The Unknown Citizen
Before the East Japan earthquake and tsunami and their aftermath overwhelmed the national consciousness of Japan in 2011, the expression “muen shakai” (literally “no-relationship society”) had begun to appear in the media as an umbrella term for emerging forms of social isolation. A bleak NHK (Japan Broadcasting Corporation) documentary with that title aired in 2010. It presented a handful of cases in some detail and captured the texture of life among the aging and disconnected. The paradigmatic example was “muen shi” (solitary death), in which people died unnoticed, their bodies undiscovered for days or weeks or longer, and no known family or acquaintances to claim the remains, take care of the personal effects, or handle the funeral or interment. An occupation called tokushu seisou gyousha (“special cleaning people”) had come into existence with the specific task of clearing out the belongings of the deceased from their vacant living quarters, while the ashes of the dead were interred at Buddhist temples at government expense.
The invisible deaths implied invisible lives: people spending years or even decades with weak or nonexistent ties to any family, friends, or neighbors, getting by with the minimum human interaction required to work, shop, or attend to their needs. Muen shakai will seem especially striking in a country known (and not too long ago) for its filial piety and strong social ties. Yet the well-known facts of demographic decline in Japan, as well as other less-known indicators such as the expanding number of single person households, suggest that something like muen shakai—whatever new terminology evolves to describe it—will come to permeate more and more of society. That is, Japan is not just a rapidly graying society but in some ways a rapidly disconnecting one, with an increasing percentage of the population that is not just old but living an extremely isolated existence into old age and until death.
W. H. Auden’s indictment of society in “The Unknown Citizen” seems almost quaint by comparison. Written as a parodic epitaph, Auden’s poem famously describes an anonymous man whose dignity has been erased in the sterile, all-encompassing bureaucracy of the modern state. It concludes:
Was he free? Was he happy? The question is absurd:
Had anything been wrong, we should certainly have heard. (28-29)
Measured against the real-life subjects in the NHK documentary, however, Auden’s fictional Citizen possesses an embarrassment of social riches: He “was popular with his mates and liked a drink” (13), and “was married and added five children to the population” (25). Presumably, the Unknown Citizen died surrounded by family and had a relatively well attended funeral, as well as a headstone in a cemetery. The “unknown” man, in other words, is relatively well known; he dies with a level of social connectedness far exceeding that of the invisible souls inhabiting Japan’s muen shakai, who are characteristically without a spouse, children, or even marginally close acquaintances. Furthermore, the “faceless bureaucracy” of Japan, rather than effacing the dignity and worth of the deceased in the case of muen shi, is the only remaining entity that makes an effort to retrieve whatever might remain of either.
Muen shakai merits attention, not just for sake of understanding Japan, but for the sake of understanding the future in general, since much of the rest of the world is facing similar demographic realities, or will sometime within the next several decades. Beyond the numbers, muen shakai indicates the texture of life that may begin to prevail in a graying world if social bonds also unravel. Mimetic theory (MT) will be useful and even indispensable in analyzing such social trends. In practice, however, mimetic theory seems wedded to a particular kind of psychosocial relation and a particular kind of eschatological vision, alternating between extreme cataclysmic rivalry on the one hand, and absolute transformative pacifism on the other. Generative anthropology (GA), for its part, largely rejects such apocalyptic thinking in favor of guarded optimism about the future, where the generation of difference stays one step ahead of the backlog of resentment.
A future characterized by demographic decline and social isolation is a scenario that challenges the projections of MT and GA. In the case of MT, muen shakai suggests that not all disordered relations are conflictual, and that civilization might end with a whimper rather than a bang. In the case of GA, muen shakai suggests that the exchange system might be debilitating, even in the most highly developed of consumer cultures, if its “human capital” is not supported and regenerated. However, these are not deficiencies but rather lacunae in the two “mimetic anthropologies,” gaps which exist not from any fundamental deficiency in core assumptions but simply because neither MT nor GA is in the habit of looking at these kinds of problems. If there is a deeper theoretical concern, it is that MT and GA lack a positive anthropology. Human good must mean more, as muen shakai emphatically demonstrates, than simply the absence of conflict.
These issues can be canvassed here only in a very broad way, but it is hoped that some contours emerge which might deepen the perspectives of MT and GA. The next section briefly overviews muen shakai and associated trends. The third section outlines some of the challenges that such trends present for MT and GA. The fourth section engages some of these challenges, particularly from the perspective of MT, to show what muen shakai might mean in mimetic terms. The final section underscores the need for both MT and GA to flesh out the idea of positive mimesis. I briefly consider efforts in that direction and note an unexpected convergence between MT and GA.
Muen Shakai and Demographic Trends
Though the term muen shakai is new, this is not the first time social isolation has come into the national spotlight in Japan, and I have had occasion to discuss it in a previous article for Anthropoetics. At that time (the millennial decade) the focus of media attention was on social withdrawal among a much younger cohort, reaching particularly exaggerated forms in “school refusal” (children who stopped attending school, typically because of social fears), NEET (young people Not in Employment, Education or Training) and most particularly “hikikomori” (literally “pull inside”), shut-ins, predominantly young men or male teenagers, who refused to leave their homes for months or years, and sometimes even barricaded themselves in a particular room.
Muen shi (solitary death) is paradigmatic in the same way that hikikomori were in the previous decade; both reflect in concentrated form a broader social problem, the fact that human bonds are not just fraying or weakening but disappearing. Many people are disengaging from the fundamental roles that define their place in the community: spouse, parent, neighbor, employee, co-worker, friend, student, classmate, child (since some hikikomori are attempting to end the relationship even with their own parents, though they live in the same house). The dissociation from these roles is taking place not as a transition to different roles, but as a process of retraction, an abdication of all social roles, an elimination of as many human relationships as possible, and a reduction of social presence until hardly any remains.
For those who die alone and untended, this disengagement process has clearly been in operation over a number of years, but unlike hikikomori, they have been functioning people, able to live (that is, without dependency), work, and otherwise attend to their basic needs. On the one hand, this is an “improvement” over the helpless and dependent state of the hikikomori, but on the other (since hikikomori are young, can and do recover, and have some kind of familial support) muen shi represents arguably the more disturbing development: a functional but extreme human isolation emerging as a norm. Yet there is little to indicate that this trend will reverse itself, and much to suggest that it will accelerate.
Japan’s demographic decline is now well known in broad outline. Projections for the total population by the National Institute of Population and Social Security Research show a downward plunge, even with the more optimistic assumptions about fertility:
2010: 128 million
2060: 94.6 million
2110: 59 million (17, 38)
If this trend holds, the population will be less than half what it is now in less than 100 years. Japan’s fertility rate (hovering around 1.3) is among the very lowest in the world (Eberstadt, Douthat). At the same time, the percentage of people over 65 is the highest in the world. It was 23.3% in 2011 and is projected to increase to 38.8% by 2050 (Ministry of Internal Affairs and Statistics). That is, well over a third of the population will be over 65 by mid-century.
This development (koureika, or “high age trend”) is problematized by the low birth rate (shoushika, or “fewer children trend”). More children are needed, among other things to grow up, enter the labor force and contribute to the social safety net for the increasing numbers of retirees. However, as fewer children have been born, fewer workers have been supporting more and more retirees. In 1990 there were about six workers for every retiree. The ratio fell to about four to one in 2000 and about three to one in 2010. By 2025 (that is, a little more than ten years from now) about two workers will be supporting each retiree, and the projection for mid-century is about 1.3 workers (Fogarty, Dale).
Modern societies simply have no experience managing their entitlements under these kinds of conditions, and we cannot really conceive of what it will be like, even with the rosiest of economic scenarios. Clearly, a good course for Japan would be to allow more immigration for the sake of demographic balance. But as manufacturing declines in the economic downturn, further hobbled by the unfavorable exchange rate and competition with other Asian nations, growth industries in Japan are increasingly limited to the health care sector, involving care for the elderly; it is in this field that young workers from other countries have most often been sought recently. This is becoming one of a limited number of careers options available to many young Japanese workers as well. Important as the work is, it is not a sector that promises to produce anything for the country or for upcoming generations. Realistically, the optimal scenario for Japan is not future growth, but carefully managed decline. Young people may thus have a difficult time believing in the future or summoning up enough optimism to start their own families.
Muen shakai connects with different but related statistics: the number of people who live, or will live, alone. This is of course the base living condition from which the “no-relationship society” develops. In 2005 the number of single person households was 29.5%, almost exactly equal to the percentage of households of married couples with children (and increasingly, just one child) (29.9%). In 2010 the number of single person households had risen to 31.2%, and in 2030 it is expected to rise to 37.4% (with a corresponding drop to 21.9% in the number of households with a child or children) (Nishioka et al 41). That is, in less than 20 years, well over one third of households will be single person households (“tanshinsetai“) while well under a fourth will have any children.
Thus, the basic conditions behind social isolation (the graying society and the single person household) are not going away and can be expected to be exacerbated. Yet, though the trends described here are “Japanese trends,” and though there are certainly features of muen shakai peculiar to Japan, they should not be taken as characterizing Japan itself. Japan is still a vibrant and dynamic culture, struggling in mostly humane ways with its emerging demographic problems. These particular problems themselves are not unique to Japan, and in many ways simply mirror in advance the conditions that will be arising in many other nations.
Recent articles in the US (for instance, Martin Bayne and Jane Gross) have begun to ponder with dread the twin problems of aging and isolation looming ahead for the boomer generation. Among industrialized nations, European countries, the US, Korea and China show broadly similar demographic trends (OECD, McCardle). And there is a growing realization that the “graying” of society is encroaching upon the developing world as well (Saunders, Longman). Thus, the swelling of the aging population, and the almost inevitable problems that arise when the elderly can no longer rely on a protective web of familial support, can be considered a general global trend and not just a problem of Japan or of the industrialized democracies. This is what the world begins to look like when its “human capital” begins to evaporate.
Implications for Mimetic Theory and Generative Anthropology
A phenomenon like muen shakai presents, to put it mildly, some interpretive challenges for mimetic theory and generative anthropology, both of which see humans as being interpersonally constituted and driven by mimesis. Muen shakai does not conform in any obvious way to a mimetic understanding and could, at least on the surface, call into question the validity of mimesis itself. What, from a mimetic point of view, are we to make of a social existence that consists of a lack of a social existence? What can we conclude about human lives devoid of interpersonal conflict, but also of any beneficial human connection? And finally, considering particularly the apocalyptic focus of MT and in Girard himself in his recent Battling to the End, how might we comprehend that the world is threatened as much by a “whimper” as it is by a bang?
To dramatize these questions, consider the life of a person representative of those depicted in the NHK documentary. We will call this person Mr. Sano. He is in his mid 60s and lives alone in a small apartment in an urban area of Japan. He has been divorced for many years, has no children or friends, does not know his neighbors, and has not contacted anyone in his family for decades. His employer barely speaks to him but knows him as a sad, silent man. Because he neglects getting regular medical check-ups, he collapses in his home from what would otherwise be a very manageable medical condition, and dies because no first responders are aware of his existence. His body is not discovered for several weeks. After some effort by local authorities, a few members of Mr. Sano’s family are successfully contacted, but none want anything to do with the matter. No-one will take charge of Mr. Sano’s remains or personal effects, or see to the funeral or interment. A tokushu seisou gyousha (“special cleaning”) crew is engaged to clear out Mr. Sano’s living quarters. The local government arranges to have his remains interred at a temple. Some of its priests offer occasional prayers in a small structure housing the remains of Mr. Sano and others like him.
