Author: staceymeeker

  • Toward a Globalist-Victimary Unified Field Theory: Part IV — Victimary Theology

    As I’m sure readers of these Chronicles have noticed, it is difficult to write about the victimary without falling into a resentful tone that sheds more heat than light on the subject. What this tone expresses is frustration at not being able to argue for one’s position. If someone says that mathematics is “white,” or that he is “offended” by my saying “niggardly,” or that “Trump is a white supremacist,” or that a “woman” with a penis can use the ladies’ shower, on what grounds can one argue about it?

    At the time of London’s Crystal Palace, Dostoevsky’s “2+2=5” (from Notes from Underground) expressed a paradoxical frustration with the rational, which I have tried to explain as frustration with the metaphysical misunderstanding of originary language that makes modern rationalism incapable of rethinking the sacred in anthropological terms.

    But today, it’s not 2+2=5, it’s 2+2=whatever. Because if you care what the answer is, you’re “white.” How does one argue with that?

    Yet if GA is a genuine contribution to anthropology, it must be able to reveal the originary vision behind the victimary absurdities that, like Tertullian’s credo quia absurdum (or if you prefer, “Scandal to the Jews, folly to the pagans”), depend on an implicit theory of human language origin prior to the almost-paradox-proof reasonings of logic and mathematics. And on this plane, there is no need to point out absurdities. For, to echo the Existentialists of bygone days, the universe as such is “absurd”: there is no conceivable explanation of why there are things rather than nothing.

    The originary hypothesis provides in principle a basis for the “Western” theology of the Hebrew and Christian Bibles, as well as for the Islamic, deistic, and atheistic reactions to them. But we have only scratched the surface of the theologies less familiar to us. As I was able to sketch out in my very limited analysis of the Buddhist conception of the “empty” originary scene (see Chronicles 515516), the originary event can be interpreted as a model for social action in other ways than ours. And as I suggested in those Chronicles, even if there is no going back from the modern world inaugurated by the West, our widespread “therapeutic” use of Buddhist techniques of meditation and self-mastery suggests that this vision of the originary scene can indeed be grafted onto the more active Western version.

    Nor is there any reason to claim that our therapeutic Buddhism is unfaithful to the spirit of its religious sources. Indeed, if its sole purpose were to turn our minds away from the illusions of the real world toward Nirvana, how then can we explain the striking adaptability, beginning in Japan’s Meiji era, of East Asian cultures to the modern market system, far surpassing that of other non-Western cultures, and indeed, of just about all non-Protestant Western cultures?


    What then does GA tell us about the originary theology implicit in victimary thinking?

    It was something of a surprise for me to realize that this theology does not attribute to the egalitarian-reciprocal “moral model” that is the basis of the victimary ideology an originary reality. This model is, on the contrary, an ideal presented as antithetical to the victimary conception of this reality, for which language is from the outset a deferral of an always-already lost plenitude, and in social terms, a tool of oppression.

    To say that language is always-already écriture is not merely to claim in paradoxical fashion that writing precedes speech. The history of the term écriture in modern French criticism makes clear its more openly sinister connotation. In 1953, Roland Barthes’ Le degré zéro de l’écriture, generally considered the first work of postwar nouvelle critique, was an attack on Stalinism and its 1984-like distortion of reality by presenting its presuppositions as empirical judgments. If Pravda or L’Humanité described, e.g., a given American act as one of “imperialist aggression,” there was no need to demonstrate the truth of this assertion; that America was imperialist was a given of Communist écriture, which the French used to call la langue de bois.

    Barthes generalized this demystification to more subtle rhetorical techniques. As his title suggests, he had hopes of encouraging the “zero degree,” unscripted writing that he saw exemplified in Albert Camus’ L’étranger. But the degré zéro was a wan hope in a universe that Barthes felt to be saturated by écriture. As would also be the case a few years later with François Truffaut’s notorious denunciation of the cinéma de papa, these were no doubt the last French intellectuals who saw the danger to free thought as coming from the Left.

    Thus the post-structuralist claim that language is “always already” writing is not, as in GA’s model, an effect of its deferring/stepping back from instinct, and consequently from nature’s red-in-tooth-and-claw hierarchy, to the human assertion of a reflective equality. For the anthropology of the originary hypothesis, this essential moral equality is prior in human terms to any differentiation of ability and status; firstness is for the moment wholly absorbed into the reciprocity of the moral model, and can emerge as a factor in its own right only once this principle has been made sacred. For victimary thought, on the contrary, the différance that separates the subject from its mental content is dissimulated by the official theocentric view, in which an always-already hierarchical society justifies its inequality through the apparent evidence of presence.

    Jacques Derrida’s argument against “logocentrism” is that the language of Western metaphysics presents itself as guaranteed by the immediate presence of its signified to the subject’s intuition. To say that language is always already deferral, différance, écriture, is to say that it has no intrinsic authenticity, that like the Stalinist écriture denounced by Barthes, it presupposes an invidious moral comparison by which the oppressor dominates his victim. Whence the pairs of differentially valued terms like white-black, male-female, European-Oriental, heterosexual-homosexual… that demonstrate the discriminatory nature of what are presented as “objective” differences. Derrida described the supposedly symmetrical “classical” philosophical opposition as in fact “…une hiérarchie violente. Un des deux termes commande l’autre…” […a violent hierarchy. One of the two terms dominates the other…”], Positions, Minuit, 1972, 56-57.)

    Thus in the perspective of victimary ideology, “whiteness,” equated with unmarked objectivity, dominates the markedness of other races. This dichotomous marking is prior to language; it is founded in the law of the jungle, which for victimary theology has never been undone, but which language/écriture allows the dominant to pass off as objective fact, guaranteed by the egalitarian morality implicit in language as if it were the unmediated intuition of mutual presence.

    We can sum up the difference between our two originary theologies as follows:

    • GA sees the human as in the first place the triumph of moral reciprocity over “natural” hierarchy, such that human firstness can be accommodated in the social order only once the solidarity of the human community has been assured by the moral model established in the reciprocal exchange of the originary sign representing the central divinity.
    • Victimary ideology understands the central divinity of the originary scene not as a transcendent being standing above the humans symmetrically arrayed on the periphery of the circle, but as a fictional placeholder for a human sovereign, who, even if he does not already exist as such, is implicit in the centrality of the scenic structure.

    One can dispute in what sense if at all the biblical episode of the Fall makes reference to the beginnings of sedentary agriculture, hence of the emergence of the “big man” and the end of egalitarian society (Adam’s extra-Edenic community is from the outset agricultural), but the central point of the Genesis story is that the original humans came into the world without sin.

    No doubt, even if social hierarchy had to await the prior existence of a “surplus” that became the measure of human differences, the fact remains that sin, as man’s underlying capacity to unjustly valorize these differences, becomes possible as soon as the sacred, by bringing peace to the social order, permits individuals to “think for themselves,” with or without the services of the snake. Once humans become capable of sharing representations, these cannot remain confined to the collective framework of ritual; each individual must possess his own scene of representation, and with it, the opportunity to turn it to sinful or virtuous ends.

    Nevertheless, the fundamental insight of the biblical account is in agreement with the originary hypothesis: that the originary human community is equal before God, and that the origin of sin is not resentment among humans (although, as I attempted to show in Chronicle 419, the tacitly asymmetrical role of Eve is, significantly enough, made the source of “man’s first disobedience”) but of God himself. No doubt our contemporary Voltaireans would reject such theological reasoning, but the gap between theological and social-scientific anthropology, however vast as instruments for dealing with empirical data, vanishes to nothing at the scene of origin. We need not talk about God and sin; it suffices to construct a hypothetical originary event.

    Nor need we claim a state of perfect peace and innocence at the outset. The originary hypothesis is a model, like a circle defined by an equation in contrast with one drawn on the blackboard. But whatever the details of the real events, their conceptualization in an originary model of human equality cannot contain essential disequilibria. We can cite in confirmation of this judgment John Rawls’ “original position.” This is a pure thought-experiment, impossible even to imagine in concrete terms, but which Rawls understood was conceptually indispensable as the basis of any “theory of justice” that would affirm that “all men are created equal.”


    Marxism too is grounded on the knowledge that the earliest societies were egalitarian, and that “exploitation” began with the institution of private ownership of the means of production, for which the labor was performed by serfs or slaves, and later by “free” wage labor. There is nonetheless an ambivalence in the relationship between primitive and mature communism. Marx’s vision of the final state, even if we dismiss the whimsical details of hunting in the morning and fishing in the afternoon, implies a Phalanstère-like preestablished harmony between individual desire and social utility that his economic theory in no way supports. Even if we accept his version of the collapse of “capitalism,” the “withering away” without further explanation of the state and the subordinate institutions that maintain the domination of the capitalist class magically translates what is in fact a psychological state of non-hierarchical participation into a set of economic practices.

    The most plausible analogy is in fact with the original Israeli kibbutzim. All the healthy, intelligent, enthusiastic volunteers are ready to do any kind of work, and to enjoy it in the spirit of cooperation, an attitude grounded in a prior sense of community—not imposed as in the USSR by commissars standing beside the economic system proper and “guiding” it in the transcendent interest of the proletariat—but one that could not be maintained much beyond the first kibbutz generation.

    Eschatological thought-structures like the Eternal Return or the Last Judgment are ways of conceptualizing a reconciliation between human freedom, which is also the capacity for human firstness, and the transcendental unity of the human community. There is no pathos when ants give their lives to protect the anthill, because, unlike each human, each ant is not a microcosm of the whole. Which is just a florid way of saying that ants do not have language (and let’s not argue about whether their complex system of chemical signals is a “language,” at least not until an ant composes a poem in it).

    Derrida was right to see in deferral a falling-away from “ideal” unity, save that this ideal is a purely mechanical, non-spiritual—and non-human—construct. The deferral constitutive of language can indeed be shared and reciprocally exchanged, but not as a mechanism in which each plays a fixed role, like cogs in a clock. Human ritual, let alone freely spoken language, is not an automatism, but a discipline.

    Thus to maintain Rousseau’s and metaphysics’ alleged hostility to writing as only “second-hand” language, while at the same time claiming that there really is no first-hand language, misunderstands what language is. In particular, it obscures the sense in which a model of moral equality is established through the exchange of signs in the originary event.

    Why should this matter? Because the originary conception of language implicit in Derrida and the other post-structuralist thinkers as not the guarantee of the transcendental unity of the human community—despite sin, falling-away, expulsion from Eden…—but an instrument of oppression, is the foundation of the increasingly fantastic victimary belief system that the universities are in the process of unleashing on the world. It is one where ascriptive traits such as black or female are from the outset marks of oppression, while the non-ascriptive traits traditionally considered deserving of reward, such as mathematical ability or good manners, merely help perpetuate this oppression.


    A utopian mode that begins from a base of originary equality to which we strive to return describes the final utopia in positive terms. Marx isn’t really being serious about hunting and fishing; what he wants to convey is a harmony between desire and action that does away with resentment. It is as though the most advanced economy would reproduce the benevolent solitude of Rousseauian société commencée, where there was enough room for everyone to do his own thing—a significant sign of how utopia was imagined in the urban nineteenth century.

    In contrast, the unmentioned paradox of victimary socialism is that its imagination is entirely dystopic. It has no vision of a future “good society,” merely an ever sharper eye for the ascriptive inequalities of the current one.

    As a number of black writers such as Thomas Sowell have pointed out, the people who whine about “racism” today have no idea of what real racism is. One can scarcely find a newspaper article about our world that does not make some “anti-racist” point, such as the November 30 piece in the New York Times (“The Rockettes and Race: A Very White Christmas”) that reproachfully mentions that the Radio City audience was “overwhelmingly white.” I am old enough to recall that as recently as the 1960s, as far north as Baltimore, there were many public places where blacks were not admitted. Yet the purpose of these obsessive references is to instill in us the guilty feeling that racism is still with us—indeed, if rightly understood, just as much today as it was in 1860.

    The victimary is no doubt the first social movement that conceives itself as an unending work of extirpation of sin with no possibility of salvation. Such a doctrine can only function because the evils it denounces are attributed in the first place to the “system” rather than to the individuals who compose it, making the task of the penitents to denounce, not their own sins, of which they assure us they are commendably aware, but those of the benighted deplorables who deny them.


    This series will conclude with an attempt to conceive a morality of firstness.

  • Toward a Globalist-Victimary Unified Field Theory: Part III — The International Scene

    It has become a cliché of history as a political morality play that every power relation be judged as that between an oppressor and a victim. Which is to say that, with the exception of “people’s” revolutions, however catastrophic their results, winners are ipso facto in the wrong and losers in the right. Such obviously beneficial phenomena as Europe’s colonization of the New World are condemned as if wholly defined by the despoliation of the “native Americans” by the European settlers. This divorce of moral judgment from overall historical achievement is identical to that implicit in judging disparate impact as a mark of oppression.

    This point has become increasingly difficult to raise, as though its very consideration were a proof of “racism.” To the idea that mathematical ability is “white,” hence of value primarily as a marker of whiteness rather than of social utility, corresponds the idea that, just as we live in a society that needs mathematical ability even as we denounce it, so we live in a society founded on Judeo-Christian values whose superiority over other cultures we must equally affect to denounce. Such judgments are treated today in woke circles as self-evident truisms.

    Thus does (to paraphrase René Girard) Nazi nihilism triumph in defeat by transforming Western self-affirmation into its opposite. From a “light unto the nations,” the achievements of firstness—and in the first place, of the Hebrews—are redefined as Satanic, not merely in the excesses of their applications, but in themselves. The “whiteness” of mathematics is not simply a mark of privilege, but of evil. The paradox of the felix culpa has been fully undone, and we are back in the Garden being tempted by the snake to eat of the Tree of Knowledge, as if in an LSD-induced Rousseauian nightmare.

    We must be able to accept paradox in our judgment of the past. Neither past nor present actions that contradict the model of moral reciprocity can be judged in a purely moral context. If slavery in the modern West can be called immoral, it still survives in the Third World (see, e.g., https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Slavery_in_the_21st_century ), was the norm in antiquity, and in its origin, was surely a moral improvement over slaughtering one’s defeated enemies.

    On the one hand, societies must maintain order; on the other, humanity progresses through competitive innovation; and neither operation can operate without the deferral of reciprocal equality, often far beyond the lifetimes of the first potential beneficiaries. The simple fact that in spite of all backsliding, respect for such equality has greatly increased over the centuries, notably in the West, demonstrates the overall validity of the “Whiggish” faith that the overall course of history brings about moral as well as material progress. The increase in the number of degrees of freedom in our relationship with each other as well as to the natural world, leading to vast improvements in life-span and every other area of “quality of life,” redounds to the credit of the winners in the competition between societies. As Steven Pinker has not tired of demonstrating, despite all the horrors, life has become less violent and death further postponed in virtually every generation. Those “spiritual leaders” who affect to denounce modern society as “materialistic” should think about how much, and how long, they would have enjoyed living under the public health conditions of 250, or even 100 years ago.


    What in the context of American politics can still be called “symbolic” confronts very different realities on the international scene. Like the university in the USA, the Israel-Palestine dichotomy can be seen as the international focal point of victimary/oikophobic morality and its fallacious anthropology. The successes of Israel are compared to the failures of “Palestine,” not to praise the first but to condemn it; the less the Palestinians show themselves capable of building a functioning society, the more the Israelis are covered with opprobrium.

    In contrast to its unexceptional tolerance of such things as the domination of Tibet and Xinjiang by China, the West’s reaction to the Palestinian-Israeli conflict—increasingly less shared by the Arab nations of the Middle East—is exemplary of the potency of victimary ideology in world affairs. The genius of the Palestinian leadership lies in its ability to exploit the age-old distrust of Jewish firstness to realize in the eyes of most of the world the fiction of victimary innocence. In the eyes of Western Europe, Arafat and his successors can do no wrong; their corruption and ineptitude are privileged signs of non-agency. No action of Palestinian terrorists is too vile to arouse universal outrage at the Israeli-Jewish response, whether it be stabbing people in the street or in their homes, sending kites to burn Israeli fields, shooting rockets into Israeli towns, running a kleptocratic dictatorship without even the fetish of elections, murdering Palestinians who sell land to the Jews or speak out against the regime, teaching their children the foulest lies about Israel and Jews in general—all dismissed as effects of the Israeli oppression that absolves Palestinians of moral responsibility for their actions.

    In contrast, Israel’s extraordinary achievements in the domain of science and technology, medical, military, and agricultural, far from serving to demonstrate this nation’s value to the world, in contrast with the near-nullity of such contributions throughout the rest of the Middle East, (with the exception of the achievements of the Arab-Muslim citizens of Israel), are tacitly considered proofs of the s….ty little country‘s imperialist status.


    If the American victimary utopia, for all its flirting with the Big Short, remains largely compatible with the normal operation of contemporary market society, this cannot be said with anything like the same confidence of its European version. There, not surprisingly, the word “socialism” is too close to reality to retain the romantic aura it possesses among young and/or agelessly naïve Americans. Nor does the term “liberalism,” which in Europe connotes faith in the market, correspond to the accepted political model. Indeed, what is striking is the lack of any widely-accepted term (“democracy?”, “republicanism?”). Europe sees itself as a sui generis “union” of states neither sovereign nor federated, defined less by a specific political form than by its adherence to a philosophy of “human rights” that by its nature emphasizes restraint over agency, equality over firstness. European globalism, as I suggested in Chronicle 521, is a utopian universalization of the pan-Germanic Holy Roman Empire, now open not merely to Christians and Europeans but to all who succeed in setting foot there.

    The unanalyzed presupposition of the recently challenged “open borders” doctrine is the denial of legitimacy to national firstness, the political equivalent of doing away with patent protection. If a society is successful, it deserves no protection against the invasion of migrants from less successful societies who wish to profit from its success. If indeed firstness is “a light unto the nations,” then once the light has begun to shine, no deferral should be necessary before the “nations” can participate in it. Nor need they pay any entrance fee for profiting from the inventiveness of those who shone the light.

    The anthropological foundation of this position is the “moral model” exemplified in the originary event of language, where there was no bonus for having been first to discover the virtues of the aborted gesture of appropriation. But with the advent of predication and the declarative sentence, language becomes the vehicle not merely of sacred but of objective truth, whose criterion is not human reciprocity but reason: empirical accuracy cum logic. The victimary is the final and most perverse consequence of metaphysics/philosophy’s inability to map the path between elementary and truth-telling language, and as a result, between “analytic” morality and “synthetic” ethics.

    Trump no doubt owed his 2016 election more to his vocal opposition to illegal (“undocumented”) immigration than to his overall deprecation of the victimary. But even at its worst, such immigration in the US has never, as it does in Europe, threatened America’s continued political-cultural existence. If US self-reproduction hovers around the replacement level of 2.1 children/woman, in Europe it is far lower, and failing some way of radically changing this in the rising generation, the entire continental population, from North to South and East to West, is well along in the process of committing demographic suicide.

    The implementation by Muslim immigrants of what the formerly pious Catholic Québecois once called la politique des berceaux, spurred on by Erdogan’s exhortation to Turkish residents in Europe to have not three but five children, is a serious matter, because this population is at best passively integrated into European civilization, and its center of gravity, unlike that, for example, of East Asian immigrants in the West, remains with Islam—a culture explicitly non-, not to say anti-Western from its inception. Nor should this situation be blamed on the Muslim populations themselves, who cannot be expected to develop loyalty to a civilization that not only is incompatible with their traditional values, but deploys ever less energy in defense of its own.

    “Interfaith” relations in Europe are increasingly dominated by accommodations of Western norms to Islam, in dress, diet, and relations between the sexes. However much this is presented in the guise of the generosity of a dominant culture toward a dependent minority, the overall effect is rather that of an old, weak culture steadily giving ground to a younger, more assertive one. In this regard, the outrageous decades-long Rotherham and other “grooming” scandals, the multiplication of zones de non-droit in France and elsewhere are sadly revelatory of how much farther Western cultural decline has progressed in Europe than in the US.

    No theoretical coup can reverse this situation. Yet it bears repeating that the spirit of the Judeo-Christian West, as expressed in the biblical phrase “a light unto the nations” remains the spirit of the modern age. The historic example of the Hebrews, who have borne the brunt of the resistance to firstness that we know as antisemitism, is still alive, in Israel and in the Western nations it has “enlightened,” and still offers a chance to refute the Cassandras who hope despairingly for this refutation.

    Societies must defend themselves. Modern democracies’ impotence in the face of the AntiFa and casseurs—anarcho-victimary activists antithetical to the militia-like chemises brunes with whom a French minister had the bad faith or ignorance to compare them on the occasion of the recent gilets jaunes protests in Paris—is, like Europe’s light prison sentences for even the most heinous crimes, symptomatic of a decline of social order, though not necessarily of its eventual demise. The situation can yet be rectified. Recent “populist” political developments in Europe give far more hope of this than was the case a few years ago, when Obama appeared on the contrary to have brought toothless European post-nationalism to the US, with American support of the archetypal nation of Israel at its lowest point.


    Can GA claim to possess the remedy for today’s victimary “socialism,” a variant of the social pathology that in its original forms led to tens of millions of deaths in the 20th century, and that has become, albeit for the moment less violent, even less rational in the 21st?

