeed contain something other than matter/energy to give rise to my qualia and my values, why not remark on the fact that, yes, the universe does contain things other than matter: they are called signs. A bird can “see red,” but only humans can say, “red.” This is the new category of being that the universe has to be able to generate. But it seems to me that the originary hypothesis does that job quite simply, and although it no doubt presupposes that the universe from the beginning had the potential to generate signs, I fail to see in what sense this is a useful subject for speculation. I am a greater admirer than most of the difference between humans and the rest of the universe, but I’m not so infatuated that I think that the invention of the sign cannot be explained from within the world that already generated life. It is in my mind a terrible violation of parsimony to retrodict the capacity for language (“mind”) all the way back to the big bang, any more than the capacity for producing Justin Bieber.

    And with that, I rest my case. See you in June!


  • GA’s Humanist Hypothesis

    Although the details are still being worked out, I am currently in the process of retiring from UCLA. This does not mean the end of my intellectual activity; in fact I have never published so much (five books since 2007, not counting a good deal of “creative writing”). But it is a sign that I’m getting on, and now that I have in principle taught my last courses at UCLA, this seems a good moment to take stock of the situation and to offer some words of encouragement to those who share my faith in the not-always-realized potential of GA.

    As I have pointed out recently in A New Way of Thinking (Davies Group, 2011) and The Girardian Origins of GA (Imitatio, 2012), GA does not pretend to be an empirical science; its central originary hypothesis is explicitly humanistic rather than natural-scientific. The forthcoming GASC, to be held at UCLA in June, will have as its theme “Putting the Human back in the Humanities.” To defend GA is perforce to address this crucial issue.


    The substance of GA’s claim of minimalism is that it offers a more parsimonious way of understanding the human and its unity than empirical natural science, yet does not require the credo quia absurdum of religion. The originary hypothesis has the advantage of putting at the base of the human the scenic nature of human culture and of the forms of representation, language in the first place, that depend on it. Just as the scene postulates a configurational discontinuity irreducible to its components and their local interactions, so does its historical emergence require a temporal discontinuity that reflects the non-gradual emergence of the human in an event. Events are not reducible to the happenings of either the purely physical “natural” world or the pre-human life world. Scene and event are inseparable; things that happen on scenes are events, and events happen only on scenes (which by no means denies the possible complexity of the individual instantiations of either term). Because of its necessarily interactive nature, the existence of a scenic event is not empirically verifiable through “factual” measurements of its constituents. It can only be grasped by an intuition of the whole as, essentially, a human phenomenon. It is this I mean when I call ours a humanistic hypothesis.

    All religions embody in some form the scenic-evenemential intuition that is the basis of GA. But the Judeo-Christian tradition (at least) eventually engenders an “Enlightenment” that rejects in the name of humanism and science all intuitions (“revelations”) that cannot be instantiated empirically. Yet as I showed in The Scenic Imagination, Enlightenment thinkers from Hobbes to John Rawls have continued to think in (hypothetical rather than religio-dogmatic) scenic terms. These thinkers have formulated, as does GA, scenic hypotheses such as the “social contract” for human society and humanity itself. Such hypotheses construct an unprovable but “heuristic” hypothesis, as opposed both to the abstraction of philosophical first principles and the in medias res of the social sciences. The specific difference of GA is that its hypothetical scenario is not conceived as a fictional “thought experiment” but a first principle of anthropological thought. That is, the originary hypothesis is a hypothetical event that one must nevertheless consider as actually having taken place, or to put it more parsimoniously, whose non-reality we must never rely on. This is what makes GA indeed a “new way of thinking,” heir to, but not reducible to, the “social contract” theories to which Girard, for one, would like to reduce it. The roots of the hypothesis may be traced both through Girard to Durkheim’s “sociological” sacred-concept as well as to Derrida’s post-Nietzschean critique of phenomenological immediacy.

    GA’s insistence on the reality of its hypothetical event hits a raw nerve, seeming to many an essentially religious gesture, which only means that religion still understands the human better than either natural science or “enlightened” philosophy. For without event-temporality, one has no way of understanding the scenic nature of the human. The social scientist, whether or not he sees scenes, has no category of human ontology into which to put them; they are at best the terrain for the activities of an Erving Goffman or a Harold Garfinkel, who examine the scenic as an occasional component of the human rather than its universal foundation.


    My friends, I am getting on. If you are persuaded by the scenic-evenemential originary hypothesis, it will be up to you, and in not so many years, to you alone, to spread its “gospel” to the world. The heuristic advantage of scenic thinking is that it is intuitively simple. To the extent that my own speculations in this domain are useful, it is not as products of my individual “genius,” but because they display a theoretically backed confidence in the scenic imagination that we all share. To think about the phenomena of human culture in terms of an originary scenario sharpens the mind. As I have claimed, and I see no reason to retract this claim, we can and in principle must be able to situate in our hypothetical scene of origin all the essential characteristics of the human: ethics, art, religion, and of course, language.

    The originary hypothesis may be “new,” but it is not obscure or difficult; on the contrary, it suffices to open oneself to it to find it intuitively obvious. No doubt the ease with which we adopt it suggests to professional philosophers that it is trivial and absurd, but that should tell us that it is functionally true. What indeed do “professional” philosophers offer to replace the originary hypothesis? In dealing with language and “mind” they always begin from abstract “principles,” never facing up to the necessity that the scenic be born on a scene, that the event be born in an event. As second-generation Girardians, we should accept Girard’s most central intuition; that we can know human reality, that the fundamental intuitions it provides us need be treated with caution but not with unreasoning suspicion. At the same time, we should recognize (as Andrew McKenna has noted) that the “deconstructive” impulse to defer the violence of the scenic is motivated by the same considerations as our hypothesis. Our greater “violence” than Derrida et cie. in conceiving the reality of the scene reflects our sharper, more concrete understanding of deferral in its relation to real human violence and its fundamental place in language and all forms of representation.


    My recent Chronicles on Baudelaire are small samples of the kind of analysis that can be done in specific cultural domains, as are, on a larger scale, virtually all the scholarly articles we publish in Anthropoetics. Today the audience for (sometimes over-) subtle deconstructions of the cultural has all but disappeared, and the victimary is no longer sought in textual nuances but in overt revelations and denunciations of oppression. Thus the criterion of the human is reduced in a far less nuanced manner than in early postmodernism to the imposition of victimage; the humanizing passage from immanence to transcendence, from the “horizontal” to the “vertical,” is caricatured as the imposition of the tyranny of “culture” on the innocent non-hierarchy of “nature.” Whence the need is all the greater for a universal anthropology that respects the indispensable virtues of human firstness while acknowledging the resentment it generates.

    We can say that the greatness of a “humanist” creation, whether a text, a body of work by an author or composer, a painting, or a work of philosophy, is a measure of how powerfully and critically it realizes the human scenic imagination in embodying an articulated vision of the scene of culture and of the interplay between its horizontal-appetitive and transcendental-representational components.

    As for Baudelaire, whose poetic genius is as graspable today as it was in his own time, few artists have had a clearer sense of the “artificiality” of the cultural, not in the decadent Oscar Wilde sense (to which Baudelaire nonetheless contributed the founding impetus and into which he often, ironically, allowed himself to descend) but as our central cultural intuition: that the world of signs exists to redeem—to preserve from violence—the appetitive one, which human mimesis makes incapable of surviving on its own.

    A simple aside from Baudelaire’s late fragmentary autobiographical work Mon coeur mis à nu (My Heart Laid Open, lit. “made naked”) reveals a sensitivity to the form-content sign-world distinction one seeks in vain in the works of nineteenth-century philosophers:

    Toute idée est, par elle-même, douée d’une vie immortelle, comme une personne.