The problem with MT is that, from the standpoint of MT, this could plausibly be considered a good outcome. There is no apparent mimetic conflict in Mr. Sano’s life—or if there was, it has been resolved peacefully. There are no escalating conflicts, no doubling rivalries, and no acts of violence. Further, if we generalize Mr. Sano’s state to the fate of the globe we can envisage a world full of people dying quietly in their homes, and humanity coming to a gentle close, with no frenzied mimetic crisis and cataclysmic Armageddon of the sort so often discussed in mimetic theory.
Of course, MT scholars would deplore the conditions of Mr. Sano’s life, but probably on the basis of compassion and accumulated ethics, not on the basis of the moral framework of MT itself. The challenge for MT is not simply to account for how and why Mr. Sano’s sad, crippling, disordered life may have developed in this way, but to define what exactly it is that is disordered about it. That ultimately means that MT needs to define a positive good, not just as an absence of violence, but as something that makes human life worth living, human relations worth having, or humanity worth preserving. (MT’s efforts in that direction will be discussed later.) Undoubtedly that must seem obvious, not to say sanctimonious, but the muen shakai trend shows that it may not be quite as obvious as it seems. A growing plurality of humanity is choosing to opt out of all human relationships. They do not need to be persuaded not to fight, but they do need to be persuaded that human relationships are worth the bother at all.
GA has an advantage in defining human good because, as the name “generative” implies, it takes from the beginning an inherent interest not just in human violence but in human flourishing. Yet from the standpoint of GA, we might also be hard pressed to discover anything specific to object to in Mr. Sano’s life above. By almost any account, Japan represents a spectacularly successful development of the exchange system, an outstanding example of the modern, secular state. Mr. Sano has been a productive member in it, and has both benefited and contributed to this highly developed market economy. He appears to have successfully occupied the center of his private scene, and if there was resentment, his life reflects a more or less successful resolution to it. Auden’s words return to resonate: “Was he free? Was he happy? The question is absurd: Had anything been wrong, we should certainly have heard.”
In the end, GA is faced with the same challenge here as MT, which is to define human good as a positive and not just as the lack of a negative (violence, resentment), but GA’s focus on the exchange system intensifies this problem, because muen shakai demonstrates (as I hope to suggest in more detail below) how the modern exchange system can be a victim of its own success. Extreme social isolation develops to some extent because it is materially possible; as soon as people can eliminate human relationships (or so I would assert), many will. This leads in turn to the demographic question, since isolated people will, by detaching themselves from human relationships, obviously also detach themselves from the reproductive process.
In my view, generative anthropology (and for that matter MT as well) can no longer take it for granted that humans need to be generated for there to be an anthropology. The exchange of signs requires people to exchange signs with. The exchange of goods requires people to exchange goods with. The burgeoning crisis of a “relation-less” society is closely connected with the burgeoning demographic crisis, the childless society. Thus, the problem of defining human good mimetically extends beyond the question of what is the “good” of human relations, to what is the good of extending humans themselves into the next generation.
A central axiom of GA is that humans are, in Eric Gans’ words “the species that itself poses the greatest danger for its own survival.”(1) The danger is of course violence, but there is another way that humanity threatens its own survival: by not reproducing. This is the basis of the imperative of evolutionary theory from the organism-eye-view: eat, survive, reproduce. MT could be said to focus its anthropology on the survival question: humans need to survive the ever present threat of violence. GA is one step ahead of MT, insofar as it recognizes that humans also have to eat; the distribution of food amongst mimetically charged humans is a nontrivial matter. However, neither MT nor GA has incorporated the problem of human generation into their overall anthropologies.
Perhaps it is assumed that this is a biological problem, and not a particular matter of concern for either MT or GA. Men and women, like the birds and the bees, will presumably keep doing what they do, and children will result. However, this is no longer an unarguable assumption, and if the archaic fertility cults are any indication, neither was it in the distant past. It is an anthropological and not just biological issue. From a mimetic point of view, the problem of male-female relations may not simply be that sexual rivals might kill each other, but that men and women will fail to get along, and the community will fail to regenerate. The mere lack of violence will not in itself regenerate a culture. To put it more provocatively, ancient fertility cults and evolutionary theory know what MT and GA apparently do not: humans must reproduce for humanity to survive.
This is a problematic assertion in a number of ways, many of which will be discussed later. And to be fair, MT implicitly acknowledges the issue; the “unitive” function of scapegoating and the sacrificial order no doubt includes the strengthening of male-female relations, with the specific goal of sex and regeneration.(2) Fertility cults, after all, are sacrificial. In other words, sacrificial violence is (among other things) an aphrodisiac and fertility drug.
The post-sacrificial ethos is another matter. To repeat the point: human beings can now simply opt out. Even while functioning in the modern market system, they can choose not to reproduce and indeed, will increasingly choose to do so. They can choose to be alone and limit any human interaction at all, and will increasingly choose to do so. I would assert that the triumph of the market system, which means the triumph of the post-sacrificial order, makes solitary life not only possible, but, increasingly, preferable. This could be the age of homo solitarius. One can live and die alone, quietly and peacefully, apparently untroubled by any mimetic entanglements.
Muen Shakai and Mimesis
Against the objection that mimesis fails to account for muen shakai, it can argued that mimesis does in fact account for it, and in a number of ways. They are outlined below. All are revealing, and I think most are at the very least partially valid. The problem may indeed be that they explain too much, and that they cannot all be right at the same time. At any rate, the mimetic accounts of muen shakai sort themselves roughly into three broad explanations, which overlap in several ways: 1) the generalization of violence, 2) the generalization of scapegoating, and 3) internal mediation and the post-sacrificial order.
The Generalization of Violence
It can be argued from the mimetic point of view that muen shakai is precisely a kind of violence, an ongoing interpersonal conflict. The outward manifestation of placidity is entirely superficial and (in terms of my exercise above with Mr. Sano) quite misleading. The isolation of recluses has undoubtedly been shaped by a history of interpersonal friction and conflict. The very structure of this kind of social detachment carries in it the shape of these past conflicts: a turning inward and away from some other, or more precisely a long string of others. On this subject, I have had occasion to quote Gil Bailie, whose observation in his lecture series The Gift of Self is important enough to quote again in full:
[T]he hysteric is one who is being influenced by another, who resents and rebels against the influence. And the hysteric has two arch ways of warding off this influence. One is to become autistic, in a sense—an emotional dissociation. So the hysteric goes blank as a way of trying to ward off the influence. And the other [way] is histrionics, to ‘act out,’ to try to exorcise the other, and to demonstrate that the hysteric is, in fact, the real subject. . . . Hysteria is clearly the self pathologically entangled with another.
Bailie’s insight is very useful, and (if we transpose the Freudian vocabulary) clearly puts the phenomenon of social isolation within the purview of mimetic theory. This is the basis for a model in which interpersonal aggravation (that is, internal mediation) can lead either to conflict, or to withdrawal. The main problem with Bailie’s observation is that it should be so rare in Girard studies; for Bailie himself it comes as an incidental observation toward the end of a long lecture series (itself rather hard to obtain). Yet the “emotional dissociation” Bailey outlines can hardly be considered rare in the world. It is likely as at least as common as the more agitated struggles characteristically analyzed in mimetic theory.
The sparse treatment in mimetic theory does not indicate a theoretical deficiency as such, but rather an incomplete focus. Girardians are simply not in the habit of looking at things like introversion and isolation, preponderantly focused as they are on overt conflict and violence. An important corrective to this customary focus on “bad” (conflictual) mimesis has been the increasing attention of some Girard scholars to “good” (non-conflictual) mimesis (to be discussed later). However, muen shakai and similar phenomena fail to fall into either category and could be considered “bad good mimesis”—a putatively non-violent mimesis that is nonetheless clearly disordered.
But the case for social isolation being a form of violence is further strengthened by its affinity to suicide. Extreme social isolation could arguably be considered one step away from suicide, which has been associated with the muen shakai phenomenon. The NHK documentary discussed above opens with a scene of the crew on a police boat in Tokyo Bay preparing to pull the body of an older male, almost certainly a suicide, out of the water. This is a routine operation, and identification of the bodies often proves to be impossible. These nameless and faceless suicides (mostly men) could be thought to be more representative of muen shakai than the solitary deaths described earlier.(3)
Yet one problem of generalizing violence in the ways sketched above—of including muen shakai under an overall rubric of violence—is that it universalizes violence in a way that may be unhelpful not only in understanding social isolation, but in understanding violence itself. Is it useful for every problem in human relations, including the lack of human relations at all, to be defined as violence? In Popperian terms, if violence can be invoked for everything, how can it be invoked for anything? The very term loses definition, and as a consequence mimesis itself may become somewhat less compelling. I have had the experience of intelligent interlocutors resisting mimetic theory for exactly this reason: it over-defines violence in its otherwise compelling interpersonal psychology, and they won’t accept that, for instance, to be upset by someone is to experience some kind of “violence.” This problem also emerges in the generalization of scapegoating.
The Generalization of Scapegoating
An equally strong if not stronger case can be made for looking at muen shakai as a form of scapegoating. The pulling away from human relations that is manifested in extreme social isolation must certainly be, in most cases, a self-exclusion which is either clearly a direct response to scapegoating, or less directly, a kind of internalization of the dynamics of scapegoating. In the first case, the scapegoating can be very real indeed, especially in younger cases. Hikikomori, who are mostly young male shut-ins, often develop their condition as a result of bullying at school (Jones). Bullying has also been directly implicated in a wave of suicides among children that have rocked the nation recently (Hongo).
As for older people who are representative of muen shakai, they could be considered “scapegoats” in the more indirect sense of being gradually abandoned by society. Alternately (and this is my own view), there may be the “internalized” scapegoating mentioned above; one might withdraw from human contact because one finds it oppressive. That is, the subjects have not been abandoned or driven into isolation so much as they have chosen it. This accords, at least, with my incidental observation over the past few decades. Many people are shutting down socially because they feel harassed by human relationships and social expectations. They do not want to be asked about their lives or have to explain themselves to others. It invites invidious comparison and disdain, and it may very well be used against them out of their hearing. People insinuate themselves into your life, make you feel bad or inadequate, and badmouth you to others; it’s better to keep your distance. Whether such fears are ever articulated as such, they may figure strongly into social isolation, especially as it develops over a long period, and may go some way toward explaining in particular gradual estrangement among family members.
The self-exclusion of isolated people can be plausibly said to have the structure of scapegoating, both externally (by virtue of their isolation) or internally (by virtue of feeling psychologically oppressed by others). Are the social recluses of muen shakai the hidden scapegoats of society? Over-generalizing scapegoating to explain social isolation may be problematic in the same way that over-generalizing about violence was above. If everyone is being scapegoated, even when they voluntarily shut out human relationships, what practical value does scapegoating have as an account of human behavior or society? Yet, intuitively, this seems more of a pedantic quibble than in the previous case with the over-generalization of violence. While social isolation may not manifest any obvious violent or conflictual aspect (since there are no people present with whom to have conflicts), it nearly always possesses the structure of exclusion, even when it is self-exclusion.