    If the human race survives long enough to be able to look back on the present, it will surely find difficult to understand how a great civilization was able to conceive, along with its ever-advancing technology, such absurd and self-destructive ideas in the name of moral equality. It is therefore all the more urgent to develop an anthropological model that refutes the spurious moral basis of the victimary conflation of firstness with oppression.

    The biblical phrase I have thrice quoted, like the other insights that have made Western Civilization the source of the modern world, is powerful, not because it was imposed by force, but because it represented at the time the highest understanding of man’s paradoxical originary nature, as discovered/invented in our scene of origin. If GA is of any value at all, it is in reviving the originary sense of that scene, and thereby validating and deepening the religious revelations through which we have heretofore understood it.

    To be continued…

  • Toward a Globalist-Victimary Unified Field Theory: Part II — The Universal Utopia

    The return of the word “socialism” in the victimary era is no mere throwback; the word itself has been altogether transformed. In the notion of “democratic socialism” as propounded by Bernie Sanders and the progressive wing of the Democratic Party, the old Marxist conception that dominated the world for over a century has been dematerialized into one that in principle does away not merely with the “class struggle” but with all infrastructural conflict. The extreme intolerance of those who support this perspective toward those who do not reflects their genuine conviction that they have found, and that their opponents, out of an obstinate clinging to discredited prejudices are blind to, the ethical formula for universal human reconciliation.

    Socialism, in the 19th-20th-century sense of the term, implies if it does not assert the structural opposition between the laboring “proletariat” and the possessors of the means of production. Marx theorized this more precisely than the others, and his precision won out, because the worker-capitalist opposition was indeed at the base of the socialist idea, as the extension of the original battle of the Third Estate against the old “feudal” power structure. There is no need to rehash this well-known history.

    Victimary “socialism,” unlike that of Marx or Lenin, is a universal vision that excludes no one, and that requires no more than superficial “re-education,” let alone liquidation, of the former “class enemy.” The proof is that, as outlined in Chronicle 598, the most influential, and at any rate the most financially significant advocates of the victimary model are billionaires like George Soros, or less insistently, just about all the moguls of Silicon Valley, with the notable exception of Peter Thiel.

    In earlier times, there were wealthy businessmen, such as Engels himself, who helped finance socialism. But these were rebels against their own class, not its leading figures, and their ideology was indeed ultimately opposed to the economic activity that generated their wealth.

    What is a “Left” that is favored by billionaires, not as traitors to their class, but as its ideological leaders? The answer is simple: it is an ideology of resentment that redefines “inequality” as ascriptive discrimination, one therefore that demands before all else a moral commitment, not so much to treat everyone equally, as to combat any trace of “disparate impact” in the results of this treatment. Since 2016, this “symbolic” question has become ever more dominant. Who even remembers the 2011 Occupy Wall Street reaction to 2008, or the opprobrium once cast on the “1%”? Where are Bezos or Zuckerberg in that 1%? There is less shame in being a multi-billionaire than a white factory worker who has not checked his privilege.

    Victimary ideology is often called “identity politics,” but the only identities that matter are those, “intersectionally” linked, that have the right to resentment.

    There is no reason to understand this as a scam carried out by the leaders of international corporations and their minions to mislead minority members into betraying their material self-interest for the fool’s gold of affirmative action and its “symbolic” advantages. I doubt that many Democrats, either rich or poor, are this cynical. On the contrary, the beauty of the system is that it requires no cynicism, since instead of speaking of it as successfully masking its real nature, it should be understood as a quasi-conscious choice, one that could be made only where the “poor” suffer more from obesity than undernourishment, that is, where they have a greater immediate demand for moral than for physical satisfaction.

    In the digital world, the prospect of maintaining an even rough equivalent of Marx’s notion of “labor power” is for the foreseeable future increasingly unrealistic. As a consequence, the originary basis for human moral equality, the reciprocal exchange of language, becomes increasingly unreal, as the specialized use of numeric and other symbolic systems separates the class of professionals from the others (see Chronicle 487). In the face of the evidence that different individuals, and different ascriptive groups, are not “equal” before such systems, only the most ungrounded conception of human equality can reinforce the universal solidarity of “global” society, and it is such a conception, leaving the broadest set of grievances open to resentment, that today’s victimary ideology proposes as our new species-wide credo.

    Recent history demonstrates, as writers such as Thomas Sowell and Walter Williams have insisted, that the long-term best interests of minorities and other victimary groups are by no means well served by this ideology. But it provides greater immediate satisfaction, and above all requires much less effort, than the Booker T. Washington approach—which is always available in any case, and whose beneficiaries are certainly not disadvantaged by affirmative action, even though their pride may be.


    The utopia that victimary socialism proposes is entirely symbolic, more a religion than a political credo. Along the lines of one behind the “veil of ignorance” in Rawls’ “original position,” the believer is abstracted from his real economic interests and abilities; his sole duty is to assert his belief in the victimary credo.

    For members of victim classes, this is not difficult, even if it is unlikely to lead to any material improvement in the lives of those not connected with the affirmative action-diversity bureaucracy. But the true genius of the victimary, and the reason for its extraordinary success thus far, is that it offers a simple way for those of the “privileged” white majority to participate along with their “victims.” It suffices that they express white guilt for their “privilege,” meaning not any of their specific advantages, such as the possession of billions of dollars, but simply the privilege of being white, particularly of being a white male.

    The inclusivity of the victimary ideology rivals Islam, and what is more, demonstrates—although it would be a grave breach of victimary protocol to point this out—its superior sophistication and modernity by its far more “dialectical” approach to inclusiveness. Islam is open to all, but the down side is that it requires much the same conduct of all, particularly in the more severe forms that it has assumed in our era of renewed jihad. Whereas the victimary makes no real demands on behavior, provided that one express the appropriate sentiments. No doubt the sexual coercion of women, once winked at in “progressives” like the Kennedys or Bill Clinton, is no longer allowed, just as any hint of “racism” is strictly prohibited, but these are lifestyle matters, not questions of economic activity. (In this latter regard, I imagine that the “escort” industry must be flourishing in the #MeToo era, among those who can afford it.)

    The universality of the victimary utopia explains the excesses of righteous indignation we observe in (former) friends who simply cannot understand how we can resist its higher morality—let alone vote for Trump. For we are asked only to recognize (check), not even our sins, but our privilege, and this once done, we can go in peace. The obstinate refusal to do so, therefore, suggests that we are unwilling to discreetly accept the benefits of this “privilege,” but churlishly insist that it be recognized as deserved, that we be acclaimed as better than those we victimize—sentiments that conjure up sinister images of cross-burning and Nazi salutes.

    A further encouragement to pay the small price for membership in the global utopia is that it is not obvious how, in contrast to the class war openly espoused by revolutionaries and reactionaries of past centuries, this ideology produces material benefits for any particular group.

    No doubt one can point to class-favoring details, for example, the function of “sanctuary cities” and the demonization of the ICE in allowing the admission and perpetuation of an underclass of “undocumented” workers to service the well-off as few native Americans, even “of color,” are willing to do, certainly not for the same wages. As a bonus, to the extent that the members of this underclass become citizens, they will give their votes to the utopia-promoting Democratic party, which already controls virtually all large city governments. And just in case non-citizens attempt to vote, part of the victimary credo is to rail against requiring identification in polling places, as though this were a form of “voter suppression” directed against minorities.

    But this is surely not sufficient to reveal nefarious economic interests invested in the victimary system. Even less do I think it is necessary to speak of such interests as “hidden” behind the system’s rhetoric, as though I were uncovering an inverted version of the Protocols of the Elders of Zion.


    In what sense can we find a parallel to our parable of The Big Short (see Chronicle 598), where the money itself, or rather, the promise of it, was at the base of the whole Ponzi bubble?

    For one thing, the university as the ideological center of contemporary society, in contrast with its really productive sectors, its hard science and medical research, operates in an analogous manner. In recent years, universities have spent fortunes on “diversity counselors” and even appointed Deans of Diversity, with their support staffs, in various fields. All this costs a good deal of money, and contributes to increased tuition fees, which in turn lead to the inflated student loans that create serious problems for many recipients. Along with this has come the increasing victimological domination of these institutions, leading to the impossibility for “controversial” speakers even to be heard on campus—in short, to the conversion, at great expense, of the cultural domains of our universities into ideological training camps for the next generation of “progressive” professionals. And once again, in a potentially yet more destructive way than in the housing bubble, at the base of the whole operation are programs of ascriptively based affirmative action.

    There really are no serious racial problems on today’s campuses. But by concentrating the students’ energies on micro-victimary issues, in short, by encouraging and empowering their resentment, whether direct or vicarious, the very denial by “conservatives” that there is a problem becomes proof that the problem indeed exists, and that it is those who deny it who by that very fact demonstrate its existence.

    We should recall that the fundamental problem of any social order is to control resentment, lest it eventuate in the violent breakdown of this order. The political system that inspires, and seemingly aspires to justify, the neologism “victimocracy” dramatizes the travails of the victims, but is above all a means for regulating the conduct of the “hegemonic” majority. This phenomenon is diffuse and hard to measure in the economy at large, but it is easy enough to observe in institutions concerned with ideological production, of which the university is the most innovative. Indeed, one can say that the very function of the “softer” areas of the university is not merely to enforce but to produce this victimary ideology, as evolved within a laboratory where the mix of people and roles is freer to generate it than in any other institution.

    Seen in this context, what is doubtless demeaning and intellectually embarrassing from the ivy-covered perspective of “academic freedom” and “the free exchange of ideas,” is quite functional from that of providing the ideological component of the globalist economy. And viewed in the perspective of tout comprendre, c’est tout pardonner, it is even conceivable to defend this production as the best means to safeguard American and Western prosperity, at least in the short term.

    But belief systems based on obvious falsehoods, unlike those based on faith in other-worldly sacred realities, are outrageous in objective terms, and the repetition of these falsehoods, which entails banishing the associated truths, degrades those who pronounce them. Worldly language cannot avoid being confronted with its truth-value, at best as an “emperor’s new clothes” revelation, but more typically, and disastrously, through defeat at the hands of powers more respectful of reality.

    The victimary utopia is effective only because it has a basis in our originary human moral “instinct”; yet like the bubble in The Big Short, its reliance on this basis is fallacious and potentially disastrous. Moral equality cannot be realized through the denial of firstness.

    The present moment of history obliges those who wish to avoid having to take a Big Short on Western Civilization to demonstrate the fallacy of the neo-socialist utopia. That various politicians, notably including our president, have begun openly to challenge the victimary ideology suggests not only that this action is possible, but that the more lucid understanding of the human condition that GA provides can strengthen the hand of these forces.

    To be continued…

  • The Sublime Mrs. Gaskell

    I’ll keep this one short and sweet.

    “Mrs.” Elizabeth Gaskell (1810-65) has since her own day or shortly thereafter been placed in the second tier of English novelists, not because she was a woman, but perhaps just a bit because, unlike the more prestigious spinsters Jane Austen and “George Eliot,” or the all-but-spinster Charlotte Brontë, she was not only happily married and a mother of five, but used her husband’s (not very euphonious) name, and after publishing her first novel anonymously, put “Mrs.” instead of “Elizabeth” on her title pages.

    No doubt, in terms of historical and cultural breadth, she cannot be compared to Dickens or Thackeray or Eliot, nor to Charlotte or Emily Brontë for lyrical-emotional intensity, nor to Austen for mastery of classical prose and sharpness of wit.

    But are those the only ways to measure novelists? I would claim that Gaskell deserves to be considered among the great ones because her unique qualities allow her to do things with words that none of the others do. Her style, devoid of rhetoric, is uniquely engaging and unpretentious, and her characters, closer to her own life than those of the more encyclopedic writers, are lived more deeply. Above all, none of the others approach the clarity, nor the charity, of her moral vision.

    Not to speak of the fact that, like Charlotte Lennox (and a few others) in the preceding century, she knew how to convey, no doubt from personal experience, the numinous quality of a woman’s charm and beauty, her charisma.

    I hope in a future Chronicle to provide an overview of Gaskell’s writings. This one was inspired by the following extraordinary passage from her shortest and least-known novel, a conversation between two sweethearts:

    Frank [wealthy family]: “Will you let me wish I had been born poor, if I am to stay in England? I should not then be liable to this fault into which I see the rich men fall, of forgetting the trials of the poor.”

    Maggie [modest family]: “I am not sure whether, if you had been poor, you might not have fallen into an exactly parallel fault, and forgotten the trials of the rich. It is so difficult to understand the errors into which their position makes all men liable to fall. Do you remember a story in ‘Evenings at Home,’ called the Transmigrations of Indra? Well! when I was a child, I used to wish I might be transmigrated (is that the right word?) into an American slave-owner for a little while, just that I might understand how he must suffer, and be sorely puzzled, and pray and long to be freed from his odious wealth, till at last he grew hardened to its nature; — and since then, I have wished to be the Emperor of Russia, for the same reason. Ah! you may laugh; but that is only because I have not explained myself properly.”

    “I was only smiling to think how ambitious any one might suppose you were who did not know you.”

    “I don’t see any ambition in it — I don’t think of the station — I only want sorely to see the ‘What’s resisted’ of Burns*, in order that I may have more charity for those who seem to me to have been the cause of such infinite woe and misery.”

    The Moorland Cottage (1850), Ch. 7

    *A reference to the following passage from “Address To The Unco[mmonly] Guid, Or The Rigidly Righteous,” where Robert Burns mocks the self-righteous for not appreciating what temptations may have been resisted by those who sin:

    Who made the heart, ’tis He alone
    Decidedly can try us;
    He knows each chord, its various tone,
    Each spring, its various bias:
    Then at the balance let’s be mute,
    We never can adjust it;
    What’s done we partly may compute,
    But know not what’s resisted.


    I have never read a passage in a novel or anywhere else that so unpretentiously explores the depth of Christian morality, in contrast with its victimary defiguration that we witness today ad nauseam. As she explains, Maggie doesn’t relish thinking of herself as enjoying the wealth and power of the slaveholder or the Tsar; she wants to understand their suffering, or rather the suffering that she would feel in their place, a moral suffering that, in opposition to the famous later-Victorian quip (in a very different context) of Oscar Wilde, she imagines as worse than the physical suffering of the poor, which she had described at length not long before in her first novel, Mary Barton, published in the revolutionary year 1848. And as a friend pointed out to me, the notion of transmigration, whimsically borrowed from an “Oriental” fairy tale, makes this passage a parable of the novelist’s relationship to her characters, the villains as well as the heroes and heroines.

    I think there is implicit in Maggie’s desire a realization, in Gaskell’s post-Revolutionary era, that the sufferings of the poor have their compensation, sinful but no longer condemned as such, in the self-righteous resentment they feel—and that Mary Barton’s father had realized in action in the murder of the wealthy scion Henry Carson—whereas the rich have no such outlet, and can therefore be said to suffer more acutely in their souls, a suffering that Gaskell imagines as very different from the self-regarding travails of those afflicted with White Guilt in our era.

    In this passage, the protagonist, who resembles a number of Gaskell’s other thoughtful heroines, and surely the author herself, expresses charmingly and without melodramatics, within a world seemingly at peace with itself, a profound Christian sensibility of which only a Dostoevsky, writing in far more apocalyptic times, would normally be thought capable. I submit that our lives would be poorer without Elizabeth Gaskell’s revelation, here and elsewhere, of the moral sublime.

  • Toward a Globalist-Victimary Unified Field Theory*

    Part I – 2008 and the American Scene

    An unrepentant Democrat recently shared with me for the first time the thought that PC was a disgrace to our politics. At the same time, he preferred to dismiss it as a “symbolic” matter—and took the occasion to remind me that the 2008 meltdown had occurred under a Republican administration.

    I too consider PC “symbolic”—”cultural” rather than “natural”—in that it permits the economic system to function by diverting our attention from structural to largely imaginary injustices, creating social cohesion by focusing “outrage” on the differential success of various ascriptive groups rather than seeking common ground from which to defend and improve the system itself—or, what is more likely, disrupting the system by focusing on truly substantial disparities.

    I had begun to draft this Chronicle when by chance I watched the 2015 film The Big Short, a masterfully made production that provides a reasonably convincing documentary-like experience of the lead-up to the financial disaster, mercifully uncontaminated by the usual romances and/or sex scenes.

    The presentation is highly informative as regards the financial manipulations involved. Yet it altogether avoids the likely point of departure of the crisis in the government’s insistence (notably via the increased enforcement under Clinton and George W. Bush of the 1977 Community Reinvestment Act) that banks end “discrimination” in housing loans to inhabitants of minority neighborhoods. As in all affirmative action programs, what this really meant was that the normal qualifications for loans in these neighborhoods were to be lowered, and once speculation and house-flipping resulted in the large-scale non-payment of the underlying mortgages, the higher sub-prime interest rates and the multiplication of Ponzi-like layers of mortgage-backed securities could not make up for the increased risk. However greatly the bankers’ greed entered into the equation, it began with the well-intentioned effort to improve the lives of minority families, in effect, by encouraging them to buy houses they could not afford.

    The configuration of the 2008 crisis suggests a “unified field theory” of the victimary civilizational crisis of the West. Watching The Big Short may have been a coincidence, but the lawsuit of Asian students against Harvard, the first serious act (because not initiated by “whites”) of opposition to racial affirmative action, was a co-inspiration for this Chronicle.

    It shouldn’t be necessary, but in the current atmosphere I cannot avoid making the point that I am not “blaming the victim” for the crisis. On the contrary, as is most evident in the case of the black Americans whose problems are semi-deliberately perpetuated by politicians who depend on their perpetuity to be reelected, I am claiming that victimary “identity politics” is an obstacle to the color-blind society that all right-thinking people hope to be progressing toward.

    Given that history tends to advance “two steps forward, one step back,” I think we may consider the two terms of Barack Obama, with all the damage they did to racial relations and international politics, a near-necessary moment of the process. It is more difficult to view the current anti-Trump hysteria in the same light.


    The Big Short emphasizes the distaste of the bearish shorters for the deceptions and self-deceptions of the bullish bubblers. The shorters are of course interested in money, but from the film’s perspective, their role is primarily moral. Michael Burry walks around barefoot and lives ascetically, while Paul Baum, who eventually cashes in his share of the swaps for $200m, is altogether disgusted by the whole business, as is the authorial voice of the film itself. The declared moral of the story is that at the end of the day, everyone will blame the whole thing on “the poor and the immigrants.” But one need not collectively blame the recipients of unsecured loans for their inability to pay them back in order to criticize, not just the policy, but the mindset that makes such things possible.

    Seen as an archetype, this film reveals the contradictions of American business and politics that justify Catholic critiques of “liberalism” a la Patrick Deneen (Why Liberalism Failed, Yale 2018; see Chronicle 582), as well as those of the conservatives, who are really anti-victimary liberals, of David Horowitz’s Frontpage Magazine.

    The paradox to unravel is that the Left, which would tear down “capitalism” and promote “socialism,” willfully forgetting its failures and massacres, is in effect promoting the values of the unfettered global marketplace, reconciling resentment with market circulation. It is fascinating to witness the alliance between some of the wealthiest people on the planet and a bunch of semi-privileged college students raving about “socialism” in a party electorally sustained by America’s poorer minorities, if no longer by its working-class whites.

    Whence the adoption of victimary policies by all the major American corporations, and the particularly aggressive promotion of such policies by those firms who have pushed marketing to the point where their “customers” no longer even need know they are in the market: the cyber-based GAFA, the more symbolic members of which make their profits from selling the information we reveal about ourselves by using their free services. If the owner of a brick and mortar store, or the executive of a “non-sustainable” coal-mining or oil-drilling company, is susceptible to being tempted by traditional values and even, in the secret of the voting booth, to vote for an occasional Republican, such is rarely the case for those who labor in Silicon Valley and connect to the world over the Internet.

    The disciple of Frederick Douglass or Booker T. Washington was encouraged not to resent the “white” world, but to improve himself. But the marketplace is geared rather to those who prefer to express their resentments through consumption. Ever since the days of arch-consumer Emma Bovary, whose suicide is caused not by heartbreak but bankruptcy, victimary liberalism has been less about liberating the victims of discrimination than liberating their desiring Id from the consumption-unfriendly Superego. Which helps explain the inflated “symbolic” role of non-binary sexual identities in the “intersectional” victimary mix.

    The universal tea-party model with which I have described (e.g., Chronicle 594) the artificial utopia of PC, where one cannot acknowledge inferiority in any ascriptive group other than the “hegemonic” white males, corresponds, on the one hand, to the expansion of the reciprocity of the originary human community to the entire world, stigmatizing private conversations that exclude others whether by prejudice or coincidence, but on the other, it is the human community conceived as a universal fellowship of consumers. PC adds to this the important wrinkle that this configuration is not the pristine equality of a timeless utopia; its realization depends on the acceptance of guilt by those most favored by the market.


    If this causality suggests an explanation for the fabled progressivism of Silicon Valley and even of big business in general, how then does it explain that most of the “progressives” who insist on stigmatizing insufficiently white-guilty neighbors are neither real or potential billionaires, nor deeply invested in the consumer market? They are more likely to be professionals, often professors, whose income is independent of market considerations, although subject to the tyranny of their own “marketplace of ideas.”

    This apparent discontinuity is the mystery of victimary thinking, which must remain a mystery in order to exercise its principal function of unifying in a common ideology “democratic socialism” and the Internet-GAFA globalist version of the capitalist value system.