    Car la forme créée, même par l’homme, est immortelle. Car la forme est indépendante de la matière, et ce ne sont pas les molécules qui constituent la forme.

    [Every idea is, in itself, possessed of an immortal life, like a person.

    For form created, even by man, is immortal. For form is independent of matter, and it is not molecules that constitute form.]

    That Baudelaire’s first example of “form” is an idea makes clear that his model is that of representation, that the form not created by man is one (we conceive of as) created by God.

    A poet who understands that an idea is “immortal” is not necessarily a great poet, but to be a great poet one must have an intuitive grasp of the virtual immortality of the uses of language by which one seeks to defer our “natural” tendency to self-destruction.


    Since not everyone is a literary scholar, I invite the reader to perform a more straightforward theoretical test, inspired by a recent reading assignment. Here are a couple of quotes taken from the recent David Macey translation of Marcel Fournier’s 2007 maxi-biography, Emile Durkheim (Polity, 2013):

    . . . society cannot make its influence felt unless it is in action, and it is in action only if the individuals who comprise it are assembled and acting in common. It is through common action that society becomes conscious and affirms itself; society is above all else active cooperation . . . Thus it is action that dominates religious life, for the very reason that society is its source. (p. 625)

    Above and beyond all the dogmas and all the denominations, there exists a source of religious life as old as humanity and which can never run dry: it is the one which results from the fusion of consciences, of their communion in a common set of ideas, of the morally invigorating and stimulating influence that every community of men imposes on its members. (p. 656)

    In these passages, on the one hand, religion is fundamentally common action, and on the other, it is the product of the fusion of consciences, that is, of faculties of ideation that commune “in a common set of ideas.” Both of these statements, which in no way contradict each other, display Durkheim’s fundamental anthropological intuition that “society” is more than just a system of organization, that it subsists as a unifying model (as a rule, as “the sacred”) within the minds of its individual members. But to define the connection between “common action” and “a common set of ideas” in these two passages merely as “society” is to fetishize the latter concept as a merely virtual explanatory source for both action and thought. The originary hypothesis articulates the connection between formal and institutional representation, ideas and rites, and other complementary ways of reproducing and reinforcing the originary production of the sign. Durkheim’s ideas “validate” GA as much as ours do his; these theories, with Girard in between to supply the crucial element of mimetic violence as the negative driving force for hominization, are indeed mutually self-reinforcing.

    I am certain that a more thorough analysis would only confirm these impressions. Indeed, a GA study of Durkheim would be most valuable. As the founder (in France, at least) of theoretical-empirical social science, Durkheim was constantly faced with problems of method. Society had to be understood through the analysis of facts, but human “facts” cannot be dealt with as though they were data from the natural world. From the division of labor through suicide to the “elementary forms” of religion, Durkheim was guided by the intuition of a social totality present in some form to the members of society that was the self-reflective source of the theories by which he attempted to explain these “facts.” What led him to the study of religion was his increasing realization that the social order was most powerfully grasped in its “primitive” form as embodied in the “actions” and “ideas” referred to in the quotes above. Or in a word, that analysis of “elementary” social forms was an empirical substitute for an originary hypothesis, which he considered speculative and hence “unscientific.” What the originary hypothesis does for Durkheim, and by extension for the theoretical foundation of the social sciences, is to provide a model of the human scene that clarifies what these “elementary” societies and our own have in common: the necessity of deferring mimetic violence through representation.

    I hope those working in the vast space between Baudelaire and Durkheim are able to put GA to good use!


  • Charles Baudelaire II

    As we all know, there is no sufficient explanation for the success of a work of art; given any explanation, we could always construct a work that satisfies the terms of the explanation and yet does not produce in us the “esthetic effect.” Yet we also recognize that some explanations are more powerful than others. In the previous Chronicle I tried to show how a line of Baudelaire operated paradoxically to invert phonetically the “loss” referred to semiotically, reinforcing the poem’s ironic effect and suggesting that the real “loss” is not in nature but in the poet-dandy’s posture of despair—all the more despairing for its posturing. In that case such an analysis might suffice, given that the poem as a whole (“Le goût du néant”) is a series of increasingly intense variants on the theme of the poet’s alienation from the world, leading to his final request to be carried off in an avalanche. But in Baudelaire’s richer poems the articulation of the parts cannot be understood without examining the whole.

    To take a relatively simple “unhappy” case, in the first of the “Spleen” poems, “La cloche fêlée” [the cracked bell] (called simply “Spleen” in the first edition), the poet begins in his room on a winter night, telling us it is amer et doux [bittersweet] to listen by the fire to his old memories float up (les souvenirs lointains lentement se lever [far-off memories slowly rising]) to the sound of churchbells heard through the mist. The reference to sound leads to the image of a “well-throated” bell that is compared to a faithful old soldier on watch standing in his tent, the form of which is similar to that of a bell.

    But the now personified evocation of the bell as heard by the apparently easeful poet provokes in the tercets a comparison with his own voice and its source, his “cracked” soul. Moi, mon âme est fêlée [I, my soul is cracked] abruptly opposes the two elements, bells and listener, that coexisted in bittersweet comfort in the quatrains. From this point of departure, the faithful old soldier who figured the bell is replaced by a wounded one who agonizes near a “lake of blood” under a pile of corpses, Et qui meurt sans bouger dans d’immenses efforts [and who dies without moving in (i.e., despite) immense effort]–the sensation we know from nightmares of trying and failing to move.

    Thus the apparently benign comparison between the bell and the soldier, by its unexpected application to the poet who synecdochically inserts his own voice into a scene in which he was peacefully hearing the voice of another and enjoying its incitation of his own memories—the “l”‘s of les souvenirs lointains lentement se lever accentuating the liquid facility of the operation—turns a comfortable winter (of life?) scene into a nightmare of stifled movement and death. Here it is not simply a phonetic reality such as adorable-odeur that guarantees the poem’s irony, but the parallel between the agreeable/nightmarish images of soldiery and the poet’s passive/active use of his voice. As often in Baudelaire, starting with “Au lecteur,” the production of poetry is problematized as a competitive move against the voices that already exist in the society, and which, in this poem at least, seem to satisfy its cultural needs. Since at the beginning the poet is not in tension with his environment but in bittersweet harmony, the only explanation for the open contrast between himself and the churchbell-soldier is the poetry itself, the fact that the personage in the poem is also the poet, so that the pleasure of hearing memories rise up within his mind suggests to him that if he can evoke his memories in a poem in the context of the bells, he should be able to “populate the cold night air” (peupler l’air froid des nuits) with them on his own.

    For the lyric “I” is always a poet, not a fictional character, who always has the possibility—in the broadest sense, the necessity— of crossing the barrier to the world of creation. But by the same token, he is susceptible to punishment for his pride. In this particular context, which suggests that of a healthy religious culture, he seems to embody the familiar romantic topos of the enfeebled modern in comparison with the denizen of the healthy medieval religion (cf. “Le mauvais moine”). This need not be understood as a judgment on the historical viability of religion in 1850s France. It suffices that the bells embody even nostalgically a stable social tradition analogous to the old soldier, perhaps no longer much good for fighting, but whose loyalty suffices to suggest a harmonious social order—and consequently to convey to the poet that his own poetry is endangered by his alienation from this tradition. Yet it is the striking final image of the poet’s suffering from the inability to express himself that is itself the ultimate poetic expression. The shift from happiness to unhappiness is also the esthetic conquest of the poem, an effect no doubt achieved with a lighter touch by the laments of “Le goût du nèant,” where the poet’s self-denying pose is not placed in competition with an established ritual order.