The fact that people might choose scapegoating for themselves (in the form of social isolation) needs to be accounted for. One possibility (which to my knowledge has not been addressed in mimetic studies) is that the material cost of scapegoating, at least in the form of social exclusion, is markedly diminished in a desacralized market society. This point emerges indirectly in one of Lafcadio Hearn’s works, when he tries to convey to early 20th century readers the severity of expulsion in the Edo period (premodern Japan):
In former years the man expelled from his native place by the communal will—cast out from his home, his clan, his occupation—found himself face to face with misery absolute. In another community there would be no place for him, unless he happened to have relatives there; and these would be obliged to consult with local authorities, and also with the officials in the fugitive’s native place, before venturing to harbouring him. No stranger was suffered to settle in another district without official permission . . . . A banished man was homeless and friendless. (96-97)
. . . banishment signified hunger, solitude, and privation unspeakable. For be it remembered that the legal existence of the individual, at that period, ceased entirely outside of his relation to the family and to the commune. Everybody lived and worked for some household; every household for some clan; outside of the household, and the related aggregation of households, there was no life to be lived—except the life of criminals, beggars, and pariahs. Save with official permission, one could not even become a Buddhist monk. The very outcastes—such as the Eta classes—formed self-governing communities, with traditions of their own, and would not voluntarily accept strangers. So the banished man was most often doomed to become a hinin, —one of that wretched class of wandering pariahs who were officially termed “non-men,” and lived by beggary, or by the exercise of some vulgar profession, such as that of ambulant musician/or mountebank. (98-99)
In an archaic and pre-modern context, exclusion from society held the threat of extreme social and material deprivation that Lafcadio Hearn describes. In a still more primitive context, where Girard’s work on cultural foundations is relevant, exclusion from the community meant almost certain death. As I usually mention when trying to explain Girard’s scapegoat thesis, a person driven out of an archaic community could not simply find a different job, rent an apartment on the other side of town, or seek provisions in a convenience store further down the street. This is in fact a standard explanatory device to explain Girard’s theory, since the severity of expulsion is less easy to grasp in the modern world.
However, the very thing that makes it difficult for modern people to grasp the severity of expulsion—the relative ease with which one can provide for oneself—could also be turned around to explain why some people may no longer dread it as much, and may in fact choose to “expel” themselves. The social and material conditions of post-sacrificial culture have substantially altered the cultural compact. One no longer has to “go along to get along.”
Internal Mediation and the Post-Sacrificial Order
For MT and to a large extent GA, the Judeo-Christian revelation is thought to have decisively overturned the sacrificial ethos (though this is not the descriptive vocabulary of GA), and the effects, however indirect and uneven, have permeated the globe, both for better and for worse. Gil Bailie (Violence Unveiled) and James Alison (The Joy of Being Wrong) have presented some of the more compelling elaborations of this aspect of MT at the cultural level. There may be plenty of frantic scapegoating in our world now, but there is no longer any “sacrifice” in the sense of a culturally legitimate bloodletting that draws society together and sustains authority, or long term cultural viability. (Totalitarian regimes, notably those of the fascist variety which explicitly invoke the sacred, can be considered a series of last gasps rather than counter evidence.) We are living in a post-sacrificial order. We are in this sense “post-cultural.”
“Internal mediation” comes to predominate in this post-sacrificial world, which means that as differences maintained by the sacred collapse, people rub up against each other more and more antagonistically in their personal spheres. This is the subject of most of Girard’s brilliant literary analyses (though much of that work was done before Girard had developed the sacred element of MT) and in general one of his most consistent observations about modernity.(4) This cultural development is conceived very differently in GA, as the collapse of the sacred center into the private scene, and mediation is not essentially or intrinsically disordered.(5) But this gives MT a certain advantage when it comes to muen shakai because MT expects and predicts psychosocial disorder in the post-sacrificial world. Muen shakai can thus be seen as a characteristic interpersonal distortion. It is the result of the unrelenting exacerbation of mimetic desire in our ethos. Instead of struggling with the other (as do most of the subjects of Girard’s work), the subject gives up the fight and retreats into him- or herself. This process is summarized very well in the earlier quote by Gil Bailie.
Another, cruder way to put it is that if society had a really good scapegoat, people would get along better. Psychosocial disorders like extreme social isolation would be much less likely to develop because the “we feeling” of sacrificial culture would permeate society, and the everyday frustrations and aggravations that now drive people into isolation could be discharged through sacrifice. Some support for this view might come from recent events. The earthquake and tsunami were a wrenching disaster but also generated a certain sacred aura, and along with it, a feeling of unity and purpose. The tragedy drew the country together. The discussion of muen shakai ceased immediately after the disaster took place, which is to be expected, but the discussion has not been renewed. The disaster could be said to have unified the country, at least for a time, and caused the Japanese to believe afresh in themselves and in their nation. Thus, the disaster could serve as a reminder of the way sacrifice used to renew culture and solidify social relations.
I think that the “post-sacrificial” account above is a fair extrapolation from mimetic theory, that it is at least partially true, and that internal mediation certainly presents the best psychological framework for approaching most types of social isolation. At the same time, I am unsure how to properly assess the sacred component. It seems suspiciously convenient that I am able to invoke scapegoating (profane) to explain social isolation in one breath (in the previous section), then invoke the lack of scapegoating (sacred) to explain it in the next (the paragraph above)—though this is precisely the kind of interpretive discrimination that many scholars think gives MT its great subtlety and explanatory power.
A bigger problem (and GA thinkers might agree) is that it is very difficult in MT to conceive of a non-disordered counterpart to muen shakai, unless it is religious and almost impossibly idealistic. That is, though extreme social isolation must be the result of disordered mediation, there can be no wholesome reintegration into society in the categories of MT because group harmony must by definition be tainted with sacrificial violence. Unless the recluse converts and demonstrates a radical personal transformation, we must look suspiciously (at least in theory) at his or her social rehabilitation. Here yet again, MT explains too much too plausibly and in too many ways on the one hand (therefore making itself unfalsifiable in the Popperian sense), and offers no realistic alternative to disorder on the other, because it has not sufficiently developed a positive anthropology of the human person, unless it is abstractly spiritual and fantastically idealistic. This is overstated and unfair, but lays out some of the terms for the search for positive mimesis, which does in fact occupy a number of Girardian thinkers and will be our final consideration.
Toward a “Generative Mimesis”?
I have been stressing the need for both MT and GA to develop a positive anthropology, spurred by two observations. 1) Human good (as muen shakai demonstrates) must be more than the mere absence of violence. 2) Human reproduction (as the demographic crisis demonstrates) cannot be taken for granted and ultimately has to be taken into account in any consideration of the human good. There has to be a reason to go on living, a reason to have relationships with others, and a reason to continue to have human beings who can have relationships with others. If there is none, then isolated people are essentially doing the right thing in removing themselves from the sordid process, and (if the idea catches on sufficiently) bringing the human story to a merciful and peaceful end.
Positive Mimesis and the Originary Scene
Of course, it is unfair to speak of GA as not having a “positive anthropology” since (in its own view) it has always been premised on the positive and does not define humanity in terms of an originary injustice.(6) Likewise, it is unfair to speak of “positive mimesis” as if no-one in MT had considered it. Girard himself has emphasized it in several scattered (though unelaborated) comments, most notably in the well-known interview with Rebecca Adams. Adams herself has gone on to develop the idea of positive or loving mimesis, as have James Alison, Raymund Schwager, Petra Steinmair-Pösel, Martha Reineke, and Pablo Bandera. Most treatments of positive mimesis are anchored in theology, and Steinmair-Pösel’s essay contains probably the most usefully compact review of that work.
Christian theology demands a primary good from which evil is a derivative distortion with no independent being, hence the theoretical impetus of Christian Girardians to get beyond the violence and disorder of mimesis. There must be a primary good, otherwise one is led to a dark, pessimistic demiurge as creator, to a Manichean position where good and evil are equal, or to a monistic “Star Wars” theology in which mimesis is like “the force,” a neutral power with a dark side and light side. Good and evil cannot have equal ontological weight, and in fact evil, since it is a negation, should not have any ontological weight at all. In Steinmair-Pösel’s words, “One of the most frequent objections to mimetic theory is that Girard ontologizes violence and that the problem of conflicts and violence is given too much significance within the theory” (1). In addressing that issue, Bandera (as part of a critique of GA to be discussed further below) outlines positive mimesis as follows:
. . . mimetic theory maintains that there is a positive dimension to mimetic desire. In fact, while mimetic relations usually become rivalistic, especially on a social or cultural scale, there is nothing inherently negative about mimetic desire itself. There is a difference between mimetic desire, which is a fundamental characteristic of humanity, and mimetic rivalry, which is the unfortunate usual outcome of most human relationships. To put it in more concrete terms, positive mimetic desire is more properly called love. (19)
I had hoped to avoid the originary questions that so divide MT and GA, but questions of human good lead inexorably to questions of ultimate good and thus, for MT and GA, originary good. Unexpectedly, when the dust settles, there may be much more common ground between MT and GA here, on this question of originary goodness, than in the divisive issue of whether scapegoating is constitutive of the originary event. This is because MT scholars are themselves forced to push beyond scapegoating, whether it is a split second before it in the case of James Alison (who posits that the first scapegoaters had a latent moral choice to identify with the victim and not to engage in scapegoating) (253-256), or back to “the creation of the human person opened toward the divine” in Petra Steinmair-Pösel’s study (2-3).
Christian Girardians are impelled to locate a good prior to scapegoating because they need to know, if good is primary, how human goodness can possibly make any human sense. That is, humans had to realize something right before there was something wrong. It is not just that things were good prior to humans knowing anything about it, in their newly emerged post-scapegoating consciousness; the first humans had to have at least some consciousness of good prior to scapegoating, which also means (though this is an unintended consequence of the search for “positive mimesis”) that there had to be a specifically human consciousness preceding scapegoating.
It must be noted in passing that this paper, focused on social problems in a largely non-Christian country, has drifted into the categories of Christian theology. This is not because there is no relevance with regard to Japanese religion (a highly complex synthesis of Shintoism, Buddhism, Confucianism, and Taoism, existing within a highly secularized culture, and which also includes influential Christian elements). It is because the discussion has of necessity moved into the specific interpretive problems of MT, which is deeply informed by Judeo-Christian premises. Yet, to the extent that Japan is a very “secularized” nation, these premises could be said to apply, since (at least according to mimetic theory) secularism is part of the process of “desacralization” resulting from the Judeo-Christian revelation as outlined in the previous section. These terms are not above challenge, by any means, but they are the terms, for better or worse, by which mimetic theory usually works out its anthropology.