    The fact that, for all but Democratic politicians and the subsidized thugs of Antifa, the politics of Silicon Valley are secondary to its cyber-functions, in contrast to the dedicated leftism of the old Bolsheviks or the Long Marchers of Mao “Zedong,” explains the self-blindness of our “socialist” left. Whether George Soros et al profit directly from this ideology is irrelevant. It is that of the frontierless marketplace, where each is entitled to his unique consumption pattern, and where comparative value-judgments are stigmatized as examples of “racism.”

    But this stigmatization, the legitimization of resentment, is anything but a secondary factor. The “liberalism” that rejects traditional value-judgments about sexual practices and would now legalize marijuana is nonetheless far from a doctrine of mere license. Christian conservatives such as Deneen who oppose this liberalism fail to remark on what strikes less dogmatic thinkers as the puritanism of the victimary generation, not only with respect to relations among sexes and races, but with the natural environment. There is no contradiction between the transformation of the human community into a fellowship of consumers and its subjection to all kinds of restrictions on what to consume, which only makes them focus yet more on their consumption, say of gluten-free bread—even if the most fervent respecters of these restrictions occasionally drop out of the market in the not altogether forgotten hippie tradition.

    For the “liberal” or “libertarian” element behind GAFA-driven consumption depends on very much the same kind of “liberation” as that unleashed by the French Revolution. The ethic behind victimary thinking in all its forms consists in disinhibiting resentment. In revolutions and among the French casseurs or our Antifa activists, this may lead to violence, but one cannot explain the victimary phenomenon merely as the discharge of aggression. Whereas in pre-modern society, resentment was considered sinful, and far more often than today both led to violence and was followed by atonement, in the modern peacetime world, resentment is generally limited to verbal expressions or channeled into “progressive” political activity.

    The principle behind the victimary, from Robespierre forward, is that resentment, whether it give rise to direct action, to political organization, or simply to dreams of revenge, is the individual’s fundamental source of moral truth—and for this reason, it must never be called resentment, only the sense of (in)justice. But these are two labels for the same emotion; only an external authority can evaluate the “justice” of a given resentment. This evaluation will in turn affect the emotion itself in its future manifestations: that is what we (used to) call moral education.

    A key emphasis of our victimary era is that legitimizing the resentment of the victims offers their oppressors the chance, not to express their own resentment—such expression by the deplorables is the only emotion actually labeled “resentment” by the media—but to espouse the resentment of the oppressed—including Nature, the victim of our unsustainable demands—against those members of their own class/race/gender who fail to accept their burden of guilt. Whence the practice of virtue-signaling, as in the days of Tartuffe, to express one’s moral superiority to those with the arrogance, unlike Robert Frost’s classic liberal, to take their own side in an argument.

    The familiar practice of students expressing “distress” at micro-aggressions or “insensitive” remarks, like the young lady who complained to her high school administration that her teacher had spoken positively of Columbus, who had been “cruel to the Indians,” is unhelpful for the purpose of cultivating students’ minds, but not at all for that of cultivating their resentment. The point of resentment training (or what the 1960s called “consciousness raising”) is to make all people, the “privileged” in particular, sensitive to offenses to victimary groups, particularly by those in authority, and ready to avenge them without mercy or remorse.

    A professor was recently punished by Shawnee State College, Ohio (see https://www.cincinnati.com/story/news/crime/crime-and-courts/2018/11/07/ohio-professor-sues-doesnt-want-use-transgender-students-pronouns/1894084002/ ) for addressing a male-identifying-as-female student as “Sir” rather than by “her” chosen pronoun. As the conversation with the teacher was reported, the student called him a “c***,” one of the more offensive words in our vocabulary. But in victimary terms, he/she/? was justifiably expressing their righteous indignation at not being paid appropriate respect.

    The whole “gotcha” aspect of Twitter-shaming and the related tactics of puritan progressivism are part of the same package, which should remind us of the brainwashing procedures of 20th-century revolutionaries like Stalin and Mao. One must be trained to put one’s faith in resentment properly focused by one’s ideological masters, and to put aside traditional ideas of human decency in the process. This is the real sense of the banality of evil that Hannah Arendt attributed to Eichmann, for which her tone of German-intellectual snobbery has led her to be unfairly reproached with being dismissive of the evil’s radicality. In a less solemn register, the proliferation of four-letter insults (the French word for “swear” is sacrer) is a particularly revelatory illustration of this process: witness the Shawnee student’s response to “Sir.”

    To be continued…

    *Title courtesy of Adam Katz

  • The Virtue of Nationalism

    Yoram Hazony, The Virtue of Nationalism (Basic Books, 2018)

    The contrast between this book’s refreshing exhibition of Burkean common sense and the broad-brush anthropological theorizing behind it inspires the reader to attempt to bring the level of the second up to that of the first. Although it contains scarcely a prescription or judgment that I would disagree with, I think GA can help to sharpen its underlying anthropology.

    Given the current political context in which Israel’s legitimacy as a nation is constantly challenged by the descendants of those who did so little to save the Jews from annihilation, we can well understand Hazony’s impatience with narrow definitions and his desire to apply his category of the nation composed of tribes equally well to Israel, the United States, and to the United Kingdom—where the “tribes” include the Welsh and the Scots. The essential feature shared by all these “tribal” entities is that, whether or not historically pre-state groupings, they are (or were) largely autonomous societies subordinate in essential matters, in particular, those relating to the use of force, to the nation. Nonetheless, calling the 13 original American colonies “tribes” reduces the definition of the term to nothing but its intermediate status between family and state. The Bible describes Israel as originally made up of 12 tribes, but if the 13 colonies can somehow be compared to the 12 tribes, Hazony offers no criteria for doing so.

    Hazony divides the overall configuration of human groupings into three broad categories: tribal society, which he calls “anarchy” to emphasize its constant warring and lack of central authority, the society of nations, where violence is expelled to the national borders (albeit without a discussion of the horrible wars of the 20th century that took the luster off the reputation of “nationalism”), and the world of empire, which seeks in principle to unite all relevant human societies into a single community, generally under the authority of a hegemonic national group.

    The third part of the book (“Anti-Nationalism and Hate”) defends the superiority of the “Westphalian” system of nation-states against its postwar “imperial” detractors. For Hazony includes in the imperial category, along with the Roman and other empires of the past, history’s various universalist world-systems, religions, and political ideologies, and most prominently, the Kantian doctrine of “perpetual peace” through world government, which he sees as the “imperial” ideology of the European Union. This produces revealing rapprochements between “Europe” and such diverse entities as medieval Christianity, Marxism, and Islam.

    I fully agree with Hazony that most doctrines of universal brotherhood generate self-righteous hatred for those who reject them, a paradox nicely reflected in that comble of mensonge romantique, the slogan Hate the Haters. Yet to speak of Europe under the protection of the pax Americana as an “empire” begs the question of whether this non-coercive relationship is not something truly new—as the European Union itself at one point showed promise of becoming, and may indeed show again.


    GA begins with an important advantage over the naturalistic analysis of human groups that begins with the family and passes through clan, tribe, chieftainship, nation, empire… Starting with the family is a relic of the old “state of nature.” Although we can assume that families, presumably more or less nuclear, existed at the time of the originary event, the important point about human origin is that it could not have occurred in a family setting, but in that of proto-human “collective,” where it was crucial to find a new means of insuring peace among several potential (male) rivals to replace that of the old “instinctive” pecking-order system. The origin of language and ritual within this configuration would have given rise to the first human community.

    It is this community that would commemorate the originary event, in ritual and eventually in legend and scripture, and above all, that would share language. We may assume that the multiplication of languages, as dramatized in the episode of the Tower of Babel, would have been, and largely still remains, the most fundamental indicator of the separation of human communities, generally in association with the pluralization of ritual and cultural practices.

    In the biblical context, this separation would have preceded the emergence of Hazony’s category of “empire” from a multiplicity of “tribal” pre-state polities. But the Hebrew Bible commemorates above all the emergence of the Hebrew nation in the Exodus from its subjection to the Egyptian empire as a new phenomenon, indeed, as its key historical event, still celebrated by the Jews in their most important festival.


    To rephrase the theoretical problem at the base of Hazony’s categories, we seek to understand what is it that defines in originary terms the overall configuration of the nation-state. Why has this political form dominated the world since the early modern era, and remained, even after the thirty years’ war of the last century, the most successful and most stable?

    The linguistic unity that characterizes most nation-states is an indication of the state’s descent from the originary community, but the formation of modern nations like France, Spain, and England required in addition general literacy and a concomitant centralizing unification of language, as described in Eugen Weber’s classic Peasants into Frenchmen (Stanford, 1976). This development was posterior by many centuries to the adoption of Christianity as well as to these nations’ political unification in the Middle Ages. In contrast, still-“emerging” nations like India, where literacy is far from universal, tolerate a far greater variety of languages than are found in more developed economies.

    Similarly, in line with a point that has often been made, e.g., by “Spengler” (David P. Goldman), and that was given important substantiation in Seth Sanders’ 2009 The Invention of Hebrew (see Chronicle 435), the advent of the originary Hebrew nation was associated with alphabetic writing and a particularly high level of literacy.

    What this suggests is that the modern nation-concept, as classically described by Benedict Anderson (Imagined Communities, Verso, 1983), is characteristically founded on the adoption of a national language that is spoken, or at least understood, and read by the population as a whole. That within Spain, the Basque region and Catalonia have nourished strong, and in the first case, violent, separatist movements shows to what extent maintaining a sub-national language within the broader context of a national one is in tension with national unity. The same has been true in Belgium, where Flemish speakers prefer speaking English to French, and in Canada, where Quebec insists on the use of French even in federal activities, in reaction, it must be said, to the earlier refusal of federal officials in the province to use anything but English.

    No doubt the conditions under which the citizens of a modern nation all speak the same language are very different from those in the early days of humanity. But the important thing about the “imagined community” of the nation is that it both retains and, through writing, reconstitutes, the trace of the originary sense of community in the fact that its members are assured in advance of being able to communicate directly with each other. This observation adds yet more anthropological substance to Jacques Derrida’s (and Roland Barthes’) fertile intuition about the “originary” importance of écriture.


    As it leads me to add a nuance to Hazony’s welcome defense of nationalism. I appreciate Anna Wierzbicka’s warning (see Imprisoned in English, Oxford, 2013) that the increasingly global use of English has desensitized world speakers to the culturally specific meanings of English words like “experience” or “empirical,” which have no simple equivalents even in closely related languages. But for those who still retain hope that the West, and perhaps someday the world as a whole, will escape the dichotomy of nation and empire to create a new form of super-national culture, the apparently unstoppable proliferation of English as the world’s common language cannot be ignored. It is surely an unambiguous indication that, despite the need to restrain and manage the European process of de-nationalization, Western culture is moving toward a new kind of unity.

    Just as wisdom tells us that we should know history so that we do not repeat it, history itself tells us that it never simply repeats, that its lessons are always new, a fact that justifies neither “realist” cynicism nor “idealist” utopianism, but rewards an open attitude to what Georges Poulet called le temps humain.

    Thus while I see the value of Hazony’s hard-headed look at the necessary role of the nation-state in the current world, as well as his assessment that the current status of “post-national” Europe is an inheritance of WWII that is not sustainable without American military protection—the prolongation of which Trump, at long last, no longer sees as unambiguously in America’s interest—the future is another affair.

    As Hazony clearly states, it is certain that under the present conditions of the European Union, the replacement of the American by a European military force would in effect be a reestablishment by peaceful means of the German Empire that the Nazis sought to impose by force (see pp. 152-54). I have already given a similar interpretation (see Chronicle 521, which makes reference to an article by Hazony) to Merkel’s welcoming of “migrants.” Germany is, finally, still not altogether a nation so much as the sempiternal locus of the European Empire, once Holy and Roman, now Secular and Global. Whether this be for good or evil can be determined only by experience. But one thing that seems certain is that the common language of any future European “empire” will not be German but English.


    I recently returned from a conference at the Cardinal Mindszenty University in Warsaw in which speakers could use one of several languages.

    I think largely because Poland was celebrating its centenary of independence—one of the few positive results of the First World War—most of the local speakers decided to speak in Polish, resulting in an inevitable failure to communicate with the invited foreign speakers, who included Ian Dennis from Ottawa and Tübingen philosopher Manfred Frank. Yet it was clear from conversations that virtually all the Polish attendees spoke at least adequate English, and that the few exceptions in the audience were not themselves members of the university community. In other words, without going to the expense of simultaneous translation, the conference could have been held entirely in English with only marginal loss of outreach to the local population.

    I ended my talk with a positive statement about Polish nationalism, not to flatter my audience, but because I really believe with Hazony that the Hebrew-Israeli model of the nation is still a necessity in the postmodern world—and that “empire,” even in the apparently benign sense of Euro-American globalism, promotes an illusory and impotent pacifism. But I could also sympathize with professor Frank’s point about the value of the European experiment as a blueprint for creating, not simply a federation, but a kind of super-nation in which the representatives of what can still be called Western Civilization can learn to act in common. It seems clear, at the very least, that instead of viewing this phenomenon negatively, merely as a mode of resistance to the outsider imperialism of Islam, Europeans, and perhaps someday those of the Western Hemisphere as well, have no reason to fear a super-national expression of loyalty to what has clearly been the most successful civilizational formula in history.

    If this loyalty can only be expressed in the “empirical” language of Hobbes and Locke—and Shakespeare—that is less a matter of esthetics than of the luck of history, beginning with the advantage of inhabiting an island near, but not on, a continent of competing nations. For it was this detached vantage point that allowed the British to most successfully inherit, and make available to the world as a whole, the national concept from a much earlier people, one inhabiting the fringes of an empire whose liberation from which inspired a new conception of the One God as the guarantee of the ultimate universality of the human in all its languages. It was this event among this marginal people that gave birth to the modern sense of nationhood, which after two millennia, it once more embodies.

  • The One God and the Nation

    If you asked why after 40 years the originary hypothesis remains almost totally unknown, the average intellectual would no doubt respond—as I will always remember Franz de Waal responding wordlessly to my copresence on the platform at the 1999 COV&R conference in Atlanta by moving to the opposite corner of the stage—that this “non-empirical” hypothesis is of no scientific interest, since it is not, as Karl Popper has taught us to say, “falsifiable.” Whereas statements in the writings of social scientists such as language is not that difficult or language was a new behavior that emerged naturally are perfectly acceptable, in accordance with the “empirical” frame of mind that denies any ontological distinction between culture and biology, just as uniformitarianism dictates the proposition, both unfalsifiable and altogether unsupported by evidence, that life, even “intelligent” life, is present throughout in the universe.


    Some years ago, I pointed out (1) that the essence of Old Testament theology is contained in God’s revelation to Moses of his “name” in Exodus 3 as “Ehyeh asher ehyeh,” I am that/what I am. This is the replacement of a vocative/ostensive name by a declarative sentence, the form of objective truth; and (2) that this development is parallel to that taking place in Greece at much the same time in the work of Parmenides, who saw the declarative sentence as possessing the potential of the “way of Truth,” an intuition starting from which Socrates, Plato, and then Aristotle would give birth to Western philosophy.

    Even if you don’t care for “speculations” on the origin of language, isn’t it striking that these two peoples, the Hebrews and the Greeks, both liberated from the great archaic  empires, both characterized at approximately the same time by a high level of literacy, that is, of being able to read and thereby to de-temporalize declarative sentences into propositions, are universally recognized as coming together in Christianity to produce what was, at least until recently, recognized as the greatest of world civilizations?

    The point of this Chronicle is to propose a new wrinkle in my description of the Hebrew One God. It is one of those phenomena too familiar to be reflected on that, on the one hand, whereas Christianity follows the Jewish tradition of not naming God (the Father), simply designating him by his title, as do the Jews when praying to Adonai, for Muslims, Allah is conceived and used as the name of God.

    I have been reflecting on why it is that the unnamable God, in contrast to the Muslim Allah, has played such an innovative role in human progress, standing at the root of the civilizational source of all modern science and technology. Although the story of Islam is not finished, and I share with Islamicist Daniel Pipes the belief that, like the other “Abrahamic” religions, Islam too can adapt to the modern world.

    If we consider that the Hebrews are the originary model of the nation, which is neither a tribal confederation nor an empire, that is, in Voegelin’s terms, not compact, where one’s loyalty to God is not identical with but transcends one’s loyalty to the polity and its (secular) ruler—the source of Jesus’ line about God and Caesar, a phrase that would have been meaningless, or blasphemous, in an empire such as ancient Egypt—we can hypothesize that the “namelessness” of the Hebrew One God, the sense that God is not someone to be “interpellated,” is an essential component of the national concept. Given Islam’s considerable difficulty, in contrast with Christianity, in adapting to the political conception of the nation-state and its opening to modernity, it is hard to avoid drawing a correlation between this difficulty and the omnipresence of the name Allah in Islamic culture.


    At this point I must introduce a nuance not developed in my previous discussions (principally in Science and Faith) of God’s “name” in Exodus 3.

    I have referred to the paradox inherent in the universal God who must nonetheless choose one people, and indeed, one language, through which to reveal himself to the world. The “Jewish barber” (see Chronicle 405) is a paradoxical figure, because although he “shaves” everyone, including himself, of his God, he is the only one to shave himself. But anyone familiar with the Jewish tradition knows that this paradox can be exemplified in real life in a manner more concrete than by merely noting the Jews’ “firstness” and their “chosen” status.

    As the Talmud copiously illustrates, God may have no name, but the Jews feel free to imagine themselves conversing with him, even arguing with him. There are many midrashim where God participates in discussions with rabbis, and has to work to come out on top. I speak from ignorance, but I strongly doubt that Islamic doctrine includes examples of arguing with Allah. Nor, as I understand Islamic history, does it include canonical examples of a population making a moral judgment of its rulers, as in the texts of the Old Testament prophets. The conflicting claims of legitimacy that led to the Sunni-Shiite split and numerous others did not, as far as I know, involve accusing one’s opponents of neglecting widows and orphans. The only thing at issue beyond sheer power was faithfulness to Mohammed’s bloodline or what was conceived as the originary doctrine of the Koran and Hadiths.

    This difference is a direct consequence of the Islamic surenchère with respect to the Christian “supersession” of Judaism. The latter being presented as a historical sequence, Islam could not very well define itself via a third testament. The solution was simply to annul history: the Koran was the eternal original, and the Testaments but faulty copies. Beside this brilliant act of chutzpah, all other Islamic enormities, like claiming that no Jews ever lived in Jerusalem, are as nothing. Whereas the miracles of the Judeo-Christian religions can be easily taken by non-believers in a symbolic sense, because they impinge only peripherally on historical actuality—which makes them as articles of faith ultimately adaptable to the revelations of natural science—Islam by its originary nature cannot find, or at least has not yet found, a generally accepted way to reconcile faith and reality.


    The Hebrew paradox suggests that, once God declares himself unique and transcendental, not nameable nor describable except as being what he is, the Hebrews and their descendants, the Jews, are by the very fact of this declaration enabled to converse with him, to share language, revealing a reciprocity implicit from the beginning, one that Christianity will take only a step farther. Because God respects the principle of identity, the Parmenidian “way of Truth,” his pronouncements, and by extension, the world that came into existence as a result of them, must be explicable in rational terms, and thus he should if necessary be able to defend them to us. Whereas it is difficult to conceive of anything similar occurring between Muslims, imams, even caliphs, and Allah, whose “discourse” in the Koran is uncreated, that is, always already scripture, never parole.

    The Biblical idea of God as (1) sharing language, combined with (2) universality provides us with a minimalist formula for understanding the difference between a nation, which in principle shares a common language, and other kinds of polities, even allowing for the variety of governments that nations have had over the centuries. This also helps us better understand the question of sovereignty, which has been subjected to various dialogues de sourds since the days of Hobbes.

    “Realists” like Hobbes or Carl Schmitt—or Adam Katz—have a right to be impatient with abstract definitions of the “people’s” sovereignty, as though we are speaking about some kind of Platonic essence. What matters is indeed who’s in charge. But particularly in the founding era of nationhood, the relationship between political control and what can already begin to be separated off as “religion” is a focal domain of innovation.

    The God of the Hebrews is not merely “universal,” he is defined in a new way. By giving his “real” name as a declarative sentence, but to a specific people, the One God presents himself as a being whose will is devoted to his people, while at the same time he is knowable only as the self-identical, autonomous agent of that will. This idea is fully compatible with the “secular” originary hypothesis, since in both cases, the language that we share is born in the originary moment, whether that of God’s creation of Man, or that of our hypothetical scenario.

    No doubt God’s words to Moses hardly suffice to let us predict the variety of forms of government of which a “nation” is capable, but they do imply three essential principles:

    1. The ontological separation between God and humans is absolute; no humans, not even kings, are “closer to God” than others, nor can humans become “as Gods.” (Thus Christianity must affirm that Jesus, as a person of God—but not the text of the New Testament—”always already” existed before the creation of Man.)
    2. God’s power is not limited, but he and we “think in the same way.” The coincidence between Parmenides’ Way of Truth and the Hebrew God’s principle of identity is real. In both cases, the telos of originary language is indeed the logos in the sense of “rational” truth. Hence the God who appears to the rabbis in the midrashim can be addressed and reasoned with without the intermediary of a king, or even a priest.
    3. Yet the One God speaks to Moses as the representative of his people, whom he will help to free itself in the Exodus. God’s statement is universal, but his speech act is particular, and defines the Hebrews, his interlocutors, as a nation.