    If “La cloche” is an “unhappy” poem, how do we account for its success in evoking the nightmare of non-creativity? Can a poet without falling not simply into hypocrisy but a blindness unredeemable by irony complain of his failure to communicate while succeeding in communicating this very failure to the reader? Already we note the precedence of “amer” to “doux” in the first line. The experience of a multiplicity of memories in the absence of any conceivable discourse about them is a constant component of Baudelairean Spleen; we will examine in a moment “Spleen II”, J’ai plus de souvenirs que si j’avais mille ans [I have more memories than if I were a thousand years old]. The key moment of reversal in “La cloche” is the second quatrain, when the plural-singular relationship between the poet and the bells (carillons) becomes a rivalry between the (implicit) poet and a single bell (la cloche au gosier vigoureux [the vigorous-throated bell]) who then is personified as the old soldier, leading directly to the unfavorable comparison in the tercets. There is no effort to connect the two soldier figures directly; the first is evoked by the tent-like appearance of the bell, not by its sound, whereas the second returns to the more fundamental comparison with the soul and its voice.

    What guarantees the poem here is not linguistic harmony but the “lived” power of the figure that seems taken from a horror film, with the lake of blood adding a fantastic detail. The poet has made clear not only that this is a comparison but that it applies only souvent [often]. These concessions to reality, however, only accentuate the power of the final image to efface any such logical considerations. Baudelaire’s metaphors/comparisons rebel against the tenor-vehicle opposition, not because (as often in Mallarmé) their syntax or narrative structure is ambiguous, but because we become interested in these “vehicles” as new foci of thought that take the place of the nominal “tenors” by demonstrating a greater affinity for the moral point at issue. In coldly rational terms, we are talking about a voice that “often sounds like” the death-rattle of the soldier in question. But it is impossible to read the last lines thinking about the poet’s voice (which we already understand metaphorically as referring to his writing); we think about the struggles of the dying soldier, and experience this nightmare as the expression of the poet’s mon âme est fêlée.


    A perhaps yet more striking example is found two poems later in “Spleen II”:

    Un vieux meuble à tiroirs encombré de bilans,
    De vers, de billets doux, de procès, de romances,
    Avec de lourds cheveux roulés dans des quittances,
    Cache moins de secrets que mon triste cerveau.

    An old desk/chest of drawers encumbered with balance-sheets,
    poetry, love-notes, lawsuits, romances
    with thick hanks of hair rolled up in bill-receipts
    hides fewer secrets than my sad brain

    Is the point really that his triste cerveau contains more secrets than this unforgettable piece of furniture, or simply to imagine the latter, with its “Balzacian” intertwining of romance and venality, woman’s hair and paid-up bills, as a figure of the (poet’s) mind? These passages may be said to illustrate the figure of hyperbole (the subject of an ancient article, “Hyperbole et ironie,” Poétique 24, Fall 1975), but their recourse to what pseudo-Longinus would call “the sublime” tells us that we are no longer in the well-imaged territory of romantic descriptivism. The poet’s voice in “La cloche fêlée,” “souvent” or not, is realized in the final image—in a way, incidentally, that his memories are not in Spleen II, which after this wonderful beginning ends rather lamely with the figure of a “granite” Sphinx in the desert. Some of Baudelaire’s greatest poems (e.g., “Le cygne”) end badly, given the impossibility of finding a still stronger figure to follow up on a previous powerful configuration (which in “Le cygne” makes us await the appearance of the title character until the sentiment of exile has passed from Andromache to the poet’s own “exile” from pre-Haussmann Paris). In “Spleen II” the images of containers, from the desk to a cemetery to a boudoir, fade out, as it were, as the poet’s brain is increasingly defined by a tender nostalgia for its contents. Once this happens, the poem starts over but can only end on dandy’s ill humor and a hint that poetry is a swan song—a figure more positive, but far more anodyne, than a death rattle! What works or doesn’t work in Baudelaire’s poetry is neither the meaning of the words nor their magical/musical effect, but their effectiveness in evoking a state of being-in-the-world.


    Not all the Fleurs describe unhappy relationships between the poet and the world, not even ironically. There are some happy moments, as well as many poems that content themselves with an object-world and do not explicitly double back on themselves. My favorite “happy” poem is “Le balcon,” no doubt because it makes such good use of the “objective correlative” supplied by the balcony itself as a space intermediary between the inner and outer worlds, the apartment and the cosmos, and hence a “metaphor,” for lack of a better term, for poetry, culture, language itself, by means of which we do not simply communicate one to one but first to the sacred center of the community as a whole and only subsequently in intimacy.

    “Le balcon” establishes from the beginning a complementary parallel between inside and outside: Tu te rappeleras la beauté des caresses / La douceur du foyer et le charme des soirs [you will recall the beauty of our caresses / the sweetness of the hearth and the charm of the evenings], then in the second stanza: Les soirs illuminés par l’ardeur du charbon / Et le soirs au balcon, voilés de vapeurs roses [the evenings lit by the warmth of the coals / and the evenings on the balcony, veiled in pink vapors/haze]. In the latter pair, the poet creates an equilibrium between two types of illumination, l’ardeur du charbon and the vapeurs roses, that adds an element of contrast to La douceur du foyer et le charme des soirs. Then in the third stanza, with Que les soleils sont beaux dans les chaudes soirées [how beautiful are the suns on warm evenings], the poet refers to “suns” of warm evenings, not sunsets, which he opposes to the intimacy of imagining he can smell his partner’s blood (Je croyais respirer le parfum de ton sang [I thought I was smelling the perfume of your blood].) One imagines that he avoids the “bloody” sunset to concentrate on the smell of blood in the boudoir, but I think we should still assume that the objective correlative of soleils here is indeed setting suns, and that this is a shorthand rather than a fantasy of nocturnal solar light. Which is to say that there is just a hint of a demonstration of poetic arbitrariness, not simply in choosing soleils  but in showing that he has chosen them, leaving the sun’s image vague so that we can imagine the other’s blood, which, we should note, he claims neither to have seen nor even smelled, merely that he “believed” he did.

    Like all Baudelaire’s best poems, “Le balcon” reaches a climax where, in this “happy” case, the linguistic sign (signifier) is pushed to its limit in harmony, rather than in ironic tension, with its meaning (signified): La nuit s’épaississait ainsi qu’une cloison [The night thickened like a partition]. The use of the repeated “s’s” (plus the “widening” of -it [i] to –ait [ɛ]) to convey the thickening of the night make this one of B’s most masterful lines. The balcony reaches its limit as an interface between interior and exterior when the “thickening” cuts off the balcony’s openness to the exterior to create a perfect intimacy between the couple, at the same time allowing the poem to reveal this intimacy to the public without violating it, since it is that of the all-pervading nuit.

    It is only after this that the poet openly asserts his mastery: Je sais l’art d’évoquer les minutes heureuses [I know the art of evoking happy minutes], and even expresses in conclusion the rhetorical hope that these moments may be reborn like the sun after their passage through the “gulf” of death. Baudelaire in his best poems never uses rhetorical expressions of desire without a prior guarantee of mastery over language. For all poetry is rhetoric, and the degree to which it succeeds in perpetuating our desire to transcend time is measured by its effectiveness in making the material of language appear to abolish and reconstitute itself as the necessary expression of its content, matter magically endowed with meaning through its intimacy with the sacred center of all desire.

    * * *

    Like its predecessor, this Chronicle  is dedicated to Carolyn, Cristina, Dorthea, Hope, Louise, and Nanar, the students in my just-concluded seminar on Hugo’s Les contemplations and Baudelaire’s Fleurs du mal.