In fact, the exchange between Pablo Bandera and Richard van Oort regarding MT and GA reflects the divide between religious and secular assumptions. Yet the exchange is useful precisely for the way a positive anthropology begins to emerge between them, if not fully defined, at least as a kernel that can be defined. In asserting that positive, non-rivalistic mimesis is more fundamental and therefore more primary, Bandera seems to think an advantage is gained for MT over GA. By insisting on an originary good, MT can claim to have discovered love first, as non-rivalrous mimesis, while (to Bandera) GA can only discover it later, after violence is averted, and then ever after as an accommodation to resentment. However, Richard van Oort protests:
I confess, when I first read Bandera’s suggestion that generative anthropology has no room for positive mimesis, I was truly astonished. What could be more positive than the deferral of violence through representation? I also find Bandera’s criticism rather illogical in the context of his own argument. After spending considerable time criticizing generative anthropology for not being sufficiently attentive to the violence of the mimetic crisis, Bandera then turns around and criticizes the theory for not being sufficiently positive in its conception of mimesis! (198)
But one reason van Oort may have been blind-sided is that Bandera is (I suspect) using secular language while proceeding in theological terms. As explained, Christian Girardians (or secular Girardians who think within a Christian framework) need to define a primary good in mimetic desire—and this is apart from any dispute that might exist with GA. In this regard MT
has discovered something “more positive than the deferral of violence” (in van Oort’s words): non-rivalrous mimesis. Bandera might argue that van Oort has just conceded the point, by admitting above that “the deferral of violence” is key, and thereby admitting that in GA originary consciousness is framed in negative possibility, not the positive of beneficent mimesis.
(7)
GA thinkers will be unmoved by this; they do not seek to explain the mystery of good or evil per se, but the mystery of how human beings could conceive of something called good and evil; to some extent the discourse has passed into mutual incomprehensibility. Nevertheless, though MT may indeed have an advantage here (at least theologically) in positing positive mimesis before resentment, it has now conceded a rather substantial point: positive mimesis had to have preceded scapegoating. The center of the debate has thus shifted into GA’s territory, through MT’s new insistence that emergent humans had to be aware of a primary good, at least to some extent, prior to scapegoating.
For me, this is like watching theoretical astrophysicists arguing over the finer nanoseconds of the big bang. Each counterclaim clarifies the issue. First, MT emphatically claims originary violence, against GA’s claim of originary peace. Then MT claims originary good, which must predate GA’s originary resentment. But in claiming such an originary good, MT has admitted that scapegoating is not a sufficient explanation for human emergence. Though I may be naïve, I see this back and forth as suggesting ultimately a kind of convergence between MT and GA, because both MT and GA agree now that human consciousness had to have been present in some form prior to scapegoating.
Positive Mimesis and Human Generation
Where neither MT nor GA has pushed the discussion of positive mimesis is toward the question of human generation, though Jean-Michel Oughourlian proposed what he calls a “Universal Mimesis”: “mimesis is imitation in space, repetition in time, and reproduction in the species” (4). Is human reproduction simply a biological function, beyond mimetic desire, or is it tied up with the goodness of mimetic desire, to love? Or, to put it in a way perhaps only an intellectual could not understand, does love have anything to do with making babies?
It would be easy to think it does not, considering how often love, including Eros, comes up in MT and GA, and how very rarely does procreation. At times, GA’s emphasis on erotic reciprocity as the optimal model for positive mimesis may seem little more than a theoretically advanced version of the proposition, “I’ll show you mine if you show me yours.”(8) But in fact, here too there is an unexpected convergence between GA and MT in the search for positive mimesis, and one that might lead to a mimetic anthropology that encompasses (but is not limited to) human generation.
Of course, the humanistic orientation of MT and GA militates against any gross reduction of human relations to reproductive output. However, Martha J. Reineke, synthesizing a number of thinkers including Rebecca Adams, discusses both “mothering” and “fathering” in relation to loving mimesis (90-91). There are ways of thinking about human “generation” in this non-biological sense. This is not necessarily straying from the demographic problem at hand, because worrisome fertility rates (whether in Japan or elsewhere) are less cause than they are effect. Isolated people are finding less reason to have any relations at all, much less biologically fecund relations. A positive orientation toward child-bearing or parenthood is likely to be a secondary effect that would arise out of positive human interaction in general. The demographic crash is in this sense a mimetic problem that needs a mimetic solution.
But if we extend the pattern of love, co-creation, and procreation to mimetic relations, we might discover something that is less than a gross biological reduction, and more than mere metaphor. Rather than equating making love with making babies, we could envision an anthropology in which “making love,” in the sense of positive interaction, generates, not specifically babies, but more fundamentally, beneficial effects. For instance, instead of the classic mimetic triangle with subject and model oriented through each other toward an object, we might have subject and model oriented toward each other—perhaps in the manner Rebecca Adams proposes, desiring one another’s subjectivity—and actually generating or producing an object (a beneficial effect, word, deed, etc.).(9)
As noted, Adams’ thinking is surprisingly close that of Eric Gans, specifically his occasional focus on the erotic.(10) And after all, Gans does not stress the erotic because he wants to promote “eroticism,” but because he wants positive mimesis to be realistic, beyond the abstract and utopian concept of “brotherly love.” Yet putting Adams’ and Gans’ thinking together, it may be possible to extend both toward a “generative” version of the mimetic triangle. The third point of the triangle would issue forth from the positive mimetic relationship, rather than being an object of contention (negative mimesis) or mere renunciation (positive mimesis, but defined in the negative). This is in line with the Trinitarian element that emerges in discussions of positive mimesis.(11) “Love” would actually issue forth from the relation.
“Good mimesis” should perhaps be pressed in this direction, in the direction not just of “positive mimesis” (characterizing the relation) but of “fertile mimesis” or “generative mimesis” (characterizing its productive nature, the fruit of the relationship). In this model, mimetic relations “bear fruit” in the broadest sense of generating good (and not just being good). Christian theology explicitly extends biological reproduction in this way. The Incarnation is to be patterned in us, not specifically through making babies, but quite specifically through conceiving and giving birth to good through cooperation with grace—in a very literal sense bearing Christ in the world as an act of love toward God.
Yet again, this (though it is purely exploratory and speculative) represents a convergence with GA. It is because the generative model here (minus the Incarnation and grace) lines up with the dynamic terms of GA, wherein humans, in their first moment as humans, collectively “birth” a sign and thereafter all signs.(12) For me, this opens up space to talk realistically about “positive mimesis” and “brotherly love” in ways that GA thinkers might accept. To put it another way, in the “universal mimesis” proposed by Jean-Michel Oughourlian above (“imitation in space, repetition in time, and reproduction in the species”) “reproduction” could be extended as well to acts, words, gestures, relationships, collaborations, and the like. These too are imitated in space, repeated in time, and reproduced among others.
An example of this in the Japanese context might be the classic sempai-kohai relation which is still widely honored among young people. The sempai-kohai relation is essentially the external mediation of junior members in a group (kohai) by senior members (sempai). Kohai in their turn pass knowledge and values down to the next group of kohai when their time comes. For Girard, the latent conflict in such master-disciple relations is the most salient feature. But—and here the approach of generative anthropology shows its strength—is it not more salient that a master-disciple relation can exist at all? This is another instance in which GA appears to be somewhat ahead of the game because it starts with a human community that peacefully exchanges gestures and generates good.
In light of this discussion, the aberration of muen shakai may come into sharper relief. It is the complete, or nearly complete, elimination of good mimesis. The “universal mimesis” that Oughourlian proposes is denied. There is no imitation (in space), repetition (in time), or reproduction (in the species). It is not that isolated people are unlikely to have children (many people could arguably do more good without children) but that they do not “pass themselves on” in any way. This is the tragic distortion of the lost souls of muen shakai: neither they nor we can experience the generation of good that would come from their participation in common life. We are bereft of them, and of the good that could come from them, and from our interaction from them.
Closing Words
There is no need to attempt a shallow reconciliation between MT and GA that involves either surrendering its core principles. Both theoretical communities are able to function quite well on their own. At the same time, there is no need to exaggerate differences when MT and GA are actually moving in the same direction. By admitting that scapegoating is not the ultimate point of human origin in its search for positive mimesis, MT has opened up considerable space to work out its anthropology on parallel tracks with GA, rather than in contention. If a “generative” model of positive mimesis were pursued, even more commonality might be discovered. The cumulative efforts, even in friendly rivalry, might help to create a positive vision for humanity that accords with what is most human about us. Of course, this will not solve the world’s demographic problems, or the related problems of social isolation, but it might give us a good reason to solve them.
Acknowledgements
This paper developed through presentations, first at the 2010 meeting of the Japan Girard Association (under the title “Every Man an Island?”), and then (under the present title) at the July 2012 meeting of the Generative Anthropology Society and Conference jointly held in Tokyo with the Japan Girard Association and the Colloquium on Violence and Religion. The insightful comments of participants at both meetings have greatly informed the final product. I am also thankful for the advice of Michael Cholewinski, the help of my wife Emi in tracking social trends in Japan, and the continual guidance and encouragement of Eric Gans.
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Notes
1. “Roy Rappaport and the Originary Anthropology of the Sacred” in Chronicles of Love and Resentment. (back)
2. See for instance Violence and the Sacred 108, including the note on that page. (back)
3. I am grateful to Edmond Wright (during the 2012 GASC meeting) for bringing up the issue of suicide in relation to muen shakai. (back)
4. See for instance Things Hidden 307-308, Resurrection 58-59, Deceit 135-137. (back)
5. For a very extensive example, see Part Two of Originary Thinking 117-219. (back)
6. For a useful account of the differences between the two originary hypotheses see chapter four of Gans’ recent monograph The Girardian Origins of Generative Anthropology 42-72. (back)
7. See also Eric Gans’ discussion of “the Good” as deferral of violence in “On Firstness,” The Originary Hypothesis 41. (back)
8. A representative example of this longstanding contention is Gans’ “Love, Resentment, and Generative Anthropology” in Chronicles of Love and Resentment. (back)
9. The best explication of the “mimetic triangle” remains the first chapter of Girard’s Deceit 1-51. (back)
10. See again Gans’ “Love, Resentment, and Generative Anthropology.” (back)
11. See for instance Steinmair-Pösel 9. (back)
12. See for instance Signs of Paradox 102-106. (back)
One of the many principles that generative anthropology shares with mimetic theory is a conviction that the dismissive expulsions of religious language performed by analytical philosophy will not do. Religious language deserves respect as a source of anthropological truth; it offers models through which we can understand those “otherworldly characteristics of language” that provide experiences of transcendence. So we might ask then, what kind of “becoming-language” is described by that subset of religious narratives (along with their secular derivatives) that we call the apocalyptic? What “otherworldly characteristic of language” is incarnated by such texts?(1) Pressured to suggest an answer, I would offer this as a minimal formula for apocalyptic narrative: the future is now.
The future is now. But how so? A future must be later, not now. That which will be happening cannot be assimilated to that which is happening. Nevertheless, much apocalyptic narrative is captured by the future is now. Apocalyptic narratives tend to contain the figure of a messenger who has visited a future world. The messenger has witnessed the total destruction of the current social arrangements we blithely believe will be permanent. Not so: our present is ephemeral, our future punishing. The messenger has returned to share with us rich reports of the violence-ravaged landscape, city, or planet that he has visited. We can include science fictions in the apocalyptic, from the restrained fantasies of H. G. Wells to the recent spate of Hollywood movies that aim to shame us with the imminence of ecological collapse. (2) When it is a story of alien intruders from outer space, there is no human going ahead and coming back, just the visitation of a party-crasher who has arrived at humankind’s front door. In a way, the space aliens are the worst. With the visionary, at least you can roll your eyes, nudge your neighbour, and murmur words like too far-fetched… too extreme. But it is difficult to debate with aliens from outer space. They possess an imperiously self-evident authority.