    What this suggests is that a nation is only conceivable as a chosen people, however broadly this choice is defined. The Hebrews, as the original recipients of God’s choice, did not need to concern themselves with this qualification.

    Or to put it differently, the Hebrews alone were “chosen” by the One God himself; in secular terms, they alone first conceived the One God. But insofar as they remained a people, they had no effective mechanism for extending their revelation to the “gentiles.” Although the “axial” world of Jesus was full of parallel attempts, Christianity succeeded in converting virtually all the peoples of the Western world into nations on the Hebrew model by in effect inventing the concept of religion as independent of the “national” culture (“my kingdom is not of this world”).

    As Paul saw so clearly, what unified the Christians was not a book of laws, a Torah or a substitute for it, such as the Koran would provide, but the opportunity for everyone to share in guilt and expiation for the Crucifixion and its subsequent redemption. Saul’s realization on the road to Damascus that persecution is already worship, the total spiritualization of the “aura” around the central object of the originary event, could be shared by all different cultures, and thereby permitted them to reproduce in a new manner, and in their diverse languages, the paradoxical national unity that the Hebrews had established between a particular people and a universal divinity.

    But whereas the political unity of the Hebrew nation with “their” God could not survive in the face of imperial power, the Empire’s Christianization would not only outlast the imperial framework, which hung on in ghostly fashion for another millennium as Charlemagne’s Holy Roman Empire, but go on to provide the model for the emergence of “nation-states,” a process completed in the Early Modern era.

    Islam has not yet learned to permit this separation of the religious from the secular. It is sometimes said that Islam, especially radical Islamism, “is not a religion but an ideology.” This is no doubt unfair to Islam’s spiritual qualities, but it reflects the simple fact that the very notion of “religion” is a Christian one, one that has clear parallels in East Asian cultures, but that cannot apply to the classical form of Islam. The fact is that still today, a considerable percentage, often a majority, of Muslims in the “Christian” nations of Europe would prefer to live under Sharia than under secular national laws, and a few countries have even granted “Islamic courts” jurisdiction in certain areas of family law.

    I am certainly not suggesting that Muslims stop calling Allah by his name. Nor do the barbaric practices of jihad justify considering Islam a throwback to premodern forms of religion. But Islam needs to discover for itself a way of entering modernity, not merely by adopting Western weapons financed by Western-initiated oil extraction, but by rethinking its basis in the genuine universalism that, even more than Christianity, has brought its version of the One God to peoples from all over the world. I am no admirer of Malcolm X, but one cannot help but be moved by the wonder he expressed in his Autobiography at witnessing the diversity of those who come together in the Hadj.


    My final point is this: in the necessary effort to modernize Islam, Europe’s apologetic weakness in the face of pressure is anything but helpful. As Pipes and others have been insisting, if there is to be peace and progress in the Middle East, the Palestinians will have to be made to renounce their intransigent irredentism, and the Islamists their dream of a universal Caliphate. This is a newly difficult task in an age where total war and final defeat are no longer conceivable, and where “asymmetric” wars are fought more in the arena of public opinion than on the battlefield—one more ironic legacy of Hitler’s and Tojo’s barbarity.

    Instead of preaching “the rights of man,” Europe should rather provide Muslims with the opportunity to learn nationhood, a knowledge that could be extended to Muslim-majority countries, some of which, such as Morocco, Egypt, Iran, or Saudi Arabia, already have a fairly well-developed sense of national identity. But it will be only when, as a result of this apprentissage, the Islamic world can accept the Jewish state as an example to emulate and rival rather than to destroy, that this process can truly be declared successful.

  • Sad Stories of the Death of Kings

    For God’s sake, let us sit upon the ground
    And tell sad stories of the death of kings—
    How some have been deposed, some slain in war,
    Some haunted by the ghosts they have deposed,
    Some poisoned by their wives, some sleeping killed,
    All murdered.
    (Shakespeare, Richard II)

    It is no secret that professional anthropologists have shown little interest in generative anthropology. At our annual meeting in Los Angeles in 2013, we were honoured to hear a plenary address from the distinguished anthropologist and Africanist Jean-Loup Amselle. Though his talk was extremely interesting, Amselle did not at any point discuss the core premises of generative anthropology. In hindsight, the audience should not have been surprised by this reluctance to address the originary hypothesis. In his major anthropological work, Mestizo Logics, Amselle flatly rejects the idea that origins are important: “The analysis. . . of ‘mestizo logics’ allows one to escape the question of origin and to hypothesize an infinite regression. It is no longer a question of asking which came first, the segmentary or the state, paganism or Islam, the oral or the written, but to postulate an originary syncretism, a mixture whose parts remain indissociable.”[1] Evidently, in mainstream anthropological circles, the fear of recreating the naive evolutionism of nineteenth-century anthropology is still very much alive. As Ernest Gellner colourfully puts it, after Malinowski slew the king of anthropology James George Frazer (whose theory of the dying god was once so influential), there has been little talk among anthropologists about the tragic origins of the state in the death of the scapegoat king.[2]

    As someone who teaches Shakespeare for a living, I am drawn to theories that explore the relationship between the death of kings and statehood.[3] I was therefore very happy to learn that Simon Simonse’s great book, Kings of Disaster, which was first published in 1992 by E. J. Brill, has been revised and updated in a 2017 edition by Fountain Publishers.[4]

    Simonse’s book, which I first read when I was in graduate school, is an account of the Nilotic peoples of southeastern Sudan, in particular, the communities between the upper Nile and Kidepo rivers, homeland of the Bari, Lotuho, Pari, Lokoya, and Lulubo. Simonse argues that these polities provide an especially revealing picture of human social organization. Sharing elements of the acephalous “segmentary” society of the Nuer people to the north (dualism) as well as aspects of more centralized societies such as the Buganda kingdom to the south (centralism), these Nilotic communities represent a transitional stage between segmentary groups and state societies. Not yet full-fledged states, these polities nonetheless have kings or “rainmakers,” who are revered and, in times of disaster, sacrificed.

    Simonse’s thesis is that it is possible to see the continuity between acephalous or kingless communities and full-fledged kingdoms or states when one recognizes the central role of sacrifice in both dualist and centralist modes of social organization. Because of the century-long taboo on evolutionary models of human social organization, however, anthropologists have been reticent to make this sort of argument, preferring for the most part to stick to synchronic models, as in the structuralism of Levi-Strauss or the structural-functionalism of Evans-Pritchard, whose landmark study of the Nuer first presented the idea that African societies can be divided into dualistic and centralized modes of social organization (though, as Simonse points out, Evans-Pritchard refused to speculate on the historical relationship between the two modes of social organization). As I suggested above, Amselle’s refusal to address the question of origins is, in this sense, perfectly in line with mainstream anthropology since Malinowski, Evans-Pritchard, and Levi-Strauss.

    Simonse does not return to the evolutionism of James Frazer (though Frazer is treated quite sympathetically in the book). Instead, he aligns himself with René Girard, whose theory of sacrifice he believes to be the best theory available to explain the continuity between dualist and centralist modes of social organization. There have not been many anthropologists willing to take on Girard’s theory. At the very least, therefore, Simonse deserves a hearing for going where other anthropologists have feared to tread.

    Simonse argues that both dualism and centralism depend upon scapegoating. In dualist societies, the victims are taken from enemy groups. At the village level, communities are organized by age, territory, and lineage. For example, each village is led by the monyomiji, the adult males who are responsible for keeping the peace. They are opposed, on the one hand, by the younger males, who will eventually become monyomiji themselves and, on the other, by the elders or retired monyomiji. Cutting across age sets are the clans or moieties, which are associated with particular places or animals. Each clan has a separate meeting place in the village, and these locations are organized spatially so as to represent alliances between clans. When one clan fights with another, its neighbouring clan is expected to lend support. The system is designed to prevent one clan from dominating others. Like the schoolyard pick, the aim is to create an even distribution of power within the village. Fights between rival clans in the same village are non-lethal. The only weapons allowed are sticks, and the spilling of blood is strictly forbidden. Fights between villages, however, are lethal. And it is in these inter-tribal fights that sacrificial victims are explicitly sought. Victims killed in fights between villages are left for the vultures and hyenas in the bush, the latter representing the disorder associated with untamed nature. The victors, meanwhile, must undergo a purification ritual before they reenter the village, to ensure that they do not introduce the disorder of bloodletting. Simonse argues that the main difference between dualist and centralist modes of sacrifice is that in the former the enemy is external whereas in the latter it is internal. In other words, there is an implied ethical development when societies begin to sacrifice their kings. It shows a recognition that violence comes from within rather than without.

    The bulk of Simonse’s book is devoted to an examination of the rainmaker king, a figure Simonse regards as a precursor to the authoritarian kings of more developed states such as the Buganda kingdom to the south of his area of study. The rainmaker’s position is inherited, in the sense that he must come from a family of previous rainmakers. Wives may take the role of rainmaker if the husband dies and there is no son or brother to inherit the title of rain-king. In times of fruitfulness, when the rains are regular, the people show their gratitude by bestowing gifts upon the rainmaker. But in times of drought, antagonism between the two parties breaks out. The people accuse the rainmaker of withholding rain. The rainmaker, in turn, accuses the people of incivility and ingratitude, and he threatens to continue withholding the rain if the people do not show him the respect and gifts he deserves. This usually leads to a flurry of gift giving, as the people seek to restore their good relationship to the rainmaker. If the rains fall, the relationship is renewed and peace restored. If the drought continues, however, the people begin to turn against the rain-king, and, if the crisis gets really bad, they sacrifice him.

    Simonse provides tremendous historical and ethnographic detail in his account. Much of this detail is firsthand, based on his observations and interviews with informants. But he has also scoured the historical records of missionaries and government officials, and this enables him to provide a full historical picture of his anthropological field of study, from early colonial contact in the mid-nineteenth century to the period of his field studies in the 1980s. Obviously, it would be impossible for an anthropologist to gather the same quality of field data now.

    In terms of the basic argument, nothing has changed significantly in the new edition. Simonse has added, however, a considerable number of new photographs. The bibliography has also been expanded to include recent scholarship. Comparing the two editions, I do not see any substantial changes in the text, though I note that the first chapter, which introduces the theoretical framework, has been expanded to include some additional reflections on the genesis of the state.

    In what follows, I will focus on the theory rather than the fieldwork. As far as the latter is concerned, I can provide no further comment except to express my sincere admiration and gratitude. It is wonderful indeed to have a book in which this scrupulous fieldwork has been gathered and synthesized.

    *       *       *

    The central question is, Why sacrifice a king? Simonse’s answer is taken from Girard. We sacrifice the king because we must sacrifice somebody. Without sacrifice, violence and disorder will ensue. The king is merely the most obvious choice. If the king truly is better than everybody, then it stands to reason that he will also make the best sacrifice. So, when the disaster is really bad, when the rains do not fall and the social fabric is put under intolerable strain, the king must go. Of course, this just begs the question, What if there is no king? Whom do we sacrifice then? Simonse’s answer is that we sacrifice the enemy. In dualist societies, the enemy is the rival village or tribe. Hence the importance of inter-village raids. By channeling violence onto an external enemy, peace is restored at home.

    Simonse’s key insight is that the rain-king is a highly convenient substitute for the external enemy of dualist societies. Most people resist becoming victims, especially if the attacker is your equal and you have equipped yourself with a club or spear to protect yourself. But the rainmaker is not your equal. On the contrary, he has the power of life and death over every living thing. Drought is a sign of the rainmaker’s displeasure towards his people, who will search diligently for anything that may have offended him. Internal quarrels and disagreements are mended, gifts are bestowed on the rainmaker, and offenders of the peace are banished or made to pay reparations.

    Simonse sees that the figure of the rain-king represents an ethical advance over the dualist solution to violence, which projects violence onto an external enemy. In the case of the rainmaker, violence is initially deferred by offering reparations and gifts. Typically, the rainmaker is himself consulted. If he is wise, he will use the occasion to solidify the bonds between himself and the people as well as within the community. Of course, he has no power to make it rain, but he does have power to criticize the community, which may benefit ethically from his advice. As Simonse suggests, what we see taking place here is a form of gift exchange. The rainmaker is the king of big men. His gift is rain. As long as the rain falls, the people are in his debt, and they shower him with gifts in return for a plentiful harvest. But if it does not rain, if the harvest fails, then the king is in the people’s debt because he has not repaid the gifts they have given him.

    As Simonse realizes, gift giving can only take place nonviolently. If you bring gifts to the rain-king, then he cannot be a scapegoat. This leads Simonse to suggest that gift giving is a form of displaced or deferred violence. The term he uses is suspense:

    We should imagine a scene where a group of individuals caught up in an uneasy, conflictual, relationship is edging to the brink of violence. One individual sets himself apart from the wrangling and confronts the others. The pent-up negativity now directs itself at him. He becomes the focus of the hostility of all. At that very moment the scene changes. The disgruntled lot turns into a group because of a common focus. The impasse is broken.
    The longer the stand-off lasts, the stronger will be the bonding of the group. The emerging sense of togetherness does not go unnoticed nor does its association with the figure who triggered it. The group may welcome its new state of being and realize that it is in its interest to make the suspense triggered by the exceptional figure last. The group—or the exceptional figure—may also realize that the new cohesiveness gives it an edge over similar, less cohesive, competing groups. This configuration may be the springboard from which the earliest forms of kingship were launched. What is important here is that the bonding was not the result of a deliberate agreement between individuals or the outcome of mutual compatibility, nor the side-effect of the pursuit of a common interest, let alone an expression of group solidarity. The unity is the product of the suspense of the stand-off between the group and its antagonist. (39)

    Simonse modifies slightly the Girardian scenario. Unlike Girard, who emphasizes the violent passage from disorder to order in the frenzied immolation of the victim, Simonse stresses the moment of suspended action or deferral prior to the immolation. All that is necessary to turn Simonse’s primal scene of scapegoating into a genuinely originary account of human difference—that is, into an account that does not beg the question of the difference between humans, who ritually sacrifice their fellows, and their hominid ancestors, who, like nonhuman primates today, occasionally kill their conspecifics but do not sacrifice them—is to add that this suspension of violence is a ritual or symbolic representation of the central victim. The difference between humans and other primates is not that humans are unique in killing their own kind, but that they do so out of a specifically religious or ethical motivation, which is to say, they represent the killing as a sacrifice. In other words, the violence inflicted on the victim has a symbolic meaning that cannot be reduced to what is perceivable independently of the representation. The difference between a dead body and a sacrificial victim is, precisely, the difference between an index and a symbol.[5] The bleeding body of the immolated victim may, of course, function as an index of the violence that precedes it. But for the body to be interpreted as a sacrifice requires more than simply the indexical perception of violence. It requires the shared intentionality of the group, what Simonse elsewhere calls the group’s consensus—the experience that each individual is participating in the collective representation of the victim as an antagonist or enemy. And this representation can only take place, as Simonse implies, in a nonviolent moment of contemplation or suspended action in which each individual exchanges his index-cum-symbol with the others, whose own similarly aborted gestures now take on the status of symbolic signs. A symbol is not an index of its object. In the latter case, the sign is a part of the action that follows. A violent gesture indicates violence because it is part of the overall pattern of violence. A dog will shrink from a raised hand or stick, just as a human will shrink from a dog’s snarl. These are not symbols but indexes of well-established patterns of behaviour. The aborted gesture of appropriation is, in contrast, the negation of violent behaviour. More precisely, it is the deferral of violence through the negation of the previously existing indexical relationship between the sign and its object.

    Like Girard, Simonse seems at times to regard scapegoating as an animal instinct or biological imperative:

    Girard’s victimary model is silent about the social organization of the proto-humans before the first eruptions of the mimetic crisis. It figures a single group that suffers endemic conflict and that by arbitrarily picking on one of its members (an individual or sub-group) and driving him or her out, finds peace. The proto-humans, however, were not clean slates. Like other primates, they must have lived in territorial groups that were in contact with other groups. Recent primatological research shows that demonstrations of hostility are part of inter-group relations of primates. Chimpanzees even engage in warfare including acts of killing and cannibalism.
    It is plausible that the proto-humans who acquired the capacity to use symbols [my italics] incorporated existing pre-human behavioural patterns when they started reproducing the salutary victimary event. It is likely that the first mimetic crises after the primeval event were resolved by discharging the urge of salutary scapegoating on groups competing for the same territory and resources. (17)

    What is most remarkable about this passage is that the origin of language is assumed but not explained. How did these proto-humans acquire language? And why was language necessary? Simonse assumes that Girard’s scenario explains the origin of language. The object of the group’s attention—the scapegoat—is also a signifier, because it represents the miraculous passage from violence to peace: “The victim, its substitute (name, emblems, totem) or what remains of it (the body, the tomb) functions as a signifier for the power that saved the community from destruction” (15). But to speak of the victim as a signifier already assumes the capacity for language. The question then becomes, When did this capacity originate? And here Girard has no answer. As Simonse admits, Girard reduces the model to a mechanism that elides the question of representation.

    Because of the self-contained, inescapable way in which the process unfolds, Girard speaks of a mechanism. A similar sequence of interactions was, according to René Girard, the course of events that led to the emergence of modern humans. Exactly how the mechanism developed over time is an open question. It is worth emphasizing that Girard never envisaged the collective murder as a single event—as Freud did and as some of Girard’s interpreters do—but as a frequent occurrence during the stages of our development as a species. (15)

    I think there are two basic errors here. First, Simonse, like Girard before him, assumes that scapegoating preexists language. That is why Girard describes scapegoating as a mechanism. Second, this leads to the further assumption that human social organization is founded on an unconscious impulse or, to put it more emphatically, a biological instinct for scapegoating. Scapegoating is part of our biological makeup, built into all forms of social organization, from the segmentary and egalitarian tribe (dualism) to the hierarchical state (centralism). Ultimately, Girard refuses to countenance the minimal human difference, the shift from index to symbol described by the originary hypothesis. Girard assumes this difference but he has no hypothesis to explain its emergence.

    As Gans has shown, the really crucial element in the Girardian scenario is not the empirical presence of a human victim but, rather, the process of sacralization.[6] This process must be symbolic in structure. That is, there must be a shift from perceiving an object of appetitive interest to representing it as sacred, as collectively significant to the group. The sacred is not reducible to what can be perceived independently of the collective scene in which it appears. Simonse understands that this shift from index to symbol lies at the heart of human culture, but he provides no hypothesis to explain its origin. Scapegoating may well be a universal feature of human culture, but the scapegoat scenario is no substitute for a minimal originary hypothesis.

    Language is our most minimal cultural form. But it too partakes of the basic structure of the originary scene. Simonse quotes Gellner on how the charismatic leaders in the Moroccan Atlas are selected:

    Agurram-hood is in the eye of the beholder. But that isn’t quite right: agurramhood is in the eyes of the beholders—all of them in a sense squint to see what is in the eyes of other beholders, and if they can see it there, then they see it also. Collectively this characteristic is an ascription, but for any one man, it is an objective fact, an inherent characteristic: if all others can see it in a man, then, for any single beholder, that man truly has it. (Gellner, quoted in Simonse 35)

    What Gellner says of agurramhood can be applied to all culture, including language. The same process of collectively “squinting” lies behind the arbitrary signs of language. Words have meaning not because they are reducible to their objects but because language-users acquire them by “squinting” to see how others use them.

    If the crucial element in the origin of human culture is the capacity to interpret the world symbolically, why does Girard insist that scapegoating precedes language? One can answer this question by distinguishing the origin of language, on the one hand, from the origin of what Gans calls “cultural universality,” on the other.[7] Scapegoating exists as a universal cultural phenomenon only after the sacred centre of the originary scene has been fully humanized. The first language-users were incapable of interpreting the centre as occupiable by a human being (hence Gans argues that the focus of attention is more plausibly imagined to be a prey animal). Here desire is maximally alienated from the individual. The centre stands opposed to the periphery as the god stands opposed to its human worshipers. In contrast, the ethic implied by the kind of humans capable of not only elevating one of their own to the centre but periodically sacrificing him too represents, not an originary historical moment, but on the contrary an advanced stage of human culture, presumably emerging only with modern Homo sapiens after a period of some several million years of co-evolution between language and the brain. Cultural universality means, precisely, the takeover of culture as the principal means of historical change, genetic change being no longer able to keep pace with cultural change. The fact that all humans are born with the same innate capacity for language illustrates that the significant difference between humans is cultural rather than genetic. We are born with same genetic capacity, but we acquire very different languages and cultures.

    The fact that one can identify hidden victims in the many different myths of origin from around the world does not mean that the originary event must have produced a human victim. As Gans argues, one need not deny that the myths refer to actual historical victims. But the mere presence of the myths demonstrates an awareness that ritual sacrifice stands in need of narrative explanation. The myth is a theory of ritual sacrifice, an attempt to explain and justify the need for victimization.

    In The End of Culture, Gans argues that social hierarchy emerges with the figure of the big man who takes over the distributive function of the ritual centre, a function formerly reserved for the god or the god’s representative. The rainmaker is not, in this sense, a big man. His role is not primarily economic but sacrificial. As Simonse points out, however, the rainmaker has advantages over the big man, whose power is limited by his ability to attract clients. In contrast, the rainmaker’s clientele includes the entire village. The rainmaker is thus a hybrid between the ritual specialist of egalitarian hunter-gatherer societies and the big man of sedentary societies. The gifts he acquires from his clients make him a de facto big man; he has the largest house, the most wives, and the most wealth. But his power over the rain also makes him the people’s antagonist. If the rains do not come, he will be subject to the people’s wrath.