  • Charles Baudelaire I

    There are several watersheds in human history, although I do not think very many. I tried to give an account of the watersheds of Western civilization from an “esthetic” point of view (today I would say, “scenic”) in Originary Thinking. The idea of describing Western history as a series of “esthetics” or differently structured relationships between individuals and their cultural scene facilitates understanding of the historical evolution of art and of the human community that realizes itself in it. Once we understand that this evolution is not driven by a desire, let alone a need to “improve” on earlier works, but by the evolution of the “civilized” human social order toward greater complexity and self-awareness, we free ourselves from the idea of “progress” in art that goes back well before Darwin to the Renaissance and the querelle des anciens et des modernes.

    Of the several watersheds in human scenicity that these esthetics embody, the one that has most intrigued me since the beginning of my studies is that of the 1848 revolutions and their aftermath. This historical moment is often described, I think misleadingly, as a transition from the (early bourgeois) romantic era to modernity. I think the post-1848 era has an ethos and esthetic of its own that we may call postromanticism. The modernist esthetic, a product of the early 20th century, is much more assertive and anarchistic, much more like a new romanticism in fact, corresponding in the political sphere to a new (Marxist and fascist) anti-bourgeois revolutionary era.

    The postromantic transition, more clearly marked in France than elsewhere as a result of its decisively disillusioning political revelations, is exemplified on the esthetic front by a novelist and a poet, Gustave Flaubert and Charles Baudelaire, born in the same year (1821), and arguably the century’s most influential creators in their respective fields. Both also published their most important works in the same year (1857), and as a result were pursued in court for outrage aux moeurs, although Flaubert, whose scandal was less flamboyant, was acquitted.

    Since as a student I was more comfortable with prose than poetry (which was a genuine specialty in those days), I wrote my dissertation on Flaubert. Entitled The Discovery of Illusion, it was a study of Flaubert’s posthumously published early writings. These works, mostly school assignments written between the ages of 15 and 17, displayed in hyperbolic form the romantic themes of the misunderstood hero, a helpless giant in a world of pygmies, victim of a cruel father (and older brother) but beloved of his mother, played out in a context that one need not be a Freudian to recognize as the bourgeois “family drama.” As a result, if not a logical consequence of this early activity, by the time Flaubert was ready to write real novels, he had exhausted the narrative-dramatic formulae that operated in the world of Balzac and Stendhal, and after painful hesitation he was obliged to create the new, postromantic form of narrative exemplified by Madame Bovary, certainly the most influential European novel of the 19th century.

    I have remained a “Flaubertian,” sharing the true Flaubertian’s preference for the author’s less popular but certainly greater 1869 novel L’éducation sentimentale (a preference shared by Proust, if not by Nathalie Sarraute who, I fear, did not understand the novel’s point). But over the years I have been increasingly drawn to Baudelaire, whose Fleurs du mal have been as influential in the poetic sphere as Madame Bovary in that of narrative.

    It is fairly simple to understand how Flaubert transforms romantic narrative. The key term of “free indirect discourse” exemplifies a technique that lets the “inauthentic,” illusory language of the character replace the all-knowing word of the Balzacian or Stendhalian novelist. The reader no longer has a sure guide to the objective significance of the heroine’s desires in the broader scheme of things; the narrative universe is held together by the “novelist,” but no longer by the “narrator,” who with few exceptions lets his characters live and die in “their own” language, a mimetic jargon of pseudo-romantic empathy, whether that of the sentimental novels Emma read as a girl in her convent school, Rodolphe’s cynical discourse of “romantic” seduction, or the mealy-mouthed political discourses at the Agricultural Fair that Flaubert alternates with Rodolphe’s blandishments in his most brilliant scene. This kind of “realism” sets artistic achievement outside the realm of worldly desire; the novelist no longer expresses himself as a superior, transcendent but still recognizably human ego, but as one who renounces his own language of desire to construct a work from the illusory languages of others, implying that this extra-worldly praxis is the only path to salvation: l’art pour l’art.


    Baudelaire’s contribution to the postromantic universe is much harder to grasp. The more obvious aspects of his work, those most scandalously present in his own time, reflect his origins in le bas-romantisme, the “low” romanticism common in the 1840s, when French romanticism, itself a late development in continental terms, was already over 20 years old and forced new, younger writers into paradoxical positions. That the principle of romanticism is that the Self suffices as the repository of the public scene of representation does not make any less true Girard’s critique that human desire is in the first place mimetic. If their post-revolutionary historical situation allowed the first-generation romantics, without even asserting their uniqueness, to simply affirm their desires as a new source of meaning, those who followed found it increasingly difficult to avoid repeating the tropes of their predecessors. Years ago I wrote a book on Alfred de Musset, born in 1810, like Gautier and Nerval a member of the “second generation” after Hugo and the others, who found a narrow and temporary path to a kind of literary salvation by a highly self-conscious theatrical splitting of the “free” romantic self into the naive-romantic lover and the cynical libertine who can only act in the world by taking on voluntarily the lover’s limitations. But by the 1840s there was no more room for such maneuvers. Baudelaire, like Flaubert, would come into his own only with the 1848 revolution, whose failure revealed for all to see the failure of the romantic politics of compassion, and hence of the “Hugolian” principle of romantic literature, in which a dominant consciousness organizes the world and guides our sympathies while arousing no essential conflict with the subjectivities of his readers.

    In “Baudelaire et la douleur de la signification,” published as a chapter in my 1974 Essais d’esthétique paradoxale, I attempted to construct a model of the evolution of 19th century French poetry. Romantic poetry is based on the poet’s confidence in language to depict a shared universe and to transmit “authentic” feelings; a romantic poem, as a rule, paints a coherent picture within which all its elements are integrated. The romantic poet, like Victor Hugo in the preface to Les contemplations, could claim “when I speak of me, I speak of you . . . [you are] mad to think that I am not you.” I called this, in Saussurean terms, the “utopia of the signified.” Because all speakers of a language understand the meanings (signifieds) of the signs of language (signifiers), their very use in the public language of poetry creates a poetic utopia where we all share each other’s feelings in a celebration of communal unity. It is not altogether an exaggeration to speak of the first (February) phase of the 1848 revolution as the political expression of this attitude: Alphonse de Lamartine, the inaugurator of French poetic romanticism, was the Second Republic’s first president, and Victor Hugo, the romantic movement’s leader since the late 1820s, a major parliamentary figure.

    If the romantic poet thought that egos could interact without rivalry, the poets who followed Baudelaire, whose poetics I called “the utopia of the signifier,” tended toward impersonality, as exemplified in Stéphane Mallarmé’s later poetry, from which the first person has been all but expelled. As opposed to Hugo’s idea that he was given language to express his own thoughts and feelings as exemplarily equivalent to everyone else’s, Mallarmé insisted on a “death” of the self that would “give a purer sense to the words of the tribe.” The signifier was to be purified of the ego’s narrow application of it to the contents of his own experience and would thus retrieve its true collective function. This is anything but absurd in the context of generative anthropology. On the contrary, if language originates as the deferral/sacralization of a common desire, the search for a pre-egoistic vision embodied in language itself is indeed a kind of discovery principle, and in Mallarmé’s empty rooms and post-mortem seascapes we have a glimpse of a kind of anthropogenic poetry. It is a poetry that seeks through the effort to eliminate all prior content from the poet’s scenic imagination the invariant tropes most fundamental to this scene: the shipwreck/drowned siren of “A la nue accablante tu,” the raped/sacrificed nixe of “Ses purs ongles,” the “might have been born” self in the parental bed of “Une dentelle s’abolit.”

    Yet if Hugo strikes us as hubristic in his easy assimilation of others’ feelings to his own, Mallarmé is equally so in claiming to expel his own ego from his poetic universe. As my terminology was meant to suggest, the poetics of both are equally utopian in their dismissal of the “original sin” of the desiring self. Hugo embodies the romantic hubris that would lead to the failure of the Second Republic and the hard rule of Napoleon III; Mallarmé reflects the tranquillity of the Third Republic and of the European Belle Epoque that could begin to grasp originary violence (“nature red in tooth and claw”) but not anticipate the human violence of the twentieth century.