The figure of a future-sent messenger and the paradox of a collapsed temporality are essential, but they are not enough. For the true apocalyptic, one must have violence: the violent future is now. An imaginary future emptied of or free from violence is a utopia. The apocalyptic might promise a utopia, but only after the violent bits. When you do the apocalyptic, you’re definitely in for it. Trouble, big trouble, approaches. If the future does not terrify by its violence, then the vision does not quite count as apocalyptic.
Apocalyptic is no mere blip on the computer screens of cultural history; it is close to being a human universal. Personally, I spooned it up the with the porridge my mother made me for breakfast, and the apocalyptic suffused my soul when I stood or sat beside my father in church on Sunday mornings, saying the Lord’s Prayer or absorbing sermons. If I appear to joke a little about its oddity in this discourse, I mean no disrespect. To my mind, the violence of God (or the violence God lets humans alone to do to each other) makes irony needful. Originary thinking is not apocalyptic thinking. Whereas René Girard embraces a certain form of the apocalyptic, Eric Gans distances himself from that which he understands it to be.(3) Let me ask, then, where would the moment of apocalyptic experience be in the originary event that generative anthropology takes as a model for understanding human scenic action? A suggestion: the moment of the apocalyptic is the instant when the sign anticipates… the violent consumption of the object.
The exchange of signs anticipates the violent consumption of the central object. Apocalyptic thinking limits those who do it exclusively to anticipation. The sign gets stuck. It anticipates; that is all. Expectation is all. Because everyone will be affected by violent consumption, apocalyptic consciousness is the experience of a moralizing equality. All are to be terrified equally by nuclear war, by catastrophic climate change, by the global pandemic of an airborne virus knocking us down and eating us up like crows eat toast, or the Son of Man coming on the clouds of heaven. This moralistic levelling links the apocalyptic to the victimary: as the all-consuming future will victimize all, those who refuse to fear it persecute those who do; or those who do fear it will experience righteous vengeance against the sinfully impious who feel no fear of future judgment. Apocalyptic thinking takes as its model the exchange of signs divorced from the exchange of things: we anticipate consumption, but we do not consume. If we are exchanging nothing but signs in anticipation of global disaster, the moral high ground gets very crowded very quickly. Or to change metaphors, we might say the overcrowded lifeboats of the equally terrorized soon sink, because everyone is leaping off the Titanic hours before the iceberg hits. The apocalyptic never really works. If the majority do it, witness Nazi apocalyptic or the Gulag. If a minority do it, witness Jimmy Jones or Waco.
The apocalyptic mind purchases the success of its devotion to anticipation of violent consumption at a high price. The price is submission to an ethic of purported nonviolence that disconnects the apocalyptic practitioner from the profane world of economic and political history.<(4) In the purity of its anticipatory sign-exchange, apocalyptic thinking does not move from signs to things.(5) It will not sacrifice the purely moral anticipation of an absolute future to the relativizing political necessity of an impure economic present.(6) From that immobility grows the pious contempt of those people in apocalyptic movements for the fools and sinners who carry on getting and spending in towns and cities. The members of truly apocalyptic sects—Quakers, Mennonites, Congregationalists, or those among my ancestors who were Anabaptists—they separate themselves from the religious mainstream. Those who exchange apocalyptic signs in pure anticipation limit their interest and restrain their investment in the so-called real world. (7) One understands there is no reason to wish for part of the cultural center, because one anticipates the violent destruction of the cultural center. As for those Christian congregants who belong to a Roman Catholic or a Lutheran or Anglican community—they can have no idea, really, of the radical protestant apocalyptic. For the Roman Catholic, the Lutheran, the Anglican? They are state churches that have made their historical beds with Caesar for centuries. State church from the apocalyptic perspective must be an oxymoron, revealing a compromise that has lessened the intensity of expectation.(8)
***
Having teased out some of the effects of anticipation itself, now I would emphasize that which is anticipated: the violent consumption of the central object. Consumption ends anticipation, though; so anticipated and real consumption cannot meet. Moreover, that the consumption will be violent is another reason to anticipate without intending to participate in it. For the apocalyptic mind, any thought of real consumption carries the tempting sensation of too-pleasant consumption too close for comfort. Violent consumption is sin; pleasure in the things of this world is impurity. No human consumption can be nonviolent: the apocalyptic is victimary, because even surviving is sinful; even just to walk around breathing is sinful, until you have been saved. The apocalyptic thinker anticipates, wishes for, and judges present humankind against a moral utopia. The utopia is one where no human does violence to any object, in which the exchange of signs gets transmuted into a perfectly reciprocal exchange of things.(9) But that utopia comes later, after the violence, so here and now pleasure is sacrificed to deferred post-violence satisfaction. That sacrifice of the here-and-now pleasure explains why asceticism, fasting, meditation, prayerful sojourns in the desert and contortions of self-punishing discipline contribute to apocalyptic drama. Theology? The apocalyptic theological instant is one of paranoia: God judges humankind now and finds humankind wanting: humankind is not up to standard because victimary morality dictates that one do no violence to consumable objects and that one exhibit no desire to consume things in this world.(10)
What about history, retrospection? No refuge there. The apocalyptic instant anticipates; it takes no interest in the past. It reduces the economic past to nothing but the violent consumption of the earth’s resources and the oppression of the poor by the rich, the slave by the free, or the rest by the West, or all of that. It reduces the political past to nothing but a parade of tyrants and buffoons. Ideas of human action ennobled by tragedy are considered delusional in the last instance.(11) And for mimetic theory at its most apocalyptic, human action is reducible to mindless violence (scapegoating). Human history for the apocalyptic mind does not signify in itself. Historical events count only as the indicators, precursors, and types of things to be revealed in their fullness later. That which counts is that which one anticipates; nothing else really does. And the ultimate powerlessness of humans to change anything in history will be revealed as having been the truth about humans from the origin.
Those who do generative anthropology observe that mimetic theory defines humans not in the first place by their use of language, but by their violence: collective murder happens first, non-instinctual attention second. The originary humans hesitate to notice the victim only after they have (in a panic) killed it. Something is revealed in an instant of peace; the violence experienced is sacred. In mimetic theory, the acquisition of language is for humans a kind of accidental by-product or side-effect of violence; one must wonder, actually, why human language is needful at all in mimetic theory, let alone where it comes from.(12) Or perhaps one should say that for mimetic theory the signs of language are nothing but traces of human violence. (Notice how different that is from saying that the signs of language are the deferral of human violence). The only event in Girard’s originary scene is a one-way revelation of violence, from God to humans, the revelation by God to humans of human violence. Humankind notices nothing without God’s intervention; the human exchange of signs is either stuck anticipation or a mindless after-effect.
Now I agree that Girard’s discovery of the Biblical God who has nothing to do with violence is a wonderful event. It constitutes an unveiling of anthropological truth that all humans, or Christians at least, should understand and share.(13) But I cannot help but finding myself disagreeing with Girard insofar as his hypothesis implies that we are reduced to a certain passivity in our encounter with God, such that our being called to name the revealed truth is worth next to nothing. Our signs only anticipate what God willreveal, without giving access to a blessed reality in the here-and-now. In apocalyptic thinking of the mimetic theory variety, the thing that humans do best and most is language-less violence to the innumerable victims that represent God. The revelation of the Divine Self in the crucified Jesus is one with the revelation to humans of their violence to each other and everything they can get their sinful hands on. (One might wonder—why did God make us so fundamentally violent in the first place, just so that he could reveal to us the horror? What was his point? But never mind.)
The founding event in mimetic theory is not an event at all. It is not an event because it is nothing in which we can imagine ourselves having participated as language-using humans. If the originary victim in mimetic theory causes non-instinctual attention, humans are caused by that figure of violence. Humans do not choose to represent it. Humans do not give the victim any sacred name. We could not have known at all what we had done in the first place, because we would not have had a common word with which to remember the event.(14) In mimetic theory, humans blunder more or less gradually (for the origin of language in Girard’s model is gradualist) onto, into, the stages of their own stupefying, infinitely stupid violence. By contrast, originary thinking defines human beings in the first place by their mindful exchange of abortive gestures of appropriation. Certainly, the violent desire to appropriate the central object circulates; certainly, the supra-animal violence of the sparagmos will be more terrible than animal feeding precisely because it will have been represented and remembered. But it will always have happened in the space of deferral created by the exchange of signs; and that space of deferral is given by the shared Being in and of the sacred center.
The originary hypothesis offers a minimal model for understanding that which a human event is and does. It makes sense to think of God as a Being present at the center of human events. We come to understand God as a sacred Person in the scenic center who expects not just to be consumed but to be named, who must be named, from the beginning. Generative anthropology’s model of the event does not limit consumption to being nothing but mindless scapegoating: it is not mindless violence because we have already named the object. The point to be made about human violence as distinct from animal aggression is that humans know something of what they do. The phrase “animal violence” is nonsensical, for animals have no shared sacred centers to violate. Our possession of language defines our violence; our violence does not define our language. Animal violence alone says nothing. Like nature, violence is mute. It does not signify. We as language-using humans signify, by naming sacred centers; sacred centers signify, in revealing their Being to us by demanding, calling us to name them.(15)
Originary thinking agrees deeply with mimetic theory on many points. Just as mimetic theory takes as the crucial problematic of human interaction the containment of historical human violence, so does originary theory.(16) Originary thinking does not deny the horror in the glory and horror of the human. For us, the Christian revelation is the revelation of the victimary status of the central object. Originary thinking, furthermore, agrees with mimetic theory in its privileging of the idea that the Christian model of moral omnicentricity had world-changing effects; it agrees that the Christian revelation changed human reality for the better.(17) However, in Science and Faith: The Anthropology of Revelation (1990), Eric Gans makes the point that the Christian revelation is not ultimately just the revelation of a moral teaching impossible for humans to practice, though it is that.(18) Additionally, more differentially, it is the revelation of a person—the person, Jesus—who mediates between the impossibly nonviolent moral utopia of the Kingdom he proclaimed and the real possibility of a community of believers who share faith in his forgiveness. Paul understands that Jesus forgives humankind’s inevitable failure to make the utopia Jesus himself preached appear here and now on earth. To do nothing but anticipate violent consumption is not to anticipate forgiveness for that which will be remembered with the name we already exchange. Trying out originary analysis on the sacred texts of Christian culture demonstrates that the Christian revelation need not be confined to apocalyptic anticipation.
Anyway, originary thinking presupposes that the exchange of signs anticipating violent consumption of the central object will not do as a model for understanding Divine action or human events. Neither at the origin nor today do humans experience language as either nothing but the anticipation of violent consumption (so we must strive for nonviolent moral utopia), or nothing but a side-effect of violent consumption (so we are damned by the scapegoating violence buried beneath every human interaction).(19) The divine Presence of the God who loves us is not revealed by the unnamed body alone of the victimized object. In the beginning was the Word does not mean in the beginning was the victimized flesh alone that the Word became afterward and nobody knows how. The sacred text In the beginning was the Word(20) means that from the very beginning, the excess of violence that defines the human is one with the freedom and responsibility of humans to name the beings that have suffered that violence.