    What Simonse’s analysis suggests is that the rainmaker king is caught between the opposing forces of centre and periphery. Dualism organizes itself around the “fearful symmetry” of the periphery. No individual may occupy the centre, which remains the reserve of the god. Centralism, which only becomes possible with the creation of a surplus among agricultural or sedentary societies, lifts the taboo on the centre. But as the example of the rainmaker shows, the centre remains a locus of suspicion and resentment. Occupation of the centre is not for the faint of heart. The periphery may decide that the rainmaker possesses agurramhood. But if his agurramhood should desert him prematurely, which in the case of the rainmaker is more or less inevitable, then his occupation of the centre will be tragically brief.

    Though Simonse is guilty of making the same theoretical mistake as Girard when it comes to understanding the motivation for the originary hypothesis, it would be churlish to suggest that this mistake somehow undermines his specific analyses of the rainmaker kings of southeastern Sudan. What I admire most about this study is the wealth of ethnographic detail Simonse provides to illustrate the constant tug-of-war between dualism and centralism, the people and their king. In the end, this is not a work of philosophy. It is a theoretically sophisticated ethnographic study. As such it is one of the best of its kind.

    Notes

    [1] Jean-Loup Amselle, Mestizo Logics: Anthropology and Identity in Africa and Elsewhere (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1998), 161.

    [2] Ernest Gellner, “James Frazer and Cambridge Anthropology,” in Anthropology and Politics: Revolutions in the Sacred Grove (Oxford: Blackwell, 1995), 102-17.

    [3] I have explored this question in Shakespeare’s Big Men: Tragedy and the Problem of Resentment (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2016).

    [4] Simon Simonse, Kings of Disaster: Dualism, Centralism and the Scapegoat King in Southeastern Sudan, rev. ed. (Kampala, Uganda: Fountain Publishers, 2017); henceforth cited parenthetically in the text. The new edition is also available as an e-book from Michigan State University Press.

    [5] See Terrence Deacon, The Symbolic Species: The Co-Evolution of Language and the Brain (New York: Norton, 1997). I apply Deacon’s distinction between index and symbol to the originary hypothesis in “Cognitive Science and the Problem of Representation,” Poetics Today 24 (2003): 237-95, reprinted in The End of Culture: Essays in Anthropological Aesthetics (Aurora, CO: Davies Group Publishers, 2009).

    [6] See, in particular, The End of Culture: Toward a Generative Anthropology (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1985).

    [7] Gans, End of Culture, 144.

  • Cringing and Other Desacralizing Affects in Post-Millennial Aesthetics

    This reflection on sacrality and desacralization in several recent films arises from my attempt to isolate a particular aesthetic feature of postmillennial art, one that I see as typical but by no means universal. I group these effects under the rubric of cringing, although one example that I will give fits the description of “extreme discomfort” better than that of cringing. But before I elaborate further on these post-postmodern affects/effects, I will situate this discussion in the context of several other conceptualizations of post-postmodern art, notably Eric Gans’s ideas of post-millennialism, together with Raoul Eshelman’s theory of performatism and Timotheus Vermeulen’s and Robin van den Akker’s discussion of metamodernism. I will also discuss the nature of cringing, as I understand it, and explain how it differs from awkwardness, another, but related, affect of the postmillennial aesthetic, which has been the subject of some interest. Next I will ground my discussion in the narrative theory of communication frames and connect these narrative questions to theories of the cinematic narrator. Only then will I segue into the discussion of four filmic episodes and analyze specific ways in which they evoke cringing from the audience. And in the final part of my paper, I will bring these findings to bear on my conclusion of how these desacralizing strategies work and whether they are of a piece with performatist and/or metamodernist aesthetic developments.

    In some of his older Chronicles of Love and Resentment, written at the dawn of the new millennium, Gans projects some post-millennial artistic trends predicting a deepening crisis in the production of high art. Reiterating his previous analysis of high art, originating in tragedy, he stresses the point that it aims to reconcile us with resentment and help us transcend it by exposing the sacrificial nature of deferral that underlies aesthetic forms. In tragedy, for example, we resolve the paradoxical desire of “[identifying] with the centrality we resent and [being alienated] from the centrality we desire” (Originary Thinking 137) by finally renouncing our desire for centrality in an aesthetic experience of catharsis and thus ultimately helping us to defer violence.  Thus throughout history, high art has been an agent for social tranquility by playing important ethical and therapeutic roles in helping people navigate the conflict between the outward evidence of economic inequality and inward egalitarian convictions.  But according to Gans, the post-millennial age is going to bring the end of high art, which has been engaged in the project of deconstructing the sacred center. And that is because recently (his post-millennial chronicles are written between 1999 and 2001), Gans writes, high art has been losing its effectiveness as a diffuser of dangerous mimetic desire because “we have reached the point in the historical unfolding of [the critique of sacrifice] at which there is no longer any ethical value, which is to say, any further deferral of violence, to be derived from it” (Chronicle #184). This has been the consequence of the blurring of the distinction between the sacrificial and anti-sacrificial by postmodernism, which exploits the aesthetics of victimary resentment while remaining “blind to the sacrificial structure of [its] own story” (Chronicle #184). One type of example Gans provides is of extreme desecration of religion, such as the painting of The Holy Virgin Mary by Chris Ofili displayed at the Brooklyn Museum, a Madonna painting with a deposit of elephant dung on top of one of her breasts. To this we can add Piss Christ by Andres Serrano, another controversial example of late postmodernism, a photograph of a crucifix submerged in urine.

    In thus mingling the sacred and abject, these provocative works of high culture position themselves as sacrilegious acts by taking aim at important cultural symbols. Could this be the final deconstructive gesture aimed at the aesthetic object (for where can one go from here?), coming on the heels of the earlier, less radical, in a sense, deconstructive strategies targeting the dismantling of Western aesthetic conventions, seen as phallogocentric? In literature, for example, these postmodernist attitudes would see the destruction of the author as the governing consciousness, the fragmentation of the formerly coherent and knowable self as the basis of characterization, and the disintegration of the narrative arc subtended by the dynamics of rise and closure. In other words, these postmodern developments start by deconstructing the aesthetic form and go on to deconstruct the Western “sacred” as the underlying structure of hegemonic oppression. But in attacking traditional values, the postmodern critic’s intention to be subversive and épater la bourgeoisie is carried out in the sacred name of excluding vulgarians and philistines from the fellowship of those who “get art,” thus excluding (scapegoating) a large segment of the mainstream audience. As a result of this recent failure of high art to remain an effective critical agency of mimetic desire, popular art is gaining legitimacy even among the literati. No doubt popular culture remains cheerfully sacrificial, satisfying its audiences’ lust for revenge with plot lines where the antagonists get their well-deserved comeuppance. But there is an important difference: contemporary sacrificial plots are no longer completely serious, but often tongue-in-cheek, because we know too much, we have become too self-conscious about sacrifice. As Gans explains it:

    Esthetic form remains sacrificial, but sacrifice is no longer understood as a necessary feature of social organization; it is merely a “psychological” element of the human condition. Just as we retain physiological drives, such as the appetite for sugar, that have become counterproductive in modern society, so we retain the cultural drive toward sacrifice that determines the structure of the esthetic work. And just as we feel no compunction about substituting saccharine or aspartame for sugar, so we need feel no compunction about replacing the naively sacrificial forms of the past by ironic versions of these forms that we no longer consider as models of ethical relations. The wisecracking superheroes of the comics and their movie adaptations typify this attitude. We no longer really believe in good guys and bad guys, but we need the dichotomy in order to enjoy the narration and the catharsis it effects. Like the molecules of aspartame that fool our tastebuds into thinking they are sugar, the staged contrast between good and evil fools our cultural instincts, not “us.” (Chronicle #184)

    I want to pick up on the important point Gans is making about the playful provisionality or self-conscious ostensibility of these new aesthetic conventions because it seems to me that he isolates the same or very similar feature of post-millennianism that both Eshelman and the Vermeulen /van den Akker duo put their fingers on. The latter three also comment on the contingent character of the post-millennial “as if” or “let’s pretend” attitude to its aesthetic object.

    Raoul Eshelman explains performatism as a new aesthetic movement that came into being as a turn away from the postmodernist mindset with its valorization of infinite regress: “in postmodernism . . .  the formal closure of the art work is continually being undermined by narrative or visual devices that create an immanent, inescapable state of undecidability regarding the truth status of some part of that work” (Performatism, 1). As he shows, this undecidability has to do with the postmodernist paradigm’s inability of explaining, stabilizing, and defining context. This is because the meaning of a work of art can be derived from its encounter with the outside, but the outside (context) can be construed in multiple ways depending on how we frame or draw the boundary around it.

    But this conundrum (or aesthetic effect, to put it in more neutral terms) is eliminated by the performatist device of double-framing, which creates a determinate context and stops the sliding of signifiers. Eshelman refers to Generative Anthropology’s scenic paradigm of language and representation to construct his performatist double-frame model. What the internal frame is drawn around is the originary scene of Generative Anthropology, where the first sign is issued and accepted as valid by the newly-formed community of people. In other words, the center of the construction, its inner frame, contains an anchoring of the sign, perceived as perfectly beautiful, good, and true to its referent. It is a sign in its ostensive, monist meaning: it is not yet embedded into a network of other signs but “[refers] first and foremost to its first successful performance” (Performatism, 6). In thus invoking the originary effect of a well-formed ostensive sign, the inner frame effects a “performative tautology,” according to him, that “works in spite of the obvious conflicts and contradictions contained within it” (Performatism, 6). The outer frame, then—which surrounds the work itself—needs to lock on to the stable inner frame in order to assert its meaning confidently if forcefully and artificially. The viewer’s/reader’s response is conditioned in such a way that he feels compelled to accept the interpretation that the work of art highlights as the most attractive. Even if it is not the most plausible one from a logical perspective, we are drawn to it through its sheer rhetorical force. The persuading of the double framing device works dogmatically, through coercion, and this is why Eshelman calls this type of aesthetics performatist: it “performs” our acquiescence. He gives many examples from films, books, and even architecture.  For example, Lester, the cinematic narrator of American Beauty, a 1999 film by Sam Mendes, is supposed to be dead when we hear his “voice over” commentary, but the plot and visual sequence are constructed in such a way as to encourage us to accept his narrative authority. At the same time, as the audience is well aware that this configuration is contingent on us agreeing to play by the rules of the game—and we agree to them in order to make sense of this aesthetic object and derive pleasure—but what is presented to us is not “really” true.

    Timotheus Vermeulen and Robin van den Akker make a point that is reminiscent of Eshelman’s observations when they define metamodernism, their name for the prevailing post-millennial sensibility. “The postmodern years of plenty, pastiche, and parataxis are over,” they say (2). So is the postmodern “in-betweenness.” Metamodernism, that has come to replace it, is a more positive, more affirmative attitude, although it can sometimes share postmodern ironies and instabilities. But it does so in a more provisional manner because what characterizes the metamodern approach is the dynamics of oscillation between the modern and postmodern sensibility. Its mood oscillates between postmodern apathy, deconstruction, and distrust in grand narratives, on the one hand, and modern enthusiasm and utopianism, on the other, between pessimism and optimism, “between hope and melancholy, between naïveté and knowingness, empathy and apathy, unity and plurality, totality and fragmentation, purity and ambiguity” (6). The only way to reconcile these positions is to adopt the attitude of “as if,” which Vermeulen and van den Akker trace to Kant’s negative idealism, an attitude of living as if you had a purpose or as if life had meaning or as if grand narratives were true.

    Metamodernism moves for the sake of moving, attempts in spite of its inevitable failure; it seeks forever for a truth that it never expects to find . . .  The metamodern  . . .  willfully adopts a kind of donkey-and-carrot double-bind. Like a donkey it chases a carrot that it never manages to eat because the carrot is always just beyond its reach. But precisely because it never manages to eat the carrot, it never ends its chase, setting foot in moral realms the modern donkey (having eaten its carrot elsewhere) will never encounter, entering political domains the postmodern donkey (having abandoned the chase) will never come across. (5)

    Another historical parallel that the Vermeulen and van den Akker find is that of Romanticism because the Romantic attitude also lends itself to being characterized as the oscillation of opposing binaries, described variously, by the authors they quote, as unity and multiplicity, beauty and ugliness, individualism and collectivism, revolution and reaction, attempt and failure, or enthusiasm and irony. This is why they also use the label neoromanticism to refer to metamodernist sensibilities. They cite various examples of this neoromantic aesthetics that relies on oscillation, from David Lynch’s films that “alternate from comic to tragic, from romantic to horrific and back” (10) to some recent neoromantic buildings that combine aspects of artifice and natural phenomena, “a formal structure and a formalist unstructuring (as opposed to deconstruction)” (11).

    Vermeulen and van den Akker’s diagnosis of the metamodernist trend differs from Eshelman’s model of performatism, but there is a salient feature they have in common: it involves an understanding and acceptance of the conventional, even contingent, character of representation. For Eshelman, it is the provisional mode of affirmation by the double frame; for Vermeulen and van den Akker, it is an oscillation between detachment and commitment, but with an emphasis on a dogged determination to go on “as if” history had meaning and a final goal. Gans also sees post-millennialism as affirmative, writing that to the deconstruction of the center, “the post-millennial era opposes its ‘performatist’ affirmation of the scene, warts and all, as the instrument of human historicity” (Chronicle #253). What this self-aware positivity and make-believe quality imply to me is that post-millennial aesthetics has become conscious of the constructed nature of representation that takes place on a scene. And while Eshelman, whose work is informed by Gans’s theories, mentions the scenic nature of his model, there is no explicit scene or its analogue in Vermeulen and van den Akker analysis; however, something like a scene underlies the “let’s pretend” character of the new sensibility.  Post-millennial works of art tend to thematize their fictionality, and not in a postmodernist metafictional sense, but in a way that reveals a profound understanding of the scene’s role in establishing context.

    This has been a very long preamble to make just one, albeit important, point: we are now in the new era of self-consciousness about the scenic nature of representation. Critical and cultural theorists might not have caught up with the discoveries of Generative Anthropology, but artists often have a more attuned and unerring sense of zeitgeist than intellectuals, and having thus “stumbled” and zeroed in on the scene, they are now expanding their understanding of art’s aesthetic possibilities, and in doing so, creating fresh strategies for the deferral of violence (or explicitly disavowing this possibility). In my own analysis that is to follow I want to build on this observation and take it further, arguing for a specific way in which scenicity is consciously exploited and undermined to create the effect of cringing, which fits in with the new awareness of the scene, in postmillennial films.

    But before I talk about the films, I will discuss the idea of cringing itself. And before I do this, I want to remark that I am not the first person to have noticed the new aesthetic sensibility that explores and pushes far the mood of discomfort. I have seen this being referred to as awkwardness. For example, Kyle Karthauser in his “Popular Culture after Postmodernism,” an article to which I will return, identifies awkwardness as one of the principal moods of post-postmodernism (together with earnestness). He connects it, in the case of Borat, 2006, a film to which I will also return, with “cultural dissonance (whether in the form of foreigners, or through the naïve, the culturally isolated); direct engagement with cultural taboos, mores, and folkways; the mockumentary mode  . . .  [in] short, encounters that are ‘parasitic’ on the normal, equalitarian exchange of signs; encounters that occur beyond the normative scripts of social interaction.”

    Adam Kotsko makes somewhat similar observations in Awkwardness, connecting it to the highlighting of aberrant social situations. He also focuses on popular culture, writing that we live in an awkward age, and that many recent TV shows and films, especially comedies, work by focusing on awkward situations, what he calls “cringe-inducing scenes of social discomfort” (1). His claim is that the “experience of awkwardness is fundamentally a social one” (9). Awkwardness foregrounds “the intrinsically social nature of humanity” (15) in that it arises in moments and historical periods when the social order breaks down, as it has, in important ways, in recent times. Furthermore, “Awkwardness moves through social network, it spreads. You can’t observe an awkward situation without being drawn in: you are made to feel awkward, as well, even if it is probable to a lesser degree than the people directly involved” (8). Awkwardness is mimetic, in other words.

    This last point about awkwardness causing the observer to feel drawn in is central to my own argument. But it also echoes Karthauser’s similar account of how awkward situations are experienced. For example, in Borat, which is filmed as a mockumentary, where the participants do not know that they are the butt of a practical joke, “The fundamental layer of awkwardness arises from [an] asymmetry;” namely, “For us the cameras are a one-way mirror; we become a sort of voyeur, privy to a situation that necessarily excludes us. For those within  the frame, for those being observed, the pervasive awkwardness is the novelty of the situation (i.e., Borat and the camera crew) and the cultural divide.” While Kotsko talks about being drawn in and Karthauser about exclusion, and it sounds as if they are making opposite points, I do believe that their descriptions are tapping into the same effect, one of making conspicuous the position of the audience, bringing the audience into the frame, and thus into the scene, and thus thematising the scene.

    But most importantly, awkwardness has been the subject of extensive study by Jason Middleton in his monograph Documentary’s Awkward Turn: Cringe Comedy and Media Spectatorship where he, concurring with Kotsko, pronounces awkwardness the new affective regime emblematic of the post-millennial era, which “supersedes irony as a dominant cultural logic.” (loc. 300). Middleton’s overarching (and I believe very perceptive) point is that awkwardness is intimately connected to the documentary format: “awkward moments can be understood in a sense as documentary moments. They are moments when an encounter feels too real: unscripted, unplanned, and, above all, occurring in person” (loc. 198). These documentary configurations involve the subjects of the documentary, or “social actors,” the filmmaker, and the audience. It is the “shifts and ruptures,” “unstable configurations,” and “misalignments in knowledge, affect, or desire” (loc. 170, 260) in this three-way dynamics that causes awkward moments, that is when “an established mode of representation or reception is unexpectedly challenged, stalled, [or] altered” (loc. 228). Even more specifically, it is not just the confusion of expected positions and disorientation it causes, but there is an affective link: “awkward moments are rooted in, or produce, responses of shame,” and shame indicates “a breakdown of intersubjective relations” (loc. 345, 2401).

    Traditionally, the viewer of documentaries is accorded a privileged voyeuristic position that is aligned with that of the filmmaker both in intent and ideological perspective. The filmmaker is the voice of authority, sometimes behind the scenes, and sometimes as a physical presence, who undertakes to impart knowledge, share an experience, or expose some undesirable social attitudes, such as prejudice. In sum, there is an unspoken shared agreement that the filmmaker will act as an expert and educate the viewer, while the viewer will welcome being instructed “in good faith.” This implied trust is violated in some of these new awkward post-millennial scenarios. What is of interest to me especially is Middleton’s discussion of deceptive and parodic mockumentaries, such as Borat, where the object of a practical joke is unstable, ambiguous, or multivalent, which makes the viewer very uncomfortable and erodes his or her trust in the filmmaker’s authority. Two ways in which it is done are 1) seemingly making a joke at the expense of “socially approved” subjects, whose values the viewer is supposed to endorse, or 2) deceiving the viewer about some aspects of the mockumentary (for example, who is a plant and who is a real dupe) such that the viewer experiences the sense of betrayal and feels that the joke, ultimately, is on him or her.

    As I will unfold my argument, it will become clear that my position is quite close to that of Middleton, but I also agree with Karthauser’s and Kotsko’s view of awkwardness as an effect of deliberately staged social disruption. I will, however, place awkward configurations on the scene of representation and draw anthropological conclusions about their significance. I will also frame my theory in terms of cringing, not awkwardness, as a more pointed and more specific emotion, in my opinion. It is perhaps not a crucial point to insist on cringing instead of awkwardness as the operative term, but I want to emphasize the visceral aspect of this reaction, the sense of recoil or physical pang it arouses, as captured in one of the definitions of cringe: “to wince in embarrassment or distaste” (Dictionary.com).

    But this too needs to be specified, and I might as well start with an example. Suppose one does something embarrassing, say, performs a “victory dance” at some piece of good news, presumably in private, and then notices that he is being observed. Upon first becoming aware of this, one feels intense embarrassment, even shame. But when one recalls this episode later, it is no longer embarrassment one feels but a sense of cringing. And this is one particular point where my analysis differs from Middleton, for whom awkwardness is situated in shame. My take is that this particular emotion, which I call cringing, designates a derivative, retrospective moment, no longer drawing its main impact from shame or embarrassment. As far as awkwardness is concerned, the above example is one of an awkward situation the first time round as well as the second; but the second time, the reaction feels different. And it is this second reaction I want to designate with a new moniker. How is it different from the first? What particular quality does it have that awkwardness does not quite get at? I find that cringing arises in connection with a sense of “representedness”: I am no longer in the situation; now I represent it to myself as a story, something that happened in the past—and then I react. The cringing reaction, as I see it, is an act of misprision, of imperfect, transgressive identification: first I laugh at the fool—and then, in a stunning moment of recognition, I realize that I am the fool. There is an irreducible temporal aspect to it, a delay, during which I experience a “turn,” a change of perspective. The eventful, jolting, real-time character of this aborted act of scapegoating is scenic: this is a performance taking place on the scene of representation, and so I am placing my analysis “on the scene,” as it were. In this particular scenic experience something unexpected, interestingly, happens on the periphery, rather than the center; it happens to myself as the audience of the represented episode rather than to myself as a “character” within it.