    From the utopia of the signified to the utopia of the signifier, from Hugo’s I, which is everywhere, to Mallarmé’s, which is nowhere, the transformation is clear enough. Yet Baudelaire, on whose example the later generation depended, was of all poets the most sharply aware of the tension, moral as well as simply “esthetic,” inherent in using (impersonal, immortal) language to share (personal, mortal) representations with one’s reader, and hence of the lyric’s potential for staging the problematic relationship between egos in the modern, “secular” world.

    This is made explicit from the start in “Au lecteur,” the liminal poem of Les fleurs, which ends with the archetypal Baudelairean line “Hypocrite lecteur, mon semblable, mon frère” [hypocritical reader, my fellow, my brother]. From the perspective of the first person plural (Baudelaire is the only poet of the century to regularly say “we”; he will again use “we” exclusively in the final poem of the collection, its longest, “Le voyage”), “Au lecteur” describes our fallen state and above all our susceptibility to ennui, which is in this context a cultural disponibilité, the state in which we read (write?) poetry as what Pascal called a divertissement to distract from our fallen condition.

    To understand Baudelaire we must understand his continued attachment to the bas-romantisme of his origins, shared with others of his “late” generation. Flaubert occupied a different place in this generation; as a fils de famille not aristocratic/fallen but simply bourgeois, he had no use for the Bohemia that Baudelaire, always in debt and disgrace, frequented and cultivated. In political terms, this means that Flaubert could deal with the romantic illusions that he attributed to his characters through a wholly distanced and ironized nostalgia. Flaubert’s passage to the postromantic took the form of a conversion. The transition from the first (1849) Tentation de Saint Antoine to Madame Bovary reflected a fairly straightforward suppression of his earlier tendencies to romantic self-indulgence. In contrast, Baudelaire never simply denied romanticism but worked through it to a new state. This never-completed dialectic retained an extreme tension that in the best poems was realized in a synthesis of experience and language. With the partial exception of certain early works that embody the superficial Bohemian faith in the lower classes, each poem of Les fleurs begins anew from a bas-romantique desire that knows itself to be guilt-laden and “late,” lacking in the pseudo-excuse of newness. The writer addresses his hypocrite lecteur as one who is not seeking à la Hugo the assimilation of the latter’s cultural energy. This might be said to be nothing but a ploy to dominate all the more, but it is earned through the admission of our shared guilt in indulging our desiring imagination, and above all by the poet’s implied promise that the beauty of his language will both oblige us to share his desire and purify it of any narrow egoism.


    The Fleurs cannot usefully be discussed as a whole beyond what we may call their overall intention, to extract “flowers” from the “evil” of mortal life. It is a collection of poems, some of which are masterpieces, but all of which benefit from their place in the work’s biographical architecture and from our knowledge that Les fleurs is not a collection among others but the poet’s life-work. (To quote the author’s most celebrated statement about Les fleurs, written to his financial guardian Ancelle on February 18, 1866, barely a year before his death: “Need I tell you that in this horrible book I have put all my heart, all my tenderness, all my religion (falsified), all my hatred?”) To understand Baudelaire’s poetics we must examine the individual poems, bearing in mind that the pathos that attends their multiplicity is diminished, if not eliminated, by their collocation. In contrast with Hugo’s long poems destined to serve as metaphysical syntheses (leading him to produce vast unfinished volumes, La fin de Satan, Dieu…) but whose very proliferation shows the poet’s inability to “conclude” (“Ce que dit la bouche d’ombre” is only one of several 700+ line poems in Les contemplations), Baudelaire’s concluding “Le voyage” doesn’t seek a cosmic synthesis, but remains credibly within the autobiographical arc of Les fleurs, ending with death and the exhortation to go beyond it to seek the new in the unknown (“Au fond de l’inconnu pour trouver du nouveau“).

    Many, perhaps most of Baudelaire’s poems leave an impression of either banality or excessive horror, reflecting the bas-romantique origins he rarely lets us forget. Yet his best poetry achieves a level of integration found nowhere else. As in all good poetry, but I think in his case more so, language seems to reinvent itself on the originary scene of deferred desire. In order to create meaning, as at the origin, one must need it as an antidote against potentially conflictive desire. This creation in Baudelaire’s case is explicitly understood as guilt-inducing, since it forces the poet’s object of desire on the reader, whose hypocrisy is expected to enjoy this as an entertainment, a kind of literary pornography. Beyond the few openly pornographic or titillating poems, six of which were condemned in 1857, are many others that emphasize horror and violence, even necrophilia (“Une martyre”). But these illustrate Baudelaire’s esthetic only superficially, extracting beauty from le mal, whereas his best poems construct an esthetic correlative of the historical situation to which the poet bears witness.


    Leaving the analysis of complete poems for the second part of this essay, I will conclude this Chronicle by examining a single line of Baudelaire’s poetry. For the genius of poetry lies in the details of language, and no one has shown himself capable of more beautiful poetic lines than Baudelaire.

    My favorite example, perhaps Baudelaire’s best, is found in “Le goût du néant” [The taste for nothingness]. After telling us that “l’amour n’a plus de goût, non plus que la dispute” [love has no more savor, nor does argument] we find the line:

    Le Printemps adorable a perdu son odeur! [the adorable spring has lost its odor!]

    The consonantal harmony of this line is remarkable. The consonants of “le Printempsadorable” reappear in reduced form in “perdu son odeur,” save that if “perdu” repeats the consonants of “printemps,” the “t” becoming softened to “d” (while the “z” of “[z]adorable” is devoiced to the “s” of “son”); “adorable” loses its ending in becoming “odeur,” thus embodying the loss of the the adorable quality of the odor itself in the very word that designates it. This self-referential, paradoxical irony reflects the interactive meaning of the line in the “conversation” between poet and reader. Although the loss is stated objectively, it is clearly meant as subjective: spring has lost its odor for me. “Adorable” spring, once a source of romantic idealization and mock-adoration, is now odorless, adorable no longer. Among other evidence, the poet’s self-description as boudeur [sulking] in the preceding line makes clear that this is a voluntary role rather than a truly pathetic one. Yet the physical loss of sounds that illustrates the loss of adorable/odor makes it impossible to dismiss the explicit declaration of Spring’s loss of odor as a mere attitude.

    The postromantic here goes beyond the bas-romantique, who would have had us share pathos rather than irony. Can we cry for the sulking poet-dandy? Yet we cannot mock him either, since the strength of the line, quite simply, its beauty, is its demonstration of the reality of his loss. This is in miniature an example of la douleur de la signification. Baudelaire is neither painting a picture of horrors nor letting the words themselves become the picture. The words guarantee their meaning as signifiers that “lose” their substance in becoming the word (odeur) that denotes what was lost, in contrast with the “beautiful” but ultimately empty word “adorable.” The romantic subjectivity that would impose the adorable quality of the spring suffers a loss that is “objective” only in the substance of the poem itself—a substance chosen by the poet, which therefore in worldly terms appears necessarily willful and ironic, as its location in the domain of Spleen suggests. This is no longer straight romantic pathos, but nor is it Verlainean complicity à la “Il pleure dans mon coeur” or “Les sanglots longs…,” where the language simply conforms to the poetic subject’s pathos at the expense of its “objectve” meaning (what else are “sanglots longs des violons de l’automne” [long sobs of the violins of autumn] other than an “impersonal” use of language that imposes on natural reality the poet’s subjective sentiments?)