God’s revelation to humankind is the revelation of a space of deferral and differentiation in which God will intervene not once and for all in a single apocalypse, but continuously in every revelatory human event. God is the central locus of the scene of representation conceived as a Being, a Being who confers value on the smallest human exchanges, on the smallest historical human differences. Maybe that is what is meant in the verse about God counting every sparrow.(21) What if it were possible, as the beautifully passionate discourse of James Alison (a theologian strongly influenced by Girard) proves it is possible, to believe in God liking us—not loving us with the portentous obligations thereby implied, but just liking us—as our most loyal, easy, intimate friends do?(22)
Originary thinking resists the apocalyptic fantasy of a nonviolent moral utopia, knowing the invidious realities of millenarian resentment such fantasies create.(23) Nothing compels us to believe that the fullness of God’s revelation to humankind, whether of His own violence (the fundamentalist apocalypse) or of totalizing human violence (Girard’s model), is the ultimate revelation, a terrifying spectacle to make us cringe.(24) God does not stand in our way, forcing us to anticipate, but blocking, violent consumption. From the beginning, God has given away the Divine center; God has given way. God gives way, and the way God gives is the way of human-Divine interactions in history.
Whereas apocalyptic thinking attaches itself to a perfect violent world to come, originary thinking attaches itself to the imperfectly violent world that has always been since the beginning. It is the God of this world who loves humans as they are, even despite their violence. And how do we, mainstream humans as opposed to apocalyptic separatists, produce historical change? We do violence to the earth, planting crops and taming animals, digging minerals and diverting rivers, kissing and missing, loving and losing, trying and failing, making and breaking. We produce and consume. We exchange words and things. With each exchange, with each historical event and revelation, we may learn and come to know a little bit more about the Divine, for whatever has occupied the scenic center in human events has inherited a bit of the Divine from the beginning.(25) Inspired by originary thinking, therefore, one might pursue a faith in God as the suffering One who, rather than threatening perpetually to reveal once and for all the end of economic history, is always promising to give it a new beginning.(26) Maybe we should let go of the future is now. Maybe the truth is… that the present (where God is) is the only future worth hoping for.
Notes
1. The quoted phrases in this paragraph come from Eric Gans, A New Way of Thinking: “What is ‘absurd’ in religious discourse from the standpoint of propositional reason can always be understood as the worldly incarnation of the otherworldly characteristics of language, or more generally of representation; religious narratives describe the miracle of becoming-language” (35). (back)
2. I am thinking of Roland Emmerich’s The Day After Tomorrow; of the Hollywood remake The Day the Earth Stood Still starring Keanu Reeves; of M. Night Shyamalan’s The Happening; and of the Nicolas Cage picture Knowing. (back)
3. René Girard embracing the either/or of apocalyptic thinking, also utopian thinking: “We can no longer do what modern thought did: postpone. All men are equal, not under law but in fact. We must thus make decisive choices: there will soon be no institutions, rituals, or ‘differences’ for regulating our behaviour. We have to destroy one another or love one another, and humanity, we fear, will prefer to destroy itself” (Battling 48). Girard again: “Deprived of sacrifice, we are faced with an inescapable alternative: either we acknowledge the truth of Christianity, or we contribute to the escalation to extremes by rejecting Revelation” (Battling 103). We would indeed be doomed. The “doom” here is one which would be imposed even in the next world by a God who would judge our possession of language to be epiphenomenal to our intimacy with the divine One, our Creator.
I believe it is ultimatums such as these that Eric Gans may have had in mind when composing the following passage, which despite its length, needs to be shared with the reader, for this essay is nothing but a reflection inspired by it: “Girard accounts for the persistence of the sacrificial in the Christian world by its (necessarily) imperfect understanding of the Gospel message, which he reformulates in explicitly victimary terms. But Girard’s reinterpretation of the Christian revelation is the historical product of another revelation, that of the Holocaust. Following the Hiroshima rather than the Auschwitz model of postmodernity, Girard sets out our historical crux in the apocalyptic terms of nascent Christianity, which believed the last judgment to be imminent: we must abolish sacrificial violence or perish; utopia now or annihilation. But were this the case, we would indeed be doomed. In the nonviolent utopia of universal love, there would be no means available to carry out the essential cultural operation of différance: deferral through differentiation” (Signs of Paradox 166). (back)
4. Eric Gans: “To externalize the prenarrative suspension of the originary text is to extend, purportedly in the cause of nonviolence, the originary deferral and its accompanying resentment to the entire sphere of human practical action. It is characteristic of this intellectual angelism to be associated with equally pure political attitudes” (Originary 113). And from The Scenic Imagination: “Hobbes’ state of nature, like Girard’s mimetic crisis, goes beyond true minimalism in supposing that the participants abandon the appetitive for the ‘metaphysical,’ the substantive object of desire for the mimetic essence of desire itself. . . . What is missing from both is the economic result: the satisfaction of individual appetites resulting from the sacrificial sparagmos, in which each member of the community receives his portion of the consumable central object” (34). A hypocritical (because impossible to sustain in practice) indifference to consumable objects; an intellectual angelism that ascetically suspends the desire to transform the exchangeable sign into the consumable thing—together, they characterize the apocalyptic. (back)
5. Eric Gans: “An ethic maintains a social order; morality, on the contrary, is indifferent to any such order. Morality is a vision of human relations derived exclusively from the reciprocal exchange of signs on the scene of representation” (Science and Faith 94). In Signs of Paradox, an opposition is set between “the moral concern with reciprocal communication” and “the ethical abandonment of this concern in the interest of preserving the community as a practical, worldly entity” (214, note 10). (back)
6. Compare this remark, made by René Girard: “Modern political thought cannot dispense with morals, but it cannot become purely moral without ceasing to be political” (Scapegoat 116). (back)
7.The following remarks (all from Eric Gans) are relevant background in this context. “Morality takes the originary scene as a self-sufficient model of human interaction, whereas ethics is concerned with its prolongation in the ethical life of society. Signs are infinitely reproducible; things are potentially scarce, and access to them must be regulated” (Science and Faith 95). From a different place: “The ethical realization of the moral goal of equality is not conceivable as a final state, but only as the telos of the market’s ever-expanding capacity to produce, distribute, and consume the differences that are the measure of human freedom” (Originary 61). (back)
8. For the background to these remarks, see Reuther, chapter 2, “The Radicals of the Reformation and the Puritan Revolution” (21-35). (back)
9. Eric Gans is unafraid to point out this hard truth about Christian victimary thinking, and its uneasy kinship with victimary self-righteousness. An impossibly demanding moral code is as likely to frustrate as it is to liberate: “The moral model contains within itself a latent tension that will render humanity, happily or unhappily, incapable of realizing the utopia put forth in the Gospels. The originary exchange of signs must be and yet cannot be the universal model of our behaviour” (Originary 47). In a different context, the same point: “The moral intuition that accuses the lyric of exploiting and ultimately killing the Other can be reconciled with the human community only through the Christian redemptive vision. For this moral vision condemns not the esthetic, nor even the ‘cultural,’ but the human in general insofar as it is the product of the originary event” (Originary 201). What is “condemned” is the necessity of our doing violence even to objects we love; what is condemned is our dependency on language for the naming of ourselves and God as the way of beginning to transcend that violence. The Christian vision redeems us from the condemnation in that Jesus as Person forgives us our failure to be as nonviolent as He. (back)
10. When the Girardian polemicist skeptical of originary thinking’s completion of mimetic theory accuses humans of desiring the desire of the other but never really desiring things in this world, he is making the accusation that humans universally are already inclined to apocalyptic fever. Or so it seems to me; I stand to be corrected. For a polite but polemical debate along these lines, see Bandera and the response from van Oort. (back)
11. This is not to say that Christianity (as mediated by originary thinking) must insist on the insignificance of political sacrifice. For the Christian faith encouraged by the originary hypothesis is not apocalyptic, or not limited to the apocalyptic. It makes space for the eternal significance of worldly tragedy. A most relevant essay here is “Tragedy and Christianity: Minimal and Maximal Faith”: “Tragedy depends on this minimal faith; we are all [as humans] bearers of difference, on the model of sacred difference, but in conflict with it, provoking resentment that no sacred ritual can contain. In contrast, Christian faith maximally conflates sacred difference with human firstness, thereby transforming resentment of firstness into worship” (A New Way of Thinking 111). (back)
12. Eric Gans: “The most obvious weakness of this model [Girard’s model of scapegoating violence as human origin] is that, like its Freudian ancestor in Totem and Taboo, it generates a humanity for which language is epiphenomenal” (Signs of Paradox 133). (back)
13. René Girard: “the apocalyptic violence predicted by the Gospels is not divine in origin. In the Gospels, this violence is always brought home to men, and not to God” (Things Hidden 186). Girard again: “That is indeed the main lesson to be drawn from this brief analysis. The notion of divine violence has no place in the inspiration of the Gospels” (Things Hidden 189). Girard again: “It is upon men and men alone that responsibility for the tragic and catastrophic nature of the changes humanity is about to witness” (Things Hidden 203). René Girard: “However, the devastation will be all on our side: the apocalyptic texts speak of a war among people, not a war of God against humans. The apocalypse has to be taken out of fundamentalist hands. The disaster . . . concerns only humanity” (Battling to the End 48). (back)
14. And at one level, we did not know what we were doing: “And Jesus said, ‘Father, forgive them; for they know not what they do.’ And they cast lots to divide his garments” (Luke 23:34). But at another level, to understand such a prayer in the way of originary analysis is to understand that our earliest ancestors must have heard something of such forgiveness even at the origin. Language is good to us and good for us because in language God reveals the (his/her) Divine Person to us. See my “Object of Originary Violence.” (back)
15. Animals are significant for and to us; but animals have no need among themselves of the kind of scenic signifying we need. They live, feed, breathe, mate, fight, feel, and die just fine as creatures quite without language and scenicity. Their “societies” are not organized around sacred centers. For better, for worse, our societies must be. Now we can try and try to grasp our self-organizing as the performance of nothing but animals; and ever since Darwin many great minds have tried in diamond-sharp but vain brilliance to do just that, seeking in primate behavior or mathematical formulae the keys to unlocking a scientific knowledge of human behavior. The ubiquitous recourse to the very word “behavior” betrays the error. For human action is not animal behavior, just as knowledge is not information and the exchange of sacralising names is not the processing of indexical signs that occupy the ontological level of the world of things. Human history begins with language; language defers intraspecific animal aggression and converts it into uniquely human violence; human history, in all its horror and its glory, is irreducible to a cosmic process. The real mystery is why so many well-intentioned humans wish so to reduce it, and work so hard to find a way to know themselves as something other and less than historical actors. (But then if you resent God as the enemy of the ahistorical material Object the existence of which you seek in vain to verify, you will probably have no desire to get to know yourself as a being who occupies a level of reality where self-knowledge might require a little thinking about the idea of God. Atoms and the void leave no more room at the inn for God than they do for humans.) (back)