    In this minimalist solipsistic “drama” on the internal scene of representation, just described, I am the audience, the creator, and the character. But the structure is essentially the same as in “The joke’s on me” mockumentary moments, which, as Middleton points out, undermine the unspoken understanding between the viewer and the filmmaker. While in the practical-joke-based scenes he discusses, the viewer thinks that he “is invited to share the filmmaker-performer’s ideological perspective (knowledge through pleasure) and enjoy a privileged position in relation to the shamed and ignorant dupe,” what happens in reality is that such scenes of reversal “dispossess the viewer of this mutually supportive relationship between pleasure and knowledge by challenging our understanding of their degrees of veracity or fabrication” (loc. 2496, 2503).

    This concern with the truth of story-telling is very central to narrative theory and underlies various narrative communication models. Unlike the content-based view of narrative that defines it as a sequence of events, a communication view of narratives emphasizes the act of communication, making the fact that a story is told by one person to another or others an integral part of the definition. A further refinement of this view is a model of narrative communication levels, which makes a distinction between the narrator-narratee levels of communication (nested in the figure below because we could have a story within a story), and author-reader levels of narration. The distinction between the narrator-narratee level from one of the implied reader/implied author arises out of our investment in the truth value of the narrative. There is always the question of whether the story we are told should be believed, and this is where/why the notion of an unreliable narrator becomes of interest. Subsequently, the question of authority and reliability is deferred to the next level, that of the implied author. It is the latter who can intend for the narrator to be reliable or unreliable, but this implies that he himself must be trustworthy, because he now serves as the common ground for the truth shared between him and the reader.

    I will return to the important question of trust and author/reader alliance shortly, but since I will be discussing some film examples in this paper, I will firstly give a brief introduction to narrativity in film as a non-verbal medium. The above model was developed for literature, which is connected historically, or so we imagine, to oral storytelling, where the voice of the story-teller or bard is a very prominent part of the narrative experience. But a filmic story is not usually narrated explicitly, although occasionally we do get a voice-over commentary. This is why opinions of film critics are split over the question of the cinematic narrator. Recognizing the visual nature of this art form, some critics say that the notion of the cinematic narrator is simply not applicable: filmic narratives do not have the narrator/narratee layer.

    Other critics embrace the idea that some kind of narrativity is central to the notion of fictionality or representedness, regardless of the medium; and representedness must imply an underlying act of communication because something is represented to someone. As Robert Burgoyne summarizes this view: “film communicates messages to a viewer, filmic discourse involves a sender, or addresser, and a receiver, or addressee, in a communicative situation” (4). And Robert Scholes writes that “narration is, first of all, a kind of human behavior. It is specifically a mimetic or representative behavior, through which human beings communicate certain kinds of messages” (283). This involves “a spectator or interpreter who is situated in a space/time reference different from that of the events narrated.” (283). But the events do not need to be narrated by way of a literal voice-over narration. According to Seymour Chapman, “The cinematic narrator is the composite of a large and complex variety of communicating devices,” such as the composition, lighting, angles, and types of shots, actors’ faces, their voices, music, and other auditory devices, to name a few. (The Cinematic Narrator, 483). In other words, we do not need a human voice commenting on the action in order to detect narrativity; in fact, we cannot help but construct a narrative format out of the available communicative, semiotically interpretable materials because this is what mimetic representation invites us to do.

    There is, however, a disagreement within the group of critics who defend the idea of the cinematic narrator regarding the meaningfulness of the implied author/implied audience frame of narrative communication. Thus Chatman contends that the function of the implied author is a necessary abstraction because we need an agent to whom we ascribe not only the design and arrangement of the events but also “the decision to communicate it through one or more narrators” (The Cinematic Narrator 480). Thus the implied author should be talked about separately from the narrator because we need “to distinguish between a presenter of the story, the narrator (who is a component of the discourse), and the inventor of both the story and discourse (including the narrator)” (The Cinematic Narrator 481). But someone like Robert Burgoyne thinks that in the filmic medium, it is not necessary to have a separate entity called the implied author but that it is enough to distinguish between a personal and impersonal narrator. A personal narrator is an actual person (that is a fictional voice or character in the story) reporting on the events of the fictional world. But more often than not, there is no voice-over and no character-narrator that we can identify in a film, and yet we still recognize a narrative agency. In this, more common, case, Burgoyne explains, we have something called an impersonal narrator, a narratorial function with a “zero-degree individuation” that not only comments on the already existing fictional world but also, and more importantly, creates it (6). Thus the impersonal narrator in films, as Burgoyne conceives it, combines the functions of the narrator and implied author.

    This might not be a representative overview of film theorists’ positions, and my goal is not to contribute to film theory, but rather to explore narrativity in relation to the configuration of the scene. Because of this, I will not always be faithful to the distinction between the narrator and author in the argument that follows but sometimes collapse it. What interests me in those theoretical positions that recognize the importance of narrative agency is how they justify it. And the reason is essentially the same: the epistemological grounding of the story, which would enable the viewer to tell truth from lies. Chatman explains that “without the implied author, it is pointless to talk about ‘knowledge’  . . .  Only the implied author can be said to ‘know,’ because the implied author has invented it all” (The Cinematic Narrator 478). For Burgoyne, it cannot be the author who guarantees the truth of the story because the author exists on a different plane from his fictional creation. Instead it is the impersonal narrator who has “invented it all,” and therefore he is the one who “provides the fundamental component of the basic fictional contract that narrative film establishes with the spectator” (6). Consequently, “The importance of the [impersonal] narrator to the overall fictional contract resides in the fact that only the narrator can produce truth-functional discourse within what is manifestly a fictional construct” (6).

    The assumptions so far have been that the author/filmmaker and the audience are or should be on the same page for the communication model to be meaningful. Firstly, the relationship between the author/filmmaker and the viewer must be that of a benign contract (Burgoyne and Chatman), and the two parties must also share the moral values and underlying epistemological assumptions (Middleton). Only under these tacit presuppositions would the project of educating the viewer or enlisting his support make sense, especially in the context of the documentary genre, which belongs traditionally to the knowledge discourse. Somewhat different is Robert Scholes’s view of the relationship between the two agencies. Instead of seeing it as an implied contract or agreement, he characterizes it in a way that the proponents of Generative Anthropology will recognize as mimetic: instead of being a communication of two rational and equal individuals, the relationship is such that the filmmaker/narrator controls the attention of the audience, while the audience is in the thrall of the narrative process. I would like to quote this passage in its entirety.

    The spectator or reader of a narrative assumes that he is in the grip of a process controlled outside himself, designed to do things to him which he will be powerless to resist, and that all his struggles will only enmesh him further in the author’s toils. Much of our impatience with inferior fiction comes from our loss of faith in the author’s power. When he fails to anticipate our reactions and to lay traps for us into which we delightedly stumble, we begin to wonder if he is in control at all and to fear that we may have to move out of narrativity and into narration itself—or else simply return to entirely non-narrative behavior.

    A feature of narrativity is our desire to abandon certain dimensions of existence, certain quotidian responsibilities, and place ourselves under the illusionary guidance of a maker of narratives, upon whom we rely because we respect his powers. There is something very undemocratic about all this, and uncritical as well. Criticism begins when narrativity ceases. Life resumes when narrativity ceases. Call it escape or call it transcendence, narrativity is a pleasurable state of consciousness which is as different from other states as the dreaming part of sleep is from the other parts. (289)

    I think that both views are correct, but not at the same time. The interaction between the author and spectator oscillates between cooperative and mimetic. And this leads me to recognize the homologous structure of the scene where the participants on the periphery similarly oscillate between the collective configuration of deferral and mimetic one of conflict. But the narrative dynamic cannot be mapped directly on the originary scene because it contains the element of self-conscious reflection. The audience-author interaction is not taking place directly on the originary scene but secondarily, in an attitude of joint attention, around a representation.  Like Eshelman’s model of double-framing, this is a scene with a scene inside it. In reference to the model of the narrative communication levels, the internal represented scene corresponds to the quoted world. As for the outer frames, I collapse them together because I do not think it is essential to distinguish between the layers of presentation and invention. The key point is to keep in mind that it is the question of reliability that fuels the distinction between the two.

    Once we place the author vs the audience on the periphery of the scene, it becomes immediately intuitive why the question of veracity is of paramount importance. Absolute trust in the author’s account is the bedrock guarantee that the participants are sharing the same scene and holding the same center of significance as the locus of their attention in the name of the same sacred; it is the glue that holds the scene together. But, as has already been mentioned, this truth discourse is being conducted about fictional content, and this is where the mimetic aspect of the relationship between the peripheral actors comes into play. It does so in the sense that the filmmaker/author and the spectator are not actually communicating about the scene they are “standing on,” as it were, but about another one that is thematized as the object of representation and toward which the former directs the attention of the latter in a mimetic way.

    The scene’s oscillation between the cooperative and mimetic mode of existence can also clarify my earlier cringing example. As I said, cringing can only happen vis-à-vis the center of joint attention that contains a represented scene. When I first notice that I am being observed doing something private, I find myself on the originary, non-thematized, scene, where I can only experience the immediate emotions of embarrassment or shame, but not yet cringing. It is only when I represent the scene to myself as a story that I cringe. Cringing comes as I recall the experience, representing the original moment on my imaginary scene of representation. It is now easier to see why this later response involves a “turn” or double-take: at one (collective, “contractual”) moment I am the audience laughing at a dupe, at the next (mimetic) moment I recognize myself as the dupe; in one oscillatory cycle, I have been yanked from my comfortable peripheral position and placed in the center of a shaming circle in the role of a scapegoat.

    * * *

    Now that I have established the preconditions and structure of the thematized narrative scene, I will finally come to my four filmic examples and try to pinpoint more closely what it is about these scenes that causes cringing or extreme discomfort. The first episode is from Borat, a 2006 mockumentary, a reality show in which the social actors do not know that they are the butt of an elaborate practical joke. The premise of the episodic plot is Sasha Baron Cohen’s pretending to be a citizen and presumably a journalist from the post-Soviet state of Kazakhstan, who comes to the U.S. with the express purpose of studying the culture of the most advanced country in the world in order to apply some of its traditions in Kazakhstan. The movie’s subtitle is: Cultural Learnings of America for Make Benefit Glorious Nation of Kazakhstan (sic). To get social actors to participate willingly, Baron Cohen appeals to their cooperative side. This is one of the subtleties of the film creating a problem for the viewer in his search for identification. The “dupes” might often not be very good people, but they treat Borat with helpfulness and generosity. Those who get tricked into participating see only the Borat character and his camera man, the friendly visitors; they have no reason to suspect dishonesty. One of the sources of awkwardness, according to Karthauser, is the fact that encounters between Borat and his American hosts are “‘parasitic’ on the normal, equalitarian exchange of signs; encounters that occur beyond the normative scripts of social interaction.” While the social actors, making allowances for Borat’s exoticism and foreignness, act with civility and show a willingness to overlook his social blunders, Borat transgresses this unspoken contract in blatantly outrageous ways. He takes every opportunity to violate social taboos while raising the stakes by making his antics more and more outrageous, “creating as much resentment as possible.” In the end, this leads to a kind of eruption or confrontation or, in the very least, to participants’ looking palpably distressed and scandalized.  The awkward humor is thus based on undermining what the unsuspecting participants had thought was a shared scene.

    But as Karthauser also notices (and as I quoted above), another aspect of awkwardness arises from the asymmetrical relationship between the social actors and the viewers, with the viewers being aware of the practical joke format of the film and experiencing discomfort from being cast in the voyeuristic role. Middleton also brings in the viewer’s situation when he talks about awkwardness. One type of awkwardness he discusses is connected to the viewers’ unsettling feeling that the joke is on them (which sounds similar to my own example but is not quite the same). A specific example he mentions is the scene when Borat decides to abduct the actress Pamela Anderson in order to marry her. The scene, filmed with a hand-held camera, depicts Baron Cohen’s bringing his home-made embroidered bag with Borat’s and Pamela’s wedding date, throwing it over Anderson’s head, and trying to escape with her. The whole sequence is so over the top that critics and viewers have speculated that Anderson was in on the stunt, and there were some indications that the two might have known each other earlier. On the other hand, one wouldn’t put it past Baron Cohen to play an outrageous trick like this. As a result, the viewers are left with a feeling of uncertainty as to the reality of what they just witnessed. If Anderson plays the role of a stooge instead of a dupe then the viewers are deceived about the rules of the game and thus the nature of their experience. If the creators of the film have been dishonest with the viewer then the joke is indeed on the viewer. I agree with Middleton that there is an underlying deception going on, but I think it is of a more general kind and intrinsic to the “bad faith” conceptualization of the project.

    I will show this by analyzing a scene that was cut from the film, where Borat is buying cheese in a supermarket (it can be found on YouTube at the time of this writing).[1] The scene is over four minutes long, during which Borat, accompanied by a supermarket clerk or manager, is shown to point to every successive cheese item on the supermarket shelves and ask, “And what is this?”, to which the clerk patiently replies, “Cheese.” The duration and repetitiveness of the scene is so outrageous that my reaction is an incredulous laughter, tinged by cringing. What is the cause of my cringing? I can identify three main points of discomfort. The first that comes to mind is my empathy for the sales clerk. I assume, as I watch the clip, that this is someone at the bottom pay grade who cannot afford to lose his job. His patient demeanor is astounding: his tone of voice never wavers, never goes up in pitch in a sign of irritation; it miraculously retains the same modulation as he keeps repeating in the same calm and composed manner, “cheese . . .  cheese  . . .  cheese.” This certainly intensifies the clip’s humorous effect. I suspect that the sales person has to summon all of his will power to avoid being rude to an unreasonable customer, and I am thus reminded that the American service standards are very high, perhaps the most exacting in the world, and that the “customer is always right” slogan is taken literally (as an aside, it is difficult to imagine a clerk in a European supermarket being equally polite and patient). But perhaps he is beginning to guess that he is being set up? It is hard to tell. And the uncertainty also adds to the humorous effect. But most importantly, I also know what he does not know, namely, that he is an unwitting participant in a practical joke: the joke is on him. But what about me? Even though I am not on the internal scene together with the perfidious film crew members, who knowingly perpetuate this hoax, I still am, in some important sense, a witness. Because of its reality-show, documentary format, the film has a spontaneous “real-time” feel, which interpellates me as a member of an interactive audience, a real-life witness to this interaction. It is for my sake that this joke is played, and I am thus complicit in causing discomfort to a real person. The speech act that is being performed is clearly infelicitous in J.L. Austin’s definition, meaning an utterance that is invalid or deceptive. And as a witness to the infelicitous act who knows of the deception but says nothing, I am guilty of transgressing the commandment to not bear false witness; and yet I am just a mute observer, powerless to change anything.

    The sense of impotence I am feeling is connected to another source of cringing, that of frustrated anticipation. The experience of anticipation is inseparable from the act of communication, and it is specifically thematized in narrative communication as “suspense.” The storyteller holds me in a suspenseful state as I anticipate an array of possible outcomes. But in this case, I know that something unpleasant is in store for the social actor, and this knowledge inhibits my anticipation. I do not know what exactly will be happening, but I know not to expect anything good or hopeful, and so I steel myself for the blow—a physical sensation attendant on cringing. My feeling of dissatisfaction is also connected to a vague suspicion that by violating the structure of expectation, the filmmaker is being unethical with respect to me as the viewer because he is not here to uphold the narrative contract of educating or entertaining me.

    There is at least another reason this scene is transgressive and cringeworthy—its sheer insufferable duration. While on the level of the internal scene, Borat’s unremitting avalanche of repetitive questions is a thoughtless and rude imposition on the sales person’s time, it is also an imposition on the viewer. Similarly to the previous point, it is a violation of communicative conventions: there is only so much time one has both to initiate a conversation and respond to being addressed. And in this case, the scene, by being scandalously protracted, repetitive, and tedious makes unreasonable demands on the viewer’s attention span and so does not work on the performative level, although its audacity and excess are precisely what makes it so funny. Thus it could be said that even the act of storytelling is itself an infelicitous performative act that is unethical with respect to the viewer. As Generative Anthropology tells us, the act of delay or hesitation produced by the issuance of the sign has a capacity to defer violence. But what happens when the sign is itself deferred? Does it have the opposite effect of provoking violence? If uncomfortable laughter can be described as a violent reaction then perhaps yes, to some degree, at least. There is certainly something forceful and unsettling I experience when thrown between the oscillating extremes of communal laughter and mimetic resentment at being tricked or left out. The upshot for me is that cringing is not only a scenic phenomenon but one that belongs to the scene of the narrative communication scheme. If I were a witness on the internal scene observing the practical joke being played out live, I would probably feel embarrassment or guilt, but not cringing. Cringing arises from my interaction with the authorial/narrative agency in relation to the central object of representation.

    The next scene I will discuss is from the 2017 Swedish film by Ruben Östlund The Square. This film, which won the main award of the 2017 Cannes festival, is commonly interpreted as a comedy of manners or a satirical treatment of the postmodern art world. There are many scenes that mock the vacuity and pretentiousness of art elites, such as when a journalist poses a question to a museum curator, the main character, about the meaning of a very obscure, jargony passage in the museum catalogue, and the curator seems completely stumped, resorting to some vague banality (Östlund says in an interview that he stole this passage from a real paper by an art theorist). Some critics, such as Michael Koresky, think that despite “fall[ing] in line with recent trends in art-film satire” and exposing “the intellectual flatulence of liberal cosmopolitanism,” especially among the art world elite, the film’s scope of investigation is broader than satire (32). It uses its off-the-wall humor to investigate the question of “how our daily behaviors and responses are ruled or inhibited by forms of psychological makeup and social conditioning (32)”.  I agree with Koresky that the film’s larger focus is the make-up of the social scene, and I would add that from the GA perspective, it makes some inadvertently revealing observations about the uncertain status, and eventual evacuation, of the shared sacred center in the post-millennial West.

    There are many awkward moments in The Square, whose director, in Ryan Gibley’s words, “is never more comfortable than when he is making audiences squirm” (53). Before I will look at one such squirm- or cringe-inducing scenes in the film, I will briefly explain the context. The story revolves around a fictional museum of modern and contemporary art in Stockholm, housed in the former Royal Palace, whose high-profile Danish curator struggles to attract donations and public interest to his boundary-pushing art shows. The formal plot is shaped as a quest in which the protagonist attempts to retrieve personal items that were stolen early in the film. But in the very beginning of the film, the museum workers dismantle the equestrian statue of a king that was in the center of a large plaza in front of the palace and unveil a new installation in its place, a 4×4 meter square, cut into the cobblestones that pave the courtyard and set off by neon lighting. A metal plaque mounted next to it says: “The square is a sanctuary of trust and caring. Within its boundaries we all share equal rights and obligations.” When the curator introduces this installation to the museum’s patrons and VIPs during the opening night ceremony, he explains that the square is a public space designed to be used by anyone to request help or attention. By stepping into it, one automatically commands the consideration of the passerby, whether in donating money, offering shelter, or simply relieving supplicant’s loneliness by stopping by to talk. This intention behind lofty slogan is undercut immediately in the very next scene, where the actual passerby in an actual Stockholm square are rushing indifferently past a sleeping homeless man and ignoring a woman who is exhorting them to stop and “save a life.”

    It is clear that the square installation is a replacement for a traditional sacred order since it symbolically deposes a king in order to appropriate his central position. But appropriate in the name of who or what? What will the new sacred stand for? Presumably, for a democratic, non-hierarchical social order, where everyone can become the center of attention, but only for a limited time. Because everyone has an equal claim on the center, the square models a basically sound moral paradigm based on the reciprocal exchange of a victimhood status. And yet there is something odd about this essentially empty symmetry of moral equality, which produces an undifferentiated, center-less center; the entire configuration feels like something is missing. Perhaps Gans puts his finger on the diagnosis when he associates the victimary sacred with a negative value. In his “Victimary Passions” chronicle he writes that “The victimary mindset is characterized by an exclusively negative view of human difference. The model of moral reciprocity is interpreted as the sole ethical principle, so that the sufferings of the least successful member of the society become, as for Sartre and more subtly for John Rawls, the measure of the moral value of the society” (Chronicle #538). We recognize it as a social utopia based on reciprocity but in denial of firstness (Chronicle #451). And what we notice in this film is that a dynamics that perpetuates the empty circulation of reciprocity and denies the anthropological model of firstness, here represented by the literal removal of the king in order to supplant him with a vacant place holder, is incapable of creating a positively-charged center that holds its “planetary system” together. This is what I understand to be the main reason for the film’s heterogeneous, eclectic, “patched-together” quality, its incoherent social commentary, and unstable humor. It is hard to know where the authors’ sympathies are, with whom they invite us to align, and at whom we are supposed to laugh as we follow a progression of awkward but funny situations as the protagonist spectacularly bungles his mission to get his stolen wallet, cell phone, and cuff links back. Are we allowed, for example, to laugh at a Roma beggar’s demanding a sandwich without onions of a Good Samaritan or at an intimidatingly intense and comically angry immigrant boy who ambushes the main character at unexpected moments, or should we instead empathize with them as victimary stock characters?