    In a follow-up Chronicle I will attempt to deal with Baudelaire’s poetics on the scale of the individual poem, choosing one “happy” and one “unhappy” example—and noting that in Baudelaire’s poetry the question of the subject’s happiness in the poetic world he creates is, in contrast with that of either the romantic (who, however existentially sad, is always happy qua poet) or the symbolist (for whom poetic creation transcends the mortal human condition), is not merely exemplified but constructed by the poem itself. The line we analyzed above, for example, is part of an “unhappy” (Spleen) poem, albeit one of the most overtly ironic or (as some say) “comical.” The spring’s loss of its odor is preliminary to the poet’s terminal request “Avalanche, veux-tu m’emporter dans ta chute?” [avalanche, will you take me along in your fall?], where the hyperbole of the violence requested entails the ironic conclusion that it is posturing and therefore reflects less suffering than it pretends.

    This constant ironic avowal of hypocrisy and manipulation is unique to Baudelaire, and uniquely problematizes the poet’s and his readers’ mutual hypocrisy. But the beauty of poetry’s embodiment of this paradoxical situation is also unique to Baudelaire, one might say because only he needs such beauty in order to realize his poetical gageure of extracting flowers from evil—in the Jansenist sense of evil banalityLes fleurs du mal.

    * * *

    This Chronicle (and, hopefully, its sequel) is dedicated to Carolyn, Cristina, Dorthea, Hope, Louise, and Nanar, the students in my just-concluded seminar on Hugo’s Les contemplations and Baudelaire’s Fleurs du mal.


  • The Name of God

    In order to emphasize the sacredness of the words of language, beginning with the first, I have adopted the custom of speaking of the originary sign, the key innovation of the hypothetical originary scene, as the name-of-God. The sign is a gesture of representation, but calling it the name-of-God reminds us that the deferral of appropriation may just as easily be seen as an act of worship, a sign of respect to the “numinous” quality of the central desire-object that is in our anthropological analysis the product of the desires of the group.

    The first sign is ostensive; its point is to defer the object’s presence to the appetites of the signers. Yet once the sign becomes associated with the object in the originary event, the sign becomes undecidably a vocative-imperative call as well as a designation; the sort of pointing movement we can imagine the originary sign to be “communicates” indifferently to the others and to the object itself, all of which are potential sources of danger, the situation of deferred desire in which the participants find themselves.

    And following the schema of The Origin of Language, this imperative “call” will evoke in reply a declarative sentence as soon as the idea of a direct response by the designee is removed from the realm of possibility, so that the word/name/noun designating the object can only function in a predication that tells us something about it in a “fictive” world constructed in language.

    How are these linguistic relationships to the central object related to religion? We can make very schematically—or to put it more flatteringly, parsimoniously—the following rapprochements:

    1. Name-of-God as an Imperative-vocative, like a real name = “paganism”
    2. Name-of-God as a Declarative (“I am/will be that/what I am/will be”) = Judaism
    3. Name-of-God as the name of a (divine/human) person, Jesus = Christianity

    I define “paganism” here as the worship of a “named” God, one who as God may be called on by name for help in a crisis. The association of paganism with polytheism can be retained if we include in it “henotheism,” or the worship of one god but in the “pagan” mode, as in effect the local divinity of a powerful nation. Akhenaton could enforce henotheism in Egypt, but a tribe like the Hebrews could not insist that our god is the one real god in a world of more powerful entities unless it renounced the specificity of the naming-relation, that is, adopted true monotheism.

    The refusal of a vocative name as well as of the sacrificial animal/feast that we see in the Exodus 3 “burning bush” scene is a passage to a higher level of universality. The point is not to claim that “our” Hebrew god is the only god, but that our understanding of God as expressed in our rites and litanies is that God is unique and universal. It is the uniqueness of the Hebrew idea of god that gives rise to the sense of chosenness.

    As the configuration of the Exodus scene suggests, the signifier-name is no longer understood as a source of power for the believer. Rather than Moses evoking God, it is God’s voice that calls to Moses from the sacred locus. The permanence of this represented locus guarantees the permanent meaning of the sign, but God’s name as given is not a source of evocative power but a reminder of God’s permanent presence in the underlying configuration, which is in essence communal.

    If paganism is a religion of the signifier, relying on the coercive collective power behind the sign-name as evidenced in the originary event, monotheism/Judaism gives the center itself an existence not merely chronologically but ontologically prior to the sign, and consequently independent of its evocations. The “objective” nature of the declarative reflects the sacred signified’s independence from the signifier. Before the sign there was the sacred object of desire, and once there is the sign, what it signifies is no longer a specific object but the unique subsistent source of the sacred. This One God is a subject of language more unambiguously than the “pagan” god designated by the sign/name, a God who speaks first and refuses to give a name in the normal sense. Moses’ desire to lead the Hebrews out of Egypt requires that he conceive the source of the community’s unity (and ultimately of its language and rituals by which its communal values are communicated) as a subject, but if it is a subject, it is the unique subject, since the configuration of center and periphery is that of all human communities. This is the great intuition, or revelation, of monotheism.

    The Jewish model maintains the desire for a name and its deferral/disappointment, which is surely the psychological atmosphere of the conversation in Exodus 3. For there is an unresolved tension between the abstract configuration and the abstract declarative “name” it receives, and the specific rites and customs that this configuration has given rise to in the community of the Hebrews. The intuition that there is only one way in which the sacred could have arisen (the anthropological basis of the monotheistic intuition) cannot provide a basis for a specific set of customs. The Law that is the Hebrews’ guarantee of the universality of their intuition is too clearly bound up with the history of their specific community to apply to all, even if the One God is the God of all. The rite of circumcision is the physical guarantee of this exclusivity. Or in other terms, Jewish firstness is not merely a historical accident, it is inevitably perpetuated by the religion itself.


    The Christian gesture in its simplest (but not its earliest) form is the transparent equation of God with the sign (“In the beginning was the logos“). This radical identification of the Son with the sign obscures the scene of language on which the sign originally appeared. Where in the Hebrew Bible God creates by means of (human) language (“Let there be light!”), Christianity makes God himself the sign; taking originary language further away from humanity defers firstness and brings peace.

    In Science and Faith, I chose Saul’s revelation on the road to Damascus as the originary moment of Christianity, the originary model of the worship of Christ as divine. This scene, like that of Moses in Exodus, is not collective but individual. But Moses hears God’s word in the ritual context of the “burning bush,” a reminder of the originary event, whereas Saul/Paul’s celestial vision of Jesus is expressly cut off from any earthly context. As I observed in Science and Faith, Saul learns that he has unwittingly served to consecrate Jesus’ divine status by persecuting his followers, and more generally, that all humanity has participated in the Crucifixion and by that very fact consecrates Jesus’ divinity. But whereas John’s logos, which belongs to a generation later than Paul’s vision, equates Jesus with the sign, the only sign available to the persecutor is a gesture of aggression, from pointing at the victim (and thereby bringing him to the hostile attention of others) to striking or lapidating him. There is no “good sign,” and to the extent that emitting the sign is always to some extent an act of firstness, that is, a voluntary act that goes beyond a mere mimetic reflex, as we saw in the previous Chronicle, it is always in the Christian context to be deferred. Yet the violence of human language and action only proves all the more Jesus’ divinity, and prepares us for the conversion in which we, in GA terms, sacrifice our firstness to Christ. If we let Him always be first, violence will be deferred forever and disappear.

    Thus both Judaism and Christianity express in different degrees a mistrust of language as a collective phenomenon, the easy assent to which is characteristic of “paganism” and risks leading to the forgetting of the sign’s originary purpose: the deferral of violence.