16. Eric Gans, like René Girard, believes that the approach to anthropology they share is “consequent on the revelation at the end of World War II of the absolutely crucial problem of deferring human violence” (Scenic Imagination 19). Consider this as well: “Before humans can engage in natural science, they must form communities, and Girard, if not Durkheim himself, has made clear the dependence of human communities on the sacrificial expulsion of violence and on the myths that sustain it” (Gans, New Way 86). (back)
17. Eric Gans: “Jesus situated himself at the most radical point of the prophetic tradition, as a preacher of moral apocalypse in which the ‘Kingdom of God’ is exclusively characterized by a new quality of interpersonal relations” (Science and Faith 92); “As a preparation for the apocalyptic destruction of the worldly order, Jesus’ radicalization of prophetic moralizing was the revelation not merely of a new theology but of theology’s self-abolition. For theology is nothing but deferred anthropology; in the Kingdom, we shall shortly see God, and therefore ourselves, face to face (Science and Faith 100); “This vision [(Jesus’) purely moral vision of human relations] is essentially polycentric; it cannot be conceived as emerging in revelatory fashion from a single point” (Science and Faith 97). (back)
18.Central to Gans’s interpretation of these texts is an emphasis on “Paul’s intuition that Jesus himself, in the role of the crucified savior, must occupy the central position in the new theology that would guarantee this moral doctrine” (Science and Faith 92); it is “the crueler truth of the crucifixion that Paul’s deeper anthropological intuitions recognizes as fundamental” to our grasping the significance of Jesus (Science and Faith 92). In other words, Paul knew that building a community on what Gans calls the “moral apocalypse” of Jesus alone, on his teaching alone, unaccompanied by a theological centralizing of the remembered Person, would have been an historical impossibility. Compare: “The utopian Kingdom of Jesus’ preaching could not be convincing in itself” (Signs of Paradox156). Consider this also: “But the ‘taking’ of this revelation only becomes assured of its historical permanence with the conversion of Paul, who alone grasped the meaning of Jesus’ posthumous success. It was Paul who led early Christianity beyond the mere expectation, mediated by the word of the master, of the imminent moral apocalypse of the ‘second coming’” (Science and Faith 102). The reader is begged to register that Christianity moving beyond mere expectation is Christianity becoming a faith that is not only apocalyptic. Finally, consider this passage: “The Christian can only be made to participate vicariously in the moral apocalypse once it has been made clear that responsibility for living up to his commitment to Jesus’ moral doctrine, a commitment for which he can never be guaranteed sufficient saintliness, has been removed from his shoulders” (Science and Faith 107). (back)
19. “Girard’s pioneering attempt to found an anthropology on the mimetic theory of desire takes as the fundamental mode of human interaction not conflict-deferring language, but sparagmatic violence. Perhaps only one inured to eternal awaiting can afford to be more optimistic” (Signs of Paradox 167). It is worth pondering the paradox that being “inured” to eternal awaiting makes one more optimistic about human history than one would be made if one were not so inured. Perhaps to believe in human-Divine interaction in history is to believe that God does not want it to end once and for all. (back)
<20. “In the beginning was the Word, and the Word was with God, and the Word was God. He was in the beginning with God; all things were made through him, and without him was not anything made that was made. In him was life, and the life was the light of men. The light shines in the darkness, and the darkness has not overcome it” (John 1:1-5, Revised Standard Version). (back)
21. “And do not fear those who kill the body but cannot kill the soul; rather fear him who can destroy both soul and body in hell. Are not two sparrows sold for a penny? And not one of them will fall to the ground without your Father’s will. But even the hairs of your head are numbered. Fear not, therefore; you are of more value than many sparrows” (Matthew 10:28-31; Revised Standard Version).(back)
22. For James Alison’s wonderfully helpful critique of apocalyptic thinking, see Raising 124-26. For his invitation to imagine God liking us, see On Being Liked. I cannot recommend these works strongly enough. (back)
23. Eric Gans: “In a world that . . . is beginning at last to understand that the socialist and fascist utopias are cut from the same poisoned cloth, no millennial image of the good society can have any buy harmful effects. The only figure we need is the figure of the origin, the only scene absolutely necessary for the constitution of a single human race. This scene is not utopian; it is the locus of an interminable agon” (Signs of Paradox 167). Again: “We are ‘after’ the millennium in the sense that we must dispense with millenarianism, the awaiting of the final apocalypse” (“GA and the Linguistic Turn”; Chron. 334). (back)
24. René Girard: “No one wants to see that Christ’s ‘return,’ in the implacable logic of the apocalypse, is simply the same thing as the end of the world” (Battling 105). “The relevance of the apocalyptic texts is therefore absolutely striking when we accept their meaning. They say paradoxically that Christ will only return when there is no hope that evangelical revelation will be able to eliminate violence, once humanity realizes that it has failed” (Battling 119). The problem with formulations such as these is that although they are meant to describe the undesirable, they can inspire a wish for the thing described: if Christ will only return when humanity realizes it has failed, then we may begin to wish humanity would just go ahead and fail. They invite a will to failure, although that invitation would not be Girard’s intention. (back)
25. Eric Gans: “Every representational event is a revelation; the structure of consciousness is revelatory. The least of these revelations is in principle irreversible, leaving its trace in memory, just as the greatest [revelations], those the memory of which is preserved in Biblical faith, designate the fundamental stages of our understanding of the scene on which they appear” (Science and Faith 112).(back)
26. Eric Gans: “For in the Kingdom of God, all revelation will already have taken place; God will realize his promise by abolishing his external power over man. God will thus be no more than a memory; but this memory of the promise fulfilled will inhabit all men. For the apocalyptic leap will not abolish past history; universal fraternity will always recall the divine guarantee without which it never could have been realized” (Science and Faith 104-105). (back)
Works Cited
Alison, James. On Being Liked. London: Longman, Darton and Todd, 2004.
—–. Raising Abel: The Recovery of the Eschatological Imagination. New York: Crossroad, 1996.
Bandera, Pablo. “Love vs. Resentment: The Absence of Positive Mimesis in Generative Anthropology.” Contagion: Journal of Violence, Mimesis, and Culture 14 (2007): 13-26.
Bartlett, Andrew. “The Object of Originary Violence and the Second Person of the Trinity.” Anthropoetics 14/2 (2009). Web.
The Day After Tomorrow. Dir. Roland Emmerich. Perf. Dennis Quaid, Jake Glyllenhaal. USA, 2004.
The Day the Earth Stood Still. Dir. Scott Derrickson. Perf. Keanu Reeves, Jennifer Connelly. USA, 2008.
Gans, Eric. “GA and the Linguistic Turn.” Chronicles of Love and Resentment no. 334. 22 Apr. 2006. Web.
—–. A New Way of Thinking: Generative Anthropology in Religion, Philosophy, and Art. Boulder, Co.: Davies Publishing Group, 2011.
—–. The Scenic Imagination: Originary Thinking from Hobbes to the Present Day. Stanford: U P, 2007.
—–. Science and Faith: The Anthropology of Revelation. Totawa, N. J.: Rowman and Littlefield, 1990.
—–. Signs of Paradox: Irony, Resentment, and Other Mimetic Structures. Stanford: U P, 1997.
Girard, René. Battling to the End: Conversations with Benoit Chantre. Trans. Mary Baker. East Lansing, MI: Michigan State U P, 2010. Ed. William A. Johnsen. Studies in Violence, Mimesis and Culture.
—–. The Scapegoat. Trans. Patrick Gregory. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins U P, 1986.
Knowing. Dir. Alex Proyas. Perf. Nicolas Cage. USA / UK, 2009.
The Happening. Dir. M. Night Shyamalan. Perf. Mark Wahlberg. USA, 2008.
Ruether, Rosemary. The Radical Kingdom: The Western Experience of Messianic Hope. New York: Paulist Press, 1970.
van Oort, Richard. “Mimetic Theory and Its Rivals: A Reply to Pablo Bandera.” Contagion: Journal of Violence, Mimesis, and Culture 17 (2010): 189-203.
Given
the essentially (“ontologically”) egalitarian origin of the human and
the enduring ethic that derives from it, we have apparently set
ourselves up from the outset for an unending moral problem by being
unable to close off the possibility of institutional human difference,
or simply, hierarchy. Biological differences of course exist, but
that hierarchy is a category of its own independently of differences in
age, gender, and natural attributes such as physical strength and
intelligence scarcely needs demonstration. The early and still-surviving
egalitarian hunter-gatherer societies have differentiated roles, but
their distribution systems are fundamentally symmetrical; gender
differences, which modern feminists can contest as “unequal,” are not
thus understood by societies that conceive of them as dictated by
“nature.” In this regard the Bible’s “originary feminism” (see Chronicle 419) is not without interest.
One of the important advantages conferred by Adam Katz’s inclusion of the phenomenon of firstness in our model of the originary scene is that it provides a template for the future emergence
of hierarchy, whose establishment at the origin would be clearly
inconceivable. Given that for GA to be a functional anthropology, all
fundamental human characteristics must have their roots in the originary
event and consequently deserve a place in our model, hierarchy is too
pervasive a form of human behavior for us not to situate it at the
origin. We might even say that the difficulty of doing so, and the
impossibility of fully justifying it whatever its originary
roots, given the strength of the moral model, is the theoretical
correlative of how easily resentment can be aroused against any
perception of human difference, from revolutionary movements to mobs
trashing American diplomatic establishments in the Middle East.
Similarly, the inclusion of firstness
in our originary model is not a given but a matter for our decision. A
first approximation of the emergence of the sign would not speak of
firstness, since it is not of significance in the event; no trace of
human firstness is presumed to be passed on to the community after the
conclusion of the scene. Nevertheless, a model of human genesis that
fails to give an account of firstness would produce a defective human
ontology. The eventual usurpation of the central role would appear in
such a context as a product of rivalry with the sacred center but lack
any basis in human interaction, whereas we should recall that the very
beginning of the hominizing process is the result of an accrued mimetic rivalry among (proto)humans.
The reciprocal exchange of the sign at the origin defers this rivalry
beyond the bounds of the event and so permits its “happy” conclusion in
the sparagmos and “equal” division of the object. However, this does not
imply that primitive human equality is devoid of rivalrous sentiments.
On the contrary, we may consider the performance of the sign as a
(resentful) expression of renunciation, at the same time as the sign’s
reception continually defers resentment by demonstrating the symmetrical
renunciation of the others.
The human element of (potentially
representable, memorable) firstness does something different from animal
hierarchy. Firstness is innovation, not simply taking first
place in the queue. Katz’s point is that the defining innovation of our
species, the conversion of the appetitive gesture through its “abortion”
into a sign, must have begun as the behavior of only one or two
participants. The specific point of innovation is the gestalt of the sign, which is no longer an action-toward intended to grasp the object, but a form,
a gesture-in-itself, which as such could be imitated by the others. The
gradient that leads to the general adoption of this innovation is not
difficult to conceive; the performance of the sign is both non-rivalrous
(toward the others) and self-absorbed (toward the self). That is, on
the one hand one is less likely to incur violence from the others, but
on the other, to the extent that one is absorbed in the “ludic” or
“esthetic” performance of the sign, one is less obsessed by the
(impossible) possession of the object.