    On the other hand, the empty square is an art piece: it is not literally the sacred center but a representation of one. Must art remain as a concealed, unacknowledged sacred in the post-religious, post-traditional world? Is the world without firstness impossible, after all? And if the real center is the artistic scene itself then the question of the genre becomes important. If the genre is satirical then perhaps the film’s underlying agenda is to exonerate or rescue the artistic sacred by portraying the contemporary art elite as interlopers from whom it should be protected? But the film’s unstable ethical and aesthetic systems of coordinates may suggest that we are not dealing with traditional satire or comedy of manners, which are intended as correctives of societal problems rooted in human misbehavior and work on an assumption that we share the author’s values and his indignation at the state of the world; and it is also assumed that we are also willing to be instructed. In the case of The Square, these presuppositions are questionable, which makes it hard to make a definitive determination.

    To give this question more consideration, I would like to look at the following, iconic, scene, reproduced in many film posters (at the time of this writing, it can be found on YouTube). In it a group of select upper-class guests, museum patrons, presumably, with at least one of their number a celebrated artist, are sitting around dinner tables in a large reception halls at a fund-raising function and waiting to be entertained by a one-man art performance. The performing artist, Oleg, plays the role of a man-ape. His upper torso is naked and very muscular, his face wears a feral, scowling expression, and he is using arm crutches with springs to imitate ape-like knuckle-walking and enable him to leap on tables, but also to use as weapons (the fact that the actor playing Oleg, Terry Notary, has been involved in motion-capture projects greatly enhances the illusion). The scene alludes to a memorable and controversial episode that occurred to a real-life performance artist, Oleg Kulik, at the Interpol art show in Stockholm in 1996. While giving a performance of an aggressive dog, Kulik attacked and bit visitors and destroyed art works by other artists, an event that caused a scandal at the time. In a similar fashion, the film scene that lasts an interminable and very uncomfortable eleven-and-a-half minutes depicts the ape-man Oleg wreaking havoc among the impeccably-groomed, tony audience members, who expect to be titillated and “provoked” in a predictably “edgy” postmodernist way but don’t expect for a full-blown pandemonium to break out. As Oleg starts acting out, physically intimidating the patrons and chasing the other artist to the upstairs gallery, the knowing tittering on the part of these high-art sophisticates dies down and turns into looks of acute discomfort, and finally downward stares, as the guests appear anxious to be passed over as the ape-man is circulating around the room, looking for his next victim. At one point, the art curator gets up from his seat and tries to interrupt the performance, saying “let’s give a round of applause to Oleg,” but the latter has reached a point of no return by this time and thus ignores the request. The culmination comes when Oleg sexually assaults a young woman. He starts pulling her hair and trying to rip off her clothes. She whispers, “help me,” but nobody responds. It is only when he knocks her off her chair to the floor and appears ready to rape her that some guests finally react and descend upon him. The episode resolves in a scene of collective violence, with Oleg in the middle, receiving heavy blows from a swarm of enraged attendees.

    The anthropological meaning of this denouement is ambiguous. Do the final assault and ensuing mayhem signify the death of high art as a cultural form that has lost its power of deferring violence? This interpretation is certainly given credence by a satirical take on this scene, picking up on the humorous depiction of the art guests’ initial self-congratulatory preening and the curator’s ineffectual scrambling in trying to stop the impending disaster. But it is also possible to read Oleg’s complete identification with his role, his inability to stop the momentum and get out of character as a sign of sincerity and respect for his performance, an earnest attempt to re-imbue his art with dignity and sacred meaning. This is, for example, what The New York Times’ art critic writes about Oleg’s prototype, Oleg Kulik, whose performance in the U.S. was entitled “I Bite America and America Bites Me:”

    Mr. Kulik has been a dog since he passed through customs at Kennedy Airport last Friday, entered a waiting van, stripped off his clothing, put on a dog coat, collar, leash and muzzle and began communicating only in canine-speak . . .  [T]his is not a Conceptual exercise, the kind that you can ”get” if someone simply describes it to you . . .  Its efficiency is striking. There is nothing extra, superfluous or obscure about Mr. Kulik’s performance. For all intents and purposes, he is a dog: he can be scary and unpredictable and territorial. After all, he’s in his prime, about 5 dog years old; visitors who wish to enter his cage may do so one at a time and must put on the quilted overalls and arm-guards that hang near the chained and barred door to his cage. In his quieter moments, he can be disarmingly cute, mustering a doleful, hopeful, moist-eyed expression that can make one want to dispense a kind word, a rub behind the ears or a small snack . . .  To watch a human impersonate a dog as thoroughly as Mr. Kulik is extremely disconcerting.  (Roberta Smith, NYT).

    In the same way, it is extremely disconcerting to watch Terry Notary’s scene. Unlike Borat, this film is not a reality documentary, and yet our identification with the audience of the art show is very strong. Perhaps the reason for this strong empathy is our analogous position: they are the audience of the performance, while we are the audience of the film. In addition, the ape-man scene’s excessive length gives it a real-time feel and heightens the effect of presence. Neither the audience in the film nor we know what is about to happen, but we suspect that the film-maker will play some dirty trick, while they are completely unsuspecting. As in the Borat episode, the asymmetry and infelicity of this arrangement makes us cringe and feel like we have been put in the position of a false witness. Our identification can certainly not be complete. We are the ones experiencing the cringing, while the represented audience presumably experiences uncertainty, embarrassment, mortification, extreme discomfort, even betrayal, but not cringing. The sense of betrayal comes from being egregiously violated in their role as audience because the performative act (in two senses of the word) they are watching is grossly infelicitous. What has been violated is precisely the scene’s unacknowledged sacred center. In their desire to dispense with the sacrificial structure of the scene, these postmodern sophisticates of the art world are, as Gans says, “blind to the sacrificial structure of [their] own story” or blind to their own understanding of postmodern art, which is meant to provoke and challenge, as sacred. This is why when the edge of provocation is turned in their direction, they act scandalized and uncomprehending instead of cheering and celebrating. As for the real audience, what exacerbates the cringe effect is our uncertainty about the authors’ intentions and moral stance; but also the fact that we do not know where the authors place us: we do not know whether we are their partners or the partners of the main character and the filmic audience; we cannot even be sure what the relationship between the two is supposed to be. Ultimately, it is we, the audience, who are betrayed, both as the recipients of the authorial message and as subjects of a deceptive invitation to identify with the characters.

    The next example come from Paradise: Love, a 2012 Austrian film by Ulrich Seidl. Its heroine, Theresa, is an average looking, overweight, lower middle class Austrian woman in her 50s, not glamorized or aestheticized, as film characters often are (such as Charlotte Rampling’s character, for example, in a similarly-themed Heading South, 2005) but someone you meet in the street every day. Teresa goes on a package holiday to Kenya to meet men and have sex and to join up with a more experienced friend who has evidently done this before. On the plot level, the story follows her sexual encounters with five men, but on the level of character development, this is a story of a person’s progressive desensitization to casual sex. We watch a gradual transformation of someone initially reserved and a seemingly decent beginning to manifest crude and hard aspects of her personality until she can be said to have lost her moral compass. It starts with Theresa’s following the first man to a hotel to have sex but recoiling at the sordidness of the surroundings at the last moment and changing her mind; soon afterwards she meets and ends up falling in love with the second man, Munga, who tries to fleece her in multiple ways, then disappears, and later reappears with a wife and child. Theresa consoles herself by having casual sex with the third man. The fourth one is her “birthday” present from her friend and two fellow female tourists. In a long, excruciatingly uncomfortable and, indeed, cringe-inducing orgy scene, the four women try to make the man, whom they have brought to Theresa’s hotel room, sexually aroused, but fail, concluding “We must be too old for him.” The fifth man is invited by Theresa into her hotel room, but changes his mind, when she asks him to perform oral sex on her, and leaves. In the last scene of the film, we see Theresa walking alone along the beach looking sad and almost visibly chastened and deflated. Unlike the previous two films with ambiguous messages and undecidable authorial positions, there is neither anything controversial about the filmmaker’s opinions nor any question about him inviting us to share his values and judgments. Paradise: Love is clearly a morality tale confirming the viewer’s likely preexisting bias that sex for money is a degrading and shameful business, and the heroine’s humiliation at the end serves as an important moral lesson both for her and us. I choose this example because cringing works differently here. Partly its effect has to do with exposing us to intimacies from which we should be protected, and partly with portraying its female protagonist in a very unsparing light.

    Insofar as Paradise: Love imagines an encounter between “Europe and Africa, which is to say between rich and poor, white and black, user and used, powerful and powerless” (Willis, 62), it positions itself as an exemplary narrative for a postcolonial reading, but the fact that its protagonist is an older female and is only rich and powerful in relative terms would complicate this reading. The enterprise of female sex tourism has been described in mutually contradictory ways, both as exploitative and emancipatory: in the first case, women sex tourists, just like men, capitalize on the racial and economic inequalities and engage in predatory sexual behavior, but seen through the second lens, it can also be described as a masculinized behavior by a woman, who, by reversing traditional sexual dynamics, can “‘celebrate’ [her] freedom from the constraints of Western gender norms” and thus perform “gendered sexual empowerment” (Gross 514). In addition to its ostensible sexual goal, sex tourism caters to the same geographical and historical imaginations as other types of tourism: a search for purity, spirituality, otherness, for exotic nature and cultural artifacts, as well as for an idealized post-colonial notion of the uncorrupted past. Conventional tourists have been described as lotus-eaters and pilgrims, that is to say, people on the quest of pleasure seeking and spiritual fulfillment, goals which can be seen as equally applicable to sex tourists. From an economic perspective, tourism has also been theorized by postcolonial critics as a symbolic act of consumption, representative of late capitalism and globalism. What is consumed is experience itself. Alternatively, the phenomenon of tourism has been metaphorically compared with an act of penetration, whereby the West forcibly penetrates the Third World—a comparison that acquires an additional resonance in the context of sex tourism. The last two figures, those of consumption and penetration, can also be seen as masculinist quest narratives that resolve in an act of closure.

    According to Susan Frohlick and Jessica Jacobs, the researchers of female sex tourism, the subject of female sex tourism has been under-theorized. It is probably understandable, insofar as it elicits a complicated response and presents the researcher with a mass of contradictions, where various hierarchies reverse each other and opposing power gradients act at cross purposes. On the one hand, and, perhaps, in more significant ways, political and economic asymmetries between the First and the Third World inverts the power relations for the advantage of the women, who treat their sexual partners as “fetishized commodities to be bought, consumed, and discarded at will” (Gross, 513). Despite Theresa’s humble and non-glamorous background as a caretaker in a mental institution, she is still significantly better-off than local men (called “beach boys” as they trawl for potential customers around the beaches). Importantly, her economic status is represented by her mobility, the fact that she can travel at will for leisure purposes, and so she is the one who visits Kenya, and not the other way around. Joan Phillips describes this encounter as “a racial and gendered quest, where the white emancipated Western female goes in search of the quintessential hypersexual black male in the center of the Other” (183).

    On the other hand, local men, who engage in sexual relationships with female tourists, wield power of their own as men and possessors of younger bodies, which are desired by older women. As men, moreover, they possess the symbolic power of sexual rejection in a more pointed way than a woman would. Man number four simply cannot get aroused by the aging bodies of white Western women, and man number five is turned off by Theresa’s sexual aggressiveness and chooses to interrupt their session and leave. Not only is the male body objectified by the women’s fantasies of the hyper-sexualized, exoticized, and essentialized Other, but the men’s sexual behavior and cultural practices are valorized as more masculine and, therefore, more attractive—a stereotype that is shared both by men and women and expresses, according to Jacobs, “a dualistic imagination of the economically powerful First World white man as hyposexual” (85). According to the informant testimony on both sides, women coming from the West enjoy greater differentiation in gendered codes of behavior, whereby men perform the dominant gendered identity as “real men” and they the submissive identity of “real women.”

    What is especially important is that female sex tourism is often described as romance tourism and is seen, by women themselves, as a kind of search for romance rather than a crass exchange of sex for money. Indeed, in female sex tourism, money is rarely given as payment in direct exchange for sex but rather as gifts, monetary and otherwise. It has been argued that female sex tourists get more emotionally involved than male sex tourists, which accounts for their relationships taking on a character of courtship, where they play the role of “sugar mamas,” rather than undisguised commercial exchange of money for services. As Zoe Gross writes, “Although female sex tourists may know that they are approached because they are understood to be willing targets who offer financial compensation, the fantasy of sexual desire may be more appealing if it is under the pretense of reciprocity or ‘romance’” (515). Quoting Debora Pruitt and Suzanne LaFont, she adds that “often ‘neither actor considers their interaction to be prostitution, even while others may label it so. The actors place an emphasis on courtship rather than the exchange of sex for money’ (423). As female sex tourism employs unclear boundaries between sex and romance, throughout the film viewers observe Theresa struggling with feelings of frustration and guilt when it comes to the exchange of money for her lovers’ services” (519).

    It is the representation of the ambiguity of her situation that I identify as one of the sources of the cringing experience. Again, as in previous examples, I connect it to representational framing, while other critics, who also comment on how uncomfortable some scenes are, connect it to the content. Thus Holly Willis writes that “The film’s power resides in its dogged pursuit of its topic, past the barriers of taste,” (62) while Zoë Gross observes that the scene of sex between Theresa and Munga “is difficult to watch and its gritty and visceral intimacy is powerful on screen” (517). This is indeed an uncomfortable scene because of the way Theresa is instructing Munga how to touch her when he strokes her breasts and trying to explain the terms he doesn’t know. When he still does not do it to her liking, she says: “I am not an animal. Do it like this, with feeling. You have to look to my eyes. Look into my heart.” Gross thinks that in treating him like this, she displays “(neo)colonial paternalism (or rather, maternalism). In her search for ‘love,’ Theresa treats the men that she interacts with like her servants or untrustworthy children” (517). But I believe it is somewhat more complicated than this because during this dialog, she laughs uncomfortably and is clearly very embarrassed herself.

    Other cringe-causing scenes capture her flirting conversations with men, when they try to stage a light, spontaneous banter that people would engage in as a prelude to romantic relationships, but in their case, it sounds uncomfortable, and contrived. Partly this is due to the language barrier (and this is why they have to keep repeating themselves), but the main reason is the artificiality of the fake romance situations. Here are some representative snippets (visualize both participants interspersing their comments with artificially playful bouts of laughter).

    Theresa: “Do you come here with all the women?”
    Munga: “No, only you.”

    • Do you bring all the women?
    • No!
    • What? Tell me.
    • Only you.
    • Tell me the truth. How many women have you brought here?
    • No, only you, only you. . . . I am not married.
    • But I am very old, and you are very young.
    • Love has no end.
    • Love has no end?
    • Forever . . .
    • Do you think that?
    • Yes.
    • I think that love isn’t always forever.
    • In Europe, maybe, in Africa, no.
    • It’s different in Africa?
    • Yes.

    . . .
    Theresa: “Everything no problem?”
    Munga: “For you?”

    • If we walk like this.
    • Yes?
    • Everyone will think we’re together.
    • No problem.
    • I can’t believe it.
    • People think that because I am with you, I have money.
    • You have money?
    • They think I have money from you.
    • And you want money?
    • Me? No, no money. Love. (Later it turns out that he wants, needs money for his various sick and indigent relatives, one of whom, as Theresa learns later, is his wife).

    While the characters in these exchanges are clearly embarrassed and act unnaturally, it is the viewer’s position that is ultimately compromised. The cringe-inducing mechanism that is mobilized in these scenes, as in the two previous examples, has to do with making the viewer complicit in an infelicitous speech act, but the exact reasons are a little bit different. The film has an unscripted feel (as I hope is clear from the dialog snippets), and the dialogs between Theresa and her men sound unrehearsed, thus creating a reality/documentary effect in this fictional story. We are in a false position of a voyeuristic witness of a very private moment, which we are not meant to witness because love-making is one of those intensely private activities that are desacralized by being put on the public scene of representation. But this private moment is itself compromised and made awkward by the characters’ inauthentic imitation of real romantic intimacy while our social norms demand intimacy to “feel authentic.” This inauthenticity thus feels sacrilegious in comparison to what is supposed to be an inspired, spontaneous, intimate, and passionate language of love between only two people vis-à-vis the sacred center that is also vouchsafed by this sacred center. But the flirting that we witness is merely a performance meant to mask an economic transaction, which it, however, disavows, hiding behind an illusion of romance. Moreover, we need to consider what the cinematographic aspects contribute to framing the viewers’ responses. For example, Theresa is often shown from the back, both walking by herself, exploring her environment, but also together with her men, during which most of these awkward conversations take place (it is not so in the sex scenes, to which I will get shortly). Positioned straight behind her back, we can assume her to be the main focalizing gaze, and back shots are consistent with inviting the audience to experience her surroundings as she is experiencing it. I interpret this visual alignment as an invisible, fly-on-the-wall-cum-witness perspective. To summarize, we are interpellated as hidden, inappropriate witnesses to an act of prostitution that masquerades as a romantic encounter, an act, furthermore, that is made very realistic by the film’s documentary technique (it is very possible that the actors improvise their lines). To a viewer, being placed as a voyeuristic false witness of a deceitful speech act feels like a betrayal, a violation of an implicit filmmaker/viewer pact that raises expectations of a partnership position on which informing and educating the latter by the former is predicated.

    I think there is another thing that is done with the viewer’s gaze that is the source of cringing that I will call, for the lack of a better term, “improper centering.” In the sex scenes, the viewer is no longer behind her back but is positioned explicitly as a spectator, while Theresa is no longer a focalizer but a focalized element of the scene and the object of the male gaze, according to feminist criticism. But as a focalized female character, she is quite non-traditional-looking. The reception of the film confirms it, judging not only by the critics’ reviews but also by the comments on sites like IMDB and an informal survey of my academic circle of acquaintances. Some people could not finish watching it. Almost every one said that the film is very disturbing, and it made them very uncomfortable. Words and phrases like “disturbing,” “unwatchable,” “causing a churning in your stomach” were commonly invoked. But what is even more striking is the vitriol directed at the main character’s body in the articles of film critics. She was called “extremely obese,” walking with a “rolling waddle,” and someone with “spreading hindquarters,  . . .  sagging boobs and  . . .  back fat,” to quote just a few descriptors. Clearly, she violates the viewer’s expectations of what a focalized female should look like. But, on the other hand, she is not a heroine, in an expected sense. She plays a double role. Insofar as she still expects romance, she does retain some heroine-like features. But insofar as she acts in a sexually aggressive, objectifying manner toward her male lovers (such as taking a photograph of Munga’s penis while he is sleeping), she violates the decorum of her gender role.

    This behavior is certainly transgressive, being “outside the bounds of respectable white femininity and (hetero)sexuality,” which may cause some viewer to flinch (Gross 510). But her looks play an even more important role, as I believe. Placing an older, decidedly not-glamorous-looking, overweight woman at the center of long, rather explicit sexual scenes featuring nudity is itself a controversial choice, legitimating the centering of what is basically an object of abjection. In “Ageing Abjection and Embodiment in the Fourth Age,” Chris Gilleard and Paul Higgs extend Kristeva’s model of abjection to the aging body. According to Kristeva, the abject is that which escapes the symbolic economy of meaning and preexists the object-subject split. She associates abjection with the leaky female body which has trouble with managing its corporeal boundaries. The bodily fluids that escape are a cause of impurity and contamination. But according to Gilleard and Higgs, we can also apply these ideas to the aging body, arguing that signs of ageing, such as “wrinkled skin and sagging muscles  . . .  provide the visible context within which the ageing body is transformed into the abject other, objectified old age”—a harbinger of the changes to come, when the body becomes transgressive (138). They also stress that it is not so much the signs of aging themselves that cause the sense of disgust that arises from a “re-alignment of abjection and agedness” but what it signifies in terms of an impending loss of agency and self-control, that is “the impotence to mount a transgression of agedness” (141).

    All of this creates a multi-layered response of the viewer to centering Theresa and her Austrian female friends as the sexual objects of several very uncomfortable sex scenes. To begin with, it frustrates an anticipated prurient response, which is normally aroused by observing beautiful bodies in an act of love-making. It can be argued that in undercutting the viewer’s expectations of focalizing on an aesthetically pleasing object (as is done in Heading South, mentioned above, where the bodies of aging female sex tourists are aestheticized) the filmmaker here betrays the unspoken agreement to entertain his viewer, as supported by the reviewers’ comments, which display disgust and anger. At the same time, Theresa and her friends do not show humility in the face of their “impotence to mount a transgression of agedness” but instead, what many viewers may see as a tone-deaf, arrogant, and galling sense of entitlement. As Zoë Gross writes, “Even though Teresa appears to be unsure of herself and her role once she arrives in Mombasa, it is clear that she expects to be positioned as desirable simply because she is there and available” (514). Even though she shows some restraint in the beginning, her behavior becomes progressively more exploitative, demanding, and crude. Gross also adds that “The film painstakingly documents these women’s inability to fulfill Western ideals of beauty, as well as their decision that they no longer want to—and, perhaps, no longer can—conform, and want to be accepted and desired as they are. Many female sex tourists may respond positively to increased attention from local men because it instills within them a heightened sense of self-esteem, particularly for those who do not have an idealized Western physique that fulfills the demanding standards of beauty for white women” (514). In addition to this, that the women seem to be very insecure about their attractiveness, making “negative references, ad nauseam, about their own bodies, bemoaning their wrinkles, ‘fat ass[es]’, and flabby bodies” (Gross, 514). Yet their simultaneous and contradictory impulse is to “continually insist that they must be desirable ‘as is’. At one point Teresa asks her friend: ‘They [black Kenyan men] accept you like you are, right?’” (Gross, 514).Thus on the one hand, the viewer can have a visceral reaction to an aging overweight woman at the center of the story who acts in a sexually aggressive manner. On the other, Theresa still identifies with being an ingénue who wants to be wooed, saying wistfully, “I want someone to look into my eyes and really see me. I want to be seen for myself, not for this aging body.”  The pathos of Theresa’s situation in combination with her moral flaws creates a confusion about her position as the central romantic character. We need, at the very least, for her to be a victim as a compensation for being an improper object of desire in order to sympathize with her, but she is not. As a result, it leaves us uncertain about her status as a central object, which complicates our reaction to the film (and explains some of the irritated comments above). The upshot is that once again the viewer is coerced as an illegitimate fly-on-the-wall witness or reluctant spectator in these uncomfortable scenes that no one should witness, and as a result, he may feel violated.