    Simple assent to the sign makes its emission appear a magical act that seems to embody divine power to transfigure the originary breakdown of order into its sparagmatic resolution in a common feast. The Jewish solution is to leave the signified without a nominal signifier, requiring the renunciation of a name by which the sacred can be evoked. But the Christian objection to this solution is that for this solution to operate, the ritual center must remain as the mark of the sacred, and with it, the community’s laws and customs, which are in tension with the universality of One God. The Christian solution is to do away with the (Saussurean) sign altogether, to equate its “meaning” with the Other toward whom we must renounce all acts of firstness, including the collective participation in the originary “aborted gesture.”

    That Christianity suspects such gestures of being mere avatars of acts of aggression, Girard’s radical Christianity makes obvious: the Girardian originary scene is not a renunciation but a paroxysm of aggression in which the gesture is not aborted but acted out. Deferral remains the key to the originary scene in Girard as well as in GA, but it is a deferral of the appetitive (alimentary) to the benefit of the aggressive, Eros to the benefit of Thanatos.

    This méconnaissance is already implicit in the Jewish méconnaissance of the absence of a “name.” But the absence of a name, as Jews are continually reminded in every situation of prayer, is a call to respect the inhabitant of a higher sphere, which anthropologically (but not theologically) is the sphere of the sign. In Christianity there is no such ontological split; what is required is love not as community but as communion, the taking-into-oneself of the Other, with Jesus the one-who-can-be-taken-in, eaten as it were without violence, the one with whom we share the renunciation of firstness which Girard is radical enough to equate with méconnaissance. The world of the sacred and of human relations that is assimilated to it is thus, as we saw in the preceding Chronicle, “monistic,” leaving the natural world aside while we “reconcile ourselves with our brother.”


    How does this discussion help clarify the always delicate question of determining where anthropology ends and where religion begins?

    • The “pagan” finds the power of the sign in the formal specificity of the sign, name or “magical” gesture; this makes understanding its originary anthropological configuration impossible, since the sign appears to be a supernatural gift.
    • The Jew finds the power of the sign in the entire originary configuration that God’s declarative name connotes; God is who/what defines his/its own permanence through language. But is the source of the human a permanent Subject or, ultimately, just a configuration? Can the “permanence” of human historical memory be understood as the residue of a continually manifested configuration without conceiving it as a Subject?
    • The Christian sees this dichotomy as painful and artificial; a person is an Other like ourselves and therefore we too are persons. We cannot know a God who cannot/does not incarnate himself as a person. What defers violence is not a sign but the Other who is himself a sign. The configuration that preserves humanity is not that of the human but of the divine Word, the Word that relieves us of our need for aggression, for firstness, as does Jesus’ (written and spoken) language at the stoning of the “woman taken in adultery.”

    Once more, a brief suggestion concerning Islam. The uncreated sacred text is, unlike the Tanakh or the New Testament, explicitly not the product of a divine will analogous to that of a human subject. The very ordering of the suras in the Koran by length attests to the absence of “organic” analogy between Allah and us. I somehow doubt that in Islamic schools of interpretation one finds examples of the kind of “arguing with God” that is common in Talmudic schools. One is merely seeking to make clear what one is to submit to; there is no human-like Subject to dialogue with. But I am sure that these questions have been taken up within the Islamic tradition in far more sophisticated ways than I can speculate on here.


  • Christian Monism, Hebrew Dualism

    In the preceding Chronicle, I attempted a schematic originary analysis of the three Abrahamic religions. Here I would like to focus on the distinction between the Jewish and Christian modes of generating meaning, what might be called their “sacred epistemology.” In this regard, we may say that Christianity is monist, understanding what is significant to the human on the basis of a single “substance,” which Girard calls mimetic desire, understanding it not as a relation to an object but as a relation among humans. Judaism, in contrast, is dualist, maintaining the absolute otherness of the human and divine.

    Three historical moments are of particular significance:

    1. Girard’s proto-originary hypothesis and that proposed by GA;

    2. the fundamental revelations of Judaism and Christianity (as per Science and Faith);

    3. and, more speculatively: Jewish and Christian visions of state and community in the victimary era of postmodernity.

    The categories of monism and dualism as used here designate not natural but sacred and ultimately anthropological ontologies, systems of human ethics rather than theories of the cosmos. My point in opposing them is to clarify the fundamental attitudes that underlie Christianity and Judaism, respectively. These differences of attitude, which cannot be simply confirmed by observing outside reality, constitute the long-term bets on what really matters that are constitutive of the great religions.

    The “monism” I refer to here in relation to Christianity is not in conflict with the doctrine of the Trinity. On the contrary, the inclusion within the sacred of both the transcendent “Father” and the incarnate “Son,” as well as the “Spirit” that mediates between the two, is a way of coming to terms with an ethic exclusively focused on human interaction, whether violent or loving, at the expense of humanity’s dependency on the natural world.

    In GA’s originary hypothesis, the crisis that leads to the breakdown of the animal pecking-order hierarchy and its resolution via the emission of the sign reflects the dependence of the protohuman community on critical elements of food supply and their distribution. The old animal hierarchy was a means for assuring the orderly distribution of scarce goods, of which large food animals were the most critical. To derive the sign from an “aborted gesture of appropriation” reflects a dualistic view of the human universe; signs are needed to avert human conflict over scarce items in the natural world. The otherness of the original sacred object is derived from its otherness as a material object of desire; the prior existence of appetite, eliciting among higher animals goal-directed behavior involving intelligence, self-control, etc., provides the seed of the dichotomy that eventuates in significance. In this model, the passage from appetitive action to its transcendence in the “aborted gesture” that becomes the sign is not spontaneous or “mechanical” but involves a conscious initiative that begins with the “first” and spreads through the group.

    In contrast, Girard’s emissary murder takes place within a group of proto-humans and remains within that group, with no relationship to any appetitive object in the outside world. Whether the crisis be triggered by a plague or natural disaster, or as in GA’s originary hypothesis, by the presence of a highly desirable appetitive object, the process of emissary victimage necessarily involves a turning away from the original positively or negatively valued object to concentrate on the fundamentally imaginary obstacle to it created by the emissary victim.

    This monist model generates difference through suppression: the binary zero emerges from the annihilation of the one. In Des choses cachées…, Girard criticizes Lévi-Strauss’ myth analyses in Le totémisme aujourd’hui for their failure to focus on the human violence that produces this “suppression.” But in effect his analysis differs from that of Lévi-Strauss only in its addition of a practical motivation: mimetic violence directed against the arbitrarily chosen victim. It remains the case that it is the killing that permits a new duality between two states of Being(s), the unanimous multitude and the unique victim, which will become the equivalent of Durkheim’s opposition between the profane and the sacred. No doubt the unique significance of the victim can be projected back onto his life, and his death figured in the mythical narration by a more transcendent symbolism, such as flying off into the heavens, but it is only through his disappearance from the world and passage to an elsewhere accessible only through memory that the victim becomes a sacred sign, a Word.

    To bridge the gap between the emissary murder and the Crucifixion of the revealer of the victim’s hitherto hidden arbitrariness requires an infinite leap from anonymity to sacred uniqueness. On the one hand, the victim is arbitrarily chosen, unique only qua victim; on the other, he is the Word, the Son of God. These alternatives correspond, in Girard’s perspective, to the two chief moments of human history. The first (which presumably takes place over an indefinite period) is the origin of the human out of a long series of mimetic crises resolved by emissary murders. The second is Jesus’ definitive revelation of the arbitrary nature of the sacred created through emissary murder in the course of this process of origin. In neither case is there any essential dealing with the natural world outside the human community. And not coincidentally, the understanding of the process that Jesus reveals and that is prefigured in the Old Testament is never shown as emerging from within the emissary process itself.