In the originary event, in order that there be an event, the gradient created by the innovative “interpretation” of the aborted gesture of appropriation as a sign
is necessarily toward diminished violence and more internal absorption
in the production of the gesture-sign, concomitantly with the “worship”
of the object as the communal guarantee of the sign. This last is a
delicate point that I think deserves a more subtle explanation than the
Girardian idea that the object/victim is perceived as beneficial because
it brings about a cessation of violence—but only after its
sparagmos/lynching has already taken place. The worshipful attitude
should rather first be associated with the originary resentment toward
the center that cannot be possessed, but whose non-possession preserves
the group from internal violence. The sacred nature of the object is not
a “deduction” but a dynamic outcome of the whole (pacifying,
community-creating) process of aborting the gesture and “converting” it
into a sign. In this context the first to do so become(s) the mimetic
model(s) for the others in precisely the measure that the frustrated
movement toward physical possession is relieved by absorption in
creating the sign, which as an auxiliary object of envy by the others
(which makes them imitate its production) only increases the
“transcendent” value of the object to which the newly minted sign
refers, to the point where this object’s necessary role in the
production of the sign leads to the familiar scenic configuration around
a sacred center.
The center, in all this, remains a place of
desire as well as of interdiction; as much as it becomes forbidden, it
remains desired, not merely “mentally,” as part of the signification
process, but concretely, that is, appetitively, and this
concreteness is eventually realized in the sparagmos. (From a religious
perspective, this concrete/mental distinction is understood as the split
between God as the permanently transcendental presence and the edible
object of sacrifice at the center whose
transformation/transubstantiation into the body of the God is a process
that depends throughout on the prior reality—the faith in the
reality—of the Godhead.) Which is to say that, from the perspective of
firstness, there exists from the beginning a hope that the unique and
transcendental position of the sacred, while not losing its privilege,
can nevertheless be possessed by me. Indeed, the human subject is
from the beginning inconceivable without this ambition. Thus we may say
that the equal reciprocity of the originary event is but hierarchy
deferred. The animal hierarchy that preceded could not survive the
creation of a human community communicating via representations. But the
existence of representation and its central object only fuel a new, human
desire to share this centrality, one that might be described as
substituting oneself for it (“becoming God”), but that could never
forget the necessary priority of the center, without which
representation would not exist, nor the originary resentment that
attends it.
One wants to “become God” precisely to the
extent that one knows this to be impossible; it is the archetype of
paradoxical desire. For to “want to be first” implies that firstness
exists as an object of desire, and such cannot be the case in the
absence of the specifically human mode of firstness, which alone
truly deserves the name (in contrast with domination, competitive
advantage, etc.)—although to make our point clearly we would do better
to call it signification, the designation by a sign of what is
significant. This specific mode is in fact created by what we might call
a “transfer of firstness” from the first to use the aborted gesture as a
sign to the object he thus designates; his own priority is not
maintained as a value, but transferred to the object, which is thereupon
“divinized,” made sacred (yet not as a sacrifice-to, but in itself).
Thus the human “first” only functions as such in the mimetic process of
creating the sign-referent structure; I imitate him because he seems to
have found in the aborted gesture a source less of frustration—as would
be the case for his non-imitators—than of peace, absorption in the sign
itself as a kind of second-degree possession of the object. (Would
anyone compose lyric poetry without a similar impetus?)
Hierarchy in the human sense is simply the
perpetuation, via institutionalization, of firstness. Instead of
“transferring” the priority of the gesture-sign to that of the
object-divinity, the “big-man,” the first hierarch, usurps the
centrality of the latter. I first explained this in The End of Culture in 1985 using Marshall Sahlins’ portrait of the “big-man” in Stone Age Economics (Transaction,
1974) as one who deprives himself of leisure and even of food in his
quest to hold feasts for the other members of the tribe and thereby take
over the central cultural-ritual function of redistribution, previously
divided symmetrically among the group in what were once called “totem
feasts.” I have never had occasion to reject this formulation. No doubt
other scenarios are possible. But the important thing is that a human
hierarchy is not, as a stable social form, the equivalent of the animal
pecking-order hierarchy, nor does it derive from it, any more than human
language derives from animal signals. No doubt it may tend in this
direction, notably when the collectivity need not establish itself as an
autonomous social order, as in an ad hoc group that emerges when order
breaks down in a crisis, or in a parasitic (e.g., criminal)
sub-society. Criminal gangs, like the tyrannies described by
Montesquieu, tend to generate one-on-one leadership challenges. But even
the loosest gang has a sense of itself as a community and consequently requires that the leaders be affirmed, that is, consecrated,
by the group as a whole; the random challenges typical of animal
groups, given that violence in humans is unmitigated by “instinct,”
would destroy even the loosest forms of human organization.
In any case, our concern here is less the internal dynamic of power in hierarchical social orders than the moral
issue of a system of control that contravenes the fundamental model of
reciprocal exchange. As I attempted to explain in the Philosophy section
of A New Way of Thinking, after the various pre-Socratic
attempts to come to terms with hierarchy as the human consequence of the
natural order of things, the emergence of metaphysical philosophy in
Plato can be explained as an attempt to understand hierarchy, not as the
usurpation of sacred centrality, whether or not divinely guaranteed,
but as a necessary component of the “good society.”
Firstness, in other words, is not necessarily
self-abolishing or self-alienating; it can in the appropriate
circumstances become self-perpetuating, despite the reciprocal nature of
the underlying human exchange system. Thus society does not merely
generate and “discharge” resentment; advanced societies make states of
inferiority and therefore feelings of resentment permanent, even if a
“permanent state of resentment” may well not be experienced explicitly
as resentful but as “humble,” or resigned, perhaps in the hope of some
eschatological triumph (“the last shall be the first”). The dynamic of
the market system is characterized by what I have called the “recycling”
of resentment, e.g., as ambition to rise in the hierarchy, but there is
surely no guarantee that this process will maintain the system in
equilibrium. There is a sense in which all human historical progress
takes place against the horizon of “originary” equality, which is at the
basis of all apocalyptic thinking (“last judgment” being a way to
separate individuals on moral, that is, equalitarian grounds, contrary
to or at any rate independent of hierarchy); but despite the hopes of
various generations of revolutionaries, this horizon becomes ever less
clear as history “progresses.”
The originary hypothesis makes clear the
ontological priority, in terms of human genesis, of the reciprocal world
of the exchange of signs, which subsists despite the existence of
hierarchy. No doubt we can understand why, in a given context, expertise or authority
gives particular value to one discourse over another. But this
realization, however “reasonable,” is always secondary with respect to
the resentful feeling that I too, should have a voice—a feeling that
social media such as Twitter now exist (finally? happily? regrettably?)
to satisfy.
GA’s ambition as a “new way of thinking” is to
narrow the gap between the fundamental discourses by means of which the
human attempts to understand itself. In the current context, the
question of man/God priority becomes that of a transcendental guarantee
of ethics, and ultimately of the definitive ethical value, that of human
equality, “all men created equal.” It is more parsimonious to “deduce”
this principle from the originary hypothesis than from the arbitrary
starting point of The Critique of Practical Reason—as Kant himself might have been persuaded to admit had he been able to grasp the specific, and paradoxical, connection between human language
and the “reason” that argues from propositions. But a residual paradox
always remains. Thus to the extent that the originary hypothesis
purports to model human reality, that is, to act as an anthropology,
it cannot comport a “value” system. We can “deduce” an ethic of the
“golden rule” from the originary ontology of the human established by
reciprocal exchange, but we cannot then appeal to this ontology as a
source of guidance to judge the values prevalent in a given society if
they somehow fail to follow their “deduction,” whose originary basis
cannot be both a representational given (“first principles”) and a—hypothetical—empirical reality (the originary event).
That this example of the fundamental paradox
of signification is perhaps the most disturbing of all makes perhaps the
best case for the religious affirmation of the priority of the
sacred. Faith in such a case would be justified by the need to found our
moral intuition on a source of value external to the merely “empirical”
derivation of our “moral sense” from a hypothetical event. We might add
that if our social order were indeed that of the egalitarian
hunter-gatherer, we would be less in need of such transcendental
guarantees, since the social order itself would seem to illustrate
directly the superiority of the “moral model.” But in a world where
every individual’s status is differentiated and inscribed in myriad
hierarchies, to mediate between our “instinct” of reciprocity and the
reality of our lives, some act of faith, whether in a transcendental
religious system or in the innate harmony of our moral instincts,
appears well-nigh indispensable.
But although the configuration of the
originary hypothesis may be said to approach asymptotically or
“paradoxically” that enunciated in the proposition that “all men
are created equal,” hierarchy cannot be given a similar justification.
There can be no “originary” justification of hierarchy, whose growing
scandal in the protohuman world, we should recall, was the proximate
cause of the emergence of “egalitarian” humanity, which, having
abandoned the animal pecking order, arrayed itself symmetrically around
an inaccessible center—permanently, with respect to the meaningful
essence of the sign, but to our good fortune only temporarily in its
concrete manifestation that permitted humans to obtain nourishment. This
symmetrical, reciprocal configuration is only strengthened
“theoretically” by taking firstness into account, as the symmetrical
outcome suggests that the originary function/operation of firstness is
precisely to abolish itself in collective equality.
But if that is the fate of originary
firstness, which after all characterizes the very founding gesture of
humanity (and as I suggested in “Originary Feminism,”
much of human history can be elucidated by supposing that language and
other forms of representation were originally confined to the
violent/masculine half of the population, which traditional religions
even today tend to consider closer to the sacred), how can a more
permanent institutionalized firstness be justified, unless by force majeure?
The clear practical advantages of hierarchy have evidently asserted
themselves, but such arguments as John Rawls provides in his Theory of Justice are mere rationalizations. (See Chronicle 322.)
The clear similarity of his “original position” to our hypothetical
originary event only shows that reflection on the problem will
ultimately lead back to a similar scenic configuration, as with the
“social contract” thinkers of the early modern era. But in such a
symmetrical situation, the idea of somehow choosing in advance a
configuration of future dissymmetry (Hobbes’ contractors choosing a
sovereign) is a thought-experiment of no hypothetical value whatever for
conjecturing how hierarchy came into being from a state of equality.
It seems to me that it is this tension
in all human societies beyond a minimal level of development that gives
rise to the notions of the “Fall of Man,” “original sin,” expulsion from
paradise, etc. This in no way denies that this retrojection of “sin”
into a pre-hierarchical world is, like the postulation of firstness in
the originary event, a justified insight with respect to not merely
potential sin but its conceptualization: our conceptualization of
firstness obliges us to imagine that in Paradise we already dreamed of
“being God,” as the story of the Tree of Knowledge suggests.
But although the members of hunter-gatherer
societies are surely all sinners in their hearts, they nevertheless
inhabit a social order that, all other things being equal, is not
haunted by an indelible collective sense of sin. There are many
ways to look at the nineteenth century’s passion for ethnology and its
cult of the “noble savage.” But with all its artifice and colonial bad
faith, the Rousseauian intuition of a société commencée existing before the first (Neolithic big-) man, saying ceci est à moi,
instituted the “fallen” hierarchical world in which we all live, is a
genuine anthropological insight that confirms the vision of Genesis.
Hierarchy has done wonders for humanity, but it is always and
ineluctably bad before it is good, the object of a resentment that is
continually deferred but never abolished, as utopias are made to be
continually striven for but never attained.