    My final example comes from a 1997 film by Michael Haneke, Funny Games. At the time of this writing, a subtitled version of this film exists on YouTube. This is, strictly speaking, a pre-millennial film, but I judge it to be an early harbinger of this type of aesthetics. There was a later, American, remake by the same director and under the same name, but I am choosing to speak about the earlier, Austrian version, as more “atmospheric” and “authentic” (contested as these terms may be). What I identify as the main affect in Funny Games cannot be categorized as cringing or awkwardness; I would rather characterize it as painful discomfort or extreme unpleasantness. But I am including this film under the same rubric because it also desacralizes the scene by employing representational strategies that undermine the viewer’s position within narrative framing. The reason I do not refer to the distressing scenes as cringe-inducing is because the “turn” or delayed effect of the reader realizing that “he’s been had” is either missing or not as conspicuous (below I will present a case by some critics that the film intends to provoke a moment of introspection in the viewer). Instead the viewer experiences the constant pressure of a very irregular, terrorizing presence controlling the narrative.

    The story is about two young sadists who break into a house and terrorize a family, forcing them to play “funny games” (that are, needless to say, not funny), only to kill them all in the end. Watching the film is, in Vartan Messier’s words, “a gut-wrenching experience,” and not only because the film is very violent, but even more so because it does not show violence explicitly on the screen. Messier’s analysis hits the nail on the head, in my opinion, by making an observation that what makes it so unbearable is that the film makes a point of “not providing the traditional structures of visual pleasure or catharsis” (60). In other words, its effect has to do with the deliberate design of the filmmaker to undermine or frustrate the viewing experience. Haneke himself said that you can make the watching of a film unbearable though psychological means, by choosing not to show certain situations. (Cine-fils magazine).  This is what he does very effectively in Funny Games. It is impossible to pinpoint one particular uncomfortable scene. The entire film is extremely uncomfortable to watch, from the beginning to the end, especially since we know that there will be no happy ending. But there are several scenes that stand out for me. In a rather early, very tense sequence, the visitors force the mother to play the hot-cold game as she is walking outside the house in search of the family dog that has suddenly gone silent. When she comes to their parked car, and it becomes very “hot,” she opens the front door and watches the dead dog fall out and hit the ground. But this is done as a long shot from a considerable distance, and we cannot see the wound, blood, or any other gory details. It is at this point that the family (and the viewer) can appreciate the seriousness of the situation. In another hard-to-watch scene, one of the perpetrators tells the family’s little son that they are going to play “a kitty in the bag” and then puts a pillow case over his head. He then orders the mother to take off her clothes, hurting her son and threatening further violence if she does not comply. Ostensibly, the bag over her son’s face is to “preserve moral decency.” The mother takes off her clothes, but her body is not shown; we only see the close-up of her distraught and tearful face. But one of the most difficult scenes is the one where the little boy is shot. We see one of the perpetrators in the kitchen making sandwiches. In the background, we hear the shot of a rifle followed by screams by the parents, but the character we follow does not break his stride. He finishes with his sandwiches and brings them to the living room, and only then do we see the wall splattered with blood.

    As the previous film examples, this film also plays with the viewer’s perceptions and anticipations, eventually “confronting viewers with their own sense of reality and social disorientation” (Koch, 86). Haneke wants to shock the viewers, but it does not mean that he wants to trick them or make a joke at their expense. In fact, as Haneke himself explains, this goes against his ethics as a filmmaker: one should not use images to lie to or manipulate the viewer. In his numerous interviews, he has been quite open about the instructive value of violence in Funny Games, contending that the main problem with violent Hollywood films is that they normalize violence by making it intelligible (“present the world that is explainable and whose contradictions are resolved”) and entertaining (allowing the viewers “to have their cravings for pacification gratified”) (qtd. Hart, 70). He has also talked about viewers “needing” to see Funny Games. Thus in a Guardian interview with Stuart Jeffries, where he discusses the American remake from 2007, he says that his film “is a reaction to a certain American cinema, its violence, its naivety, the way American cinema toys with human beings. In many American films, violence is made consumable. But because I made Funny Games in German with actors not familiar to US audiences, it didn’t get through to the people who most needed to see it.” In his essay entitled “Violence and the Media,” he says that people have already been largely desensitized by the entertainment media, and this is precisely why “anyone who leaves the theater doesn’t need this film; anyone who stays does.” (qtd. Puddicombe). In other words, the film is meant as an explicit intervention in the audiences’ desires, expectations, and emotional habits. But at the same time, as Arne Koch observes, Haneke uses his art “not to pontificate or lecture, but rather to leave audiences with enough ambiguity to generate its own conclusions” (96).

    Instead, what the film does to address the above concerns is, firstly, as already mentioned, undercut the framework of expectations by frustrating the voyeuristic impulse to see gory images, and secondly, play with the viewer’s desire to have violence explained by making the explanation overdetermined. Thus the two torturers banter about their ongoing rivalry, or one of them suggests to the family that it is the other one’s traumatic and deprived childhood that involved, among other things, an incestuous relationship with his mother that is responsible for his cruelty. But he adds immediately, “What kind of answer would you like? What would satisfy you? Anyway, what I said isn’t true.” Then he offers another explanation: he and his companion are drug addicts, and they kill and rob rich families to get money for drugs. Ultimately no explanation would suffice: when the father of the family asks one of the perpetrators why he is doing this, the latter’s answer is “why not?” In Messier’s words,

    On the one hand, [the film] brutally denies us any type of catharsis even after it teases us on numerous occasions through a series of carefully orchestrated shots and sequences. On the other, it perturbs the sanctity of our position as spectators by reminding us that we are the instruments of our own demise. The cinematic frame that traditionally serves as the vehicle through which we can project our introjected wishes and desires from a relatively safe distance become a mirror, wherein our wish to witness destruction and suffering on-screen is directly reflected on us (65).

    Alexandra Biernacka arrives at a similar conclusion but goes even further, suggesting that the viewers are nudged in the direction of reflecting on their own responses that are complicit in the culture of violence: at “a meta-level of the film-viewer relation  . . .  the film conveys a message that a viewer, by finding satisfaction in aggressive and cruel acts present in popular fiction, stimulates the use of violence on screen and therefore bears true responsibility for the tragic lot of the Funny Games family” (3).

    What these critics suggest is that even though Haneke wants to teach their viewers a moral lesson, he is not “on the same side” or “on the same level” as the viewers—not part of the same joint-attention scene, one might say. Even though he has their higher interests at heart, the story, as it is presented, intends to subvert their viewing experience. This in itself strikes me as a strategy that is not radically new but has been tried before. But what is new—and this is why I want to put this film in the postmillennial category—is not so much the trick of making the audiences feel ashamed of their fascination with violence, but the film’s aesthetic and narrative means of conjuring up the atmosphere of absolutely demoralizing, debilitating, and desacralizing nihilism. What is unusual about Funny Games is that it is so uncompromising in its bleakness: there is no hope, relief, escape, or redemption for the victims. We can ask ourselves what makes this one so extraordinarily devastating compared to many other horror films that are made every year. It is especially surprising in light of the fact that the film is not only about game-playing but performs game-playing on a metanarrative level.

    At important junctures, the narrative breaks the so-called 4th wall, the imaginary separation between the story being narrated and the viewer. The intention behind this is alluded to in the last scene, when the two perpetrators are sailing the family’s boat toward the house of their next victims, having just killed the mother. At this point, they are calmly discussing a book one of them has read, which has a plot twist: at the end of the story, it turns out that there are two universes, one real and the other fictional, with the protagonist’s family finding themselves in the real world, and the protagonist in fiction. “But the fiction is real,” says his companion. “How so?” asks the first one. “Well, you see it in the film, right? So it’s just as real as the reality you see likewise,” is the answer. This deceptively naive comment encodes a metanarrative “wink” to the viewer about the pretend, play-acting nature of all story-telling, supporting Arne Koch’s view that this and other Haneke’s films explore the idea of game as performance: “the game is no longer played with or against others, but solely for its own sake” (95).

    When we look at the instances where the 4th wall is broken, it becomes clear that we are not simply addressed directly but made part of the game. For example, as part of their game-playing, the sadists suggest a wager to the family as to whether they will be alive in twenty-four hours, after which one of them turns and looks directly in the camera, asking the viewer: “What do you think? Do you think they have a chance of winning?” Clearly, the family as the characters in the story depicted as helpless hostages (the father’s leg is broken and he is not transportable), have no chance of winning. The question only makes sense on the level of the narrator-narratee communication: can we as viewers bet on the family’s survival, something that film audiences and readers habitually do when consuming narratives?[2] In a later scene, after the little boy is already killed, the father is pleading with his torturers, “Get this over with. This is enough,” and the response he gets is “But we are not at the feature film length yet,” a metanarrative comment looking ahead to the final conversation about fiction and reality being interchangeable. Still, the most striking instance of this confusion between fiction and reality presents itself in the often discussed penultimate scene when the mother manages to grab a rifle that one of the intruders carelessly leaves on the table and shoot him dead. Upon this, the other one wrestles the rifle from her hands and reaches for the remote control, which he uses to literally rewind the scene backward so that his accomplice is alive again, the hope of escape is crushed, and the bad ending is ensured.

    One could reasonably ask whether foregrounding the game-like aspect of the story, in which a character is communicating with the viewer, will remind us that this is all invention, not reality, and thus make it less serious and heartbreaking? Yet paradoxically, it is precisely this staged, expressly make-believe character of the film that makes it so devastating. By communicating with the viewer directly, the sadist character (one of them) “usurps” all communicative channels. Whether we subscribe to the model that distinguishes between the narrator/narratee and implied author/implied reader model or to the impersonal vs. personal narrator model, we still need to identify the agent of a truth-functional discourse, on whose account we can fall back. And we need to trust this bearer of an authoritative discourse to be, if not a benign, at least neutral presence that anchors us together on the scene of representation in the configuration of joint attention. It is to this agency that we ascribe authorial intentions. When we, for example, read American Psycho by Bret Easton Ellis, which is narrated in first person by a sadist, serial killer, and cannibal, or watch the film based on it, we do not for a second suspect the implied author or impersonal narrator of being a sadist, serial killer, and cannibal. We implicitly understand that this authorial agency is sharing a story from the perspective of a character-narrator which should not be trusted. But nothing like this subtends the point of view of the killer in Funny Games where nothing inserts itself between the consciousness of this evil character-narrator and the notion of the real author (Michael Haneke, the director, remains somewhere at the edges of our consciousness as we watch this gripping drama). On the contrary, the narrative strategy of Funny Games is constructed in such a way so as to blur the impersonal and personal narrators or dispense with the implied author. What is left then is only one dictatorial narrator who completely controls the narrative and our gaze, choosing not to show us the mother’s nudity or the torture and execution of the son. One might think that turning away from violence is a more compassionate choice, but, surprisingly, this refusal has the opposite effect because it feels so unnatural in the given context. A natural voyeuristic impulse would compel us to look, and when the camera denies us this perverse satisfaction, we experience its dictate as coercive and arbitrary. By steering our gaze in such a flagrant and deliberate manner, the visual narration sustains a terrifying illusion that the world is completely controlled by evil, and that there is no hope and no escape. This chilling effect is strengthened by the final, which is for me the most powerful, scene where the mother, whose hands and feet are tied, is thrown overboard. What is especially arresting about the way this sequence unfolds is that there is absolutely no change of pacing, no special visual or auditory accentuation or warning preparing the viewer for what is about to happen. The event is completely unmarked: she is tipped overboard as effortlessly, casually, and nonchalantly as one would brush a crumb off a table. Afterwards the two laugh between themselves about finishing a full hour before the bet was to run out. Both the content of the scene, the fact that they have not kept their end of the bargain not only with the characters but also with the audience, and the form, the aesthetic decision to ignore the dramatic structure in framing the event, combine to underscore the horrifying power of the author-narrator over the fictional world into which we have been lured. This communicational model goes beyond subverting the viewer’s expectation of a reasonable explanation. Even a non-explanatory structure can be seen as a pseudo-explanation of sorts, with the author communicating to the viewer that there is evil in the world that we cannot understand. In a sense, it also goes beyond the previous three examples where the viewer is treated in an underhanded way and forced into a position of a false witness. Funny Games denies the viewer agency in the most radical and uncompromising way. Even though Haneke’s ostensive purpose is to teach the audiences about the danger of becoming desensitized to violence, what he achieves instead is removing them from the collective scene altogether.

    Having presented these four examples of desacralizing strategies in recent films, achieved through narrative, visual, and temporal means, I would like, in conclusion, to summarize my main points and raise an open question to which I lack a satisfying answer. It seems to me that what these films are doing is something new, if not in kind, then, at least, in degree. It has become a conventional collocation to say that we “consume” a work of art. Insofar as we accept this metaphor as valid, it is so in the sense of collective dividing and consuming the hunting spoils on the originary hunting scene. Consumption of art is not solitary business. The author places the work of art on the scene and invites us to step up to it so that we could join him in regarding or attending to what is in front of all of us in the sacred center. The author is thus the controlling presence, serving as a mimetic model or a sign of firstness, and we defer to his authority. He might have his own intentions for summoning us to the scene—to entertain us, instruct us, change our opinions on an issue, or use us as silent interlocutors with whom one could to share one’s fears or feelings—and we might not guess his agenda until we complete our viewing or reading experience. In doing so, an angry author might want to shock or scandalize his audience by defiling what they hold sacred, such as presenting them with an image of a crucifix in urine. But even this attempt to anger the audience is done in the spirit of a dialogue with his audiences, with the intention behind it being “to make them think,” presumably so that they re-evaluate the “sacreds” that have served their purpose in deferring violence but have now lost their potency to do so. This not uncommon gesture of late postmodern art can be seen as desacralizing, but only in relation to content. This is certainly an antagonizing action, and some viewers might feel outraged and excluded from the scene of joint attention that radiates around the art work. But their exclusion is not forced on them; nothing prevents them from reconsidering their position, reinterpreting what they saw, and having an epiphanic experience of acceptance. In contrast to these, the works of art I have discussed function as desacralizing on the level of the scene itself instead of its content. By betraying or excluding the audience from the outset, by design, as it were, these postmillennial works of art erode the common ground that underlies the act of communication. It can be said that the scene invalidates itself, evacuating its sacred center, for the sake of which the author and his audiences come together to share an aesthetic experience. At the risk of putting this in overdramatic terms, I would like to claim that by denying the scene, the desacralizing act of exclusion has far-reaching implications, ultimately denying the viewers their humanity.

    I have identified something that, I believe, is symptomatic for a (small?) number contemporary works of art. The natural follow-up question in the light of my discussion of performatism and metamodernism is where these desacralizing works can be placed alongside of performatist and metamodernist works. What they all have in common, in my opinion, is their awareness of the scene. Postmillennial art is no longer oblivious to the existence of the scene and can therefore be playful and explicit in foregrounding the contingent ways in which the latter might be constituted. What the desacralizing aesthetics does not share with the other two is latter’s affective attitude toward art—neither their optimism, nor their “affirmatism,” nor their (neo)sincerity or (neo)romanticism. In the beginning, I asked whether the desecration of sacred cultural objects can be seen as the final stage of postmodernism. On consideration, I would hesitantly put my own examples on the same continuum as postmodernism, in terms of their goals and attitudes, insofar as they seem to continue the postmodernist project of deconstructing Western aesthetic forms and the cultural narratives that give rise to them. But we may note that they do it in such a radical and decisive manner as to make Gans’s diagnosis of postmodernism no longer being successful in deferring violence even more meaningful and final. If I am correct in this assessment then we can place art works that negate the scene of representation at the tail end of the postmodernist movement in art.

    Bibliography

    Austin, J. L. How to do Things with Words. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 1962. Print.

    Badt, Karin Luisa. “The Need for Empathy at 2017 Cannes.” Film Criticism, Vol. 41, Issue 3, 2017. Web. Accessed 2 Sept. 2018.

    Biernacka, Aleksandra. “A Case of Auteur Cinema in a Changed Cultural Context: ‘Funny Games’ (1997) and ‘Funny Games, US’ (2007) by Michael Haneke.” Journal of Comparative Research in Anthropology and Sociology. Vol. 3, No. 2 (2012): 1-15. Web. Accessed 2 Sept. 2018.

    Bordwell, David. Narration in the Fiction Film. The University of Wisconsin Press, 1985. Print.

    Burgoyne, Robert. “The Cinematic Narrator: The Logic and Pragmatics of Impersonal Narration.” Journal of Film and Video, vol. 42, no. 1, (Spring 1990), pp. 3-16. Web. Accessed 2 Sept. 2018.

    Chatman, Seymour. “The Cinematic Narrator.” Film Theory and Criticism: Introductory Readings. Ed. Leo Braudy and Marshall Cohen, New York, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1999, pp. 474-486. Print.

    —. Coming to Terms: The Rhetoric of Narrative in Fiction and Film. Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press, 1990. Print.
    Cine-fils magazine. “MICHAEL HANEKE on VIOLENCE – cine-fils.com.” Online video clip. YouTube, 1 Feb. 2010. Web. Accessed 2 Sept. 2018.

    Eshelman, Raoul. “After Postmodernism: Performatism in Literature.” Anthropoetics 11.2 (Winter 2006). https://anthropoetics.org/journal/ap-vol-11/ap1102/perform05/ . Accessed 2 Sept. 2018.

    —. Performatism or the End of Postmodernism. Aurora, Colorado: The Davies Group Publishers, 2008. Print.

    Flesch, William. “Narrative and Noncausal Bargaining.” NOVEL: A Forum on Fiction. Vol. 45, No. 1 (Spring 2012): 6-9. Web. Accessed 2 Sept. 2018.

    —. “Reading and Bargaining.” The Oxford Handbook of Cognitive Literary Studies. Ed. Lisa Zunshine. Oxford University Press. Web. Accessed 2 Sept. 2018.

    Frohlick, Susan. 2013. Sexuality, Women, and Tourism: Cross-border Desires through Contemporary Travel. New York: Routledge. Print.

    Gans, Eric. “The Centre.” Chronicles of Love and Resentment. No. 579, 17 Mar. 2018. https://anthropoetics.org/views/vw579/ . Accessed 2 Sept. 2018.

    —. The End of Culture: Toward a Generative Anthropology. Berkeley, Los Angeles, London: University of California Press, 1985. Print.

    —. Originary Thinking: Elements of Generative Anthropology. Stanford, California: Stanford University Press, 1993. Print.

    —. “The Post-Millennial Age.” Chronicles of Love and Resentment. No. 209, 3 Jun. 2000. https://anthropoetics.org/views/vw209/ . Accessed 2 Sept. 2018.

    —. “Post-Millennial Thoughts.” Chronicles of Love and Resentment. No. 253, 22 Dec. 2001. https://anthropoetics.org/views/vw253/ . Accessed 2 Sept. 2018.

    —. “Reciprocity and Firstness.” Chronicles of Love and Resentment. No. 451, 11 Jan. 2014. https://anthropoetics.org/views/vw451/ . Accessed 2 Sept. 2018.

    —. “Sacrificing Culture.” Chronicles of Love and Resentment. No. 184, 9 Oct. 1999. https://anthropoetics.org/views/vw184/ . Accessed 2 Sept. 2018.

    —. Signs of Paradox: Irony, Resentment, and Other Mimetic Structures. Stanford, California: Stanford University Press, 1997. Print.

    —. “The Victimary Hypothesis.” Chronicles of Love and Resentment. No. 460, 26 Apr. 2014. https://anthropoetics.org/views/vw460/ . Accessed 2 Sept. 2018.

    —. “Victimary Passion.” Chronicles of Love and Resentment. No. 538, 4 Mar. 2017. https://anthropoetics.org/views/vw538/ . Accessed 2 Sept. 2018.

    —. “Victimocracy.” Chronicles of Love and Resentment. No. 442, 25 May 2013. https://anthropoetics.org/views/vw442/ . Accessed 2 Sept. 2018.

    Gilbey, Ryan. “Human Apes.” New Statesman, 16-22 March, 2018. Web. Accessed 2 Sept. 2018.

    Gilleard, Chris and Paul Higgs. “