    In Exodus 3, Moses encounters the “burning bush,” a sacrificial fire that is not cooking anything but that indicates the presence of God. The One God who gives his name as a declarative sentence (“I am that/what I am”) in the act that may be said to figure the theological origin of monotheism is also the God of a sacrifice that can do without a (nourishing) victim, whose identification is with the sacrificial scene itself, independently of its nutritive function. This is the transcendence of the pagan “superstition” that makes possession of the sign itself tantamount to power over the material world. Pre-Exodic gods have names like the mortals who are named for them and are thus potential addressees of a vocative/imperative. The subsistence of the name-of-God outside the scene embodies a “forgetting” of the act of communal reciprocity in which it was first established, a forgetting that accompanies the usurpation of the sacred center by big-men and eventually by emperors and kings, who usurp along with central power the divine status that made it possible: the pharaoh or Roman emperor “becomes a god.”

    The Mosaic revelation is a return to the essential moment of the originary act of signification, which even if focused on an edible animal is qua sign directed at its abstract signified. To convert the appetitive gesture into a sign is not simply to renounce its object on a practical level, but to recognize that what one is pointing to is the shared “meaning” of the object, which is independent of the latter’s worldly presence, for the moment inaccessible. If indeed the sign designates/represents the object as the sacred Other, it should not be able to call to it across the sacred-profane divide. No doubt this divide will be breached in the sparagmos where the sacrificial meal is the gift of the sacred center, and which will provide the model for virtually all sacrificial ceremonies. But to understand the sign qua sign is to recognize its independence from this breach, its dependence on the separation of signs from things. In the Exodus scene, this understanding is figured explicitly by God’s declarative name “I am that/what I am.” God speaks to Moses in a transcendent, “Biblical” universe but cannot be called on within the world, just as the signifier cannot “call” its signified into existential being.

    The social-religious background for this revelation remains obscure, but Seth Saunders’ The Invention of Hebrew (Illinois 2009) offers the beginning of an explanation in the Hebrews’ breakthrough in writing down, in a newly standardized alphabetic script accessible to an increasingly literate public, communal litanies, laws, and legends, and presumably reciting and performing them. The Jews as the “people of the Book” were the first to experience God’s universality through his relationship with his people, unmediated by king or emperor, and given permanent presence in the common medium of alphabetic writing. Which is to say that the medium refreshed the people’s intuition of the originary communal nature of sacred language as a return from its usurpation by monarchs. Moses is not given special possession of God’s name, but knowledge of the absence of a name in the normal sense, whence the need for a common faith in God independent of the evocation of his presence. In linguistic terms, God’s presence to Moses is one that can be spoken of in a declarative proposition, but not pointed to in an ostensive.

    Like Abraham, Moses is chosen, or in worldly terms, he is first, the leader. This role is reproduced on a national scale in the priority of the Hebrew/Jewish people with respect to other peoples (“light unto the nations”). As we saw in the previous Chronicle, this potentially conflictive but historically inevitable attribute of firstness is rejected by Christianity. Jesus’ words, like God’s in Exodus, are heard by his human disciples, of whom Peter is the “first.” But Peter’s firstness is no more a sign of chosenness than would have been that of the first man to cast a stone at the adulteress. It is no accident that Peter is singled out as the one who thrice denies Jesus.

    At the Last Supper, Jesus nourishes his disciples with his body and blood that is also bread and wine. The miracle of transubstantiation demonstrates that the appetitive world is ultimately subordinate to the Word and obeys it, which, translated into anthropological terms, is a way of saying that if we can solve the problems of human mimetic violence, those of the material-appetitive world will take care of themselves. This stands in contrast to the absence of the sacrificial victim in Moses’ scene and the substitution of the sentence for the Name of God; any material satisfaction must be obtained outside the sacred scene of communion.

    God’s revelation to Moses of his name/sentence is also a declaration of permanent presence: I shall be with you. No doubt God is portrayed as granting the Hebrews a good deal of material aid in helping them to escape the Egyptian yoke. Girard rightly contrasts the worldly power of the Old Testament God to the non-interventionism of the God of the Gospels, who “lets his rain fall on the just as on the unjust.” No doubt the abstract spirit of universal monotheism is better served by radical monism than by a dualism that remains open to the remains of pagan “magical thought.” But the assertion of God’s material aid reflects a dualism within which the material world retains significance. To abandon “to Caesar” the problems of social and material organization is to risk losing contact with the scenic, communal nature of the social order.


    The monistic restriction of the sacred to the world of human interaction that “brackets” the outside world takes for granted the success of human social and material organization once internal harmony has been assured through the deferral of mimetic violence. This is, in its most general terms, the Christian world-view that has uniquely permitted the West to engage in the free exploration of nature, unrestricted by the kinds of laws that might encumber a dualistic system such as Judaism. Science and the Enlightenment are products of Christian monism.

    But the problems of today’s “global” world seem to suggest that a new attention should be paid to communal specificity, lest the peoples of the world be forced to choose between the West’s self-deprecating universalism and the rival universalism of Sharia. The exclusively internal human focus of the Christian and post-Christian West has led since the Holocaust to an increasing concentration on the victimary (Girard’s souci des victimes). On the local level, this may come into conflict with the practical operations of social organization. If intergroup harmony (“diversity”) requires “affirmative action” for certain groups, the selection of participants in a project may be less effective than if they were chosen on the basis of an objective examination. More troublingly, victimary monism provokes the West’s familiar oikophobia, the sense of guilt for its scientific and economic firstness in relation to the rest of the world that focuses on the situations of human abuse and on the hypocrisy of attempts at “enlightenment” in the colonial era. No realistic alternative model of cultural transmission is provided; we are simply invited to judge the evil of what actually occurred by the ideal criterion of the moral model of human equality.

    Clearly for many, Islam, the religion of “submission,” offers a viable alternative to these modern modes of thought. In the terms of this Chronicle, Islam is neither dualist nor monist but zero-dimensional, since it does not derive the truths of the Koran as revealed to The Prophet from any scene of human interaction. The truth has existed from all eternity, and the only scene relevant to us is that of its transmission; even to think of its creation is inconceivable. Yet Islam has not yet shown itself compatible with the ethical, material, and intellectual advances that Christian monism has brought about.


    Christianity reproaches Judaism with its particularism, its valorization of its own specific nation and laws, although the God it has discovered/invented is truly universal. In turn, Judaism reproaches Christianity with using the moral model of human reciprocity as a universal formula, forgetting that human equality is realized within the scenic confines of a specific community. The “cultural” equality of ritual is actuated only within the community that performs the ritual.

    As human beings, we are all equally children of Christ, and imitators of Christ. But when we face worldly problems that neither sacred or Satanic unanimity can resolve, we face them as members of particular communities, and the initiatives of firstness are our only recourse. In an era when the privilege of the victim, with its roots in Christian monism, increasingly trumps traditional communal norms by means of the dogma, encouraged by worldwide electronic instantaneity, that the only legitimate scene any longer is that of the abstract “world community,” we might do well to take another look at the “Jewish” model embodied in Israel as a “traditional” nation-state, as proposed in Daniel Gordis’ recent against-the-grain The Promise of Israel (Wiley, 2012). Firstness, Jewish and other, is not something the human world can dispense with. If a “world community” is one day to exist, it must be brought into being; we cannot rely on its virtual existence.*

    Rather than despair of the impossibility of resolving the choice of dualism or monism, I think the emergence of GA, along with the continued relevance of Girard’s thought, offers a new framework within which the problems of the post-WWII world can at last be productively discussed. GA as a “new way of thinking” can help us think through the problems of postmodernity.

    *Thanks to Adam Katz for making some of these points in our recent correspondence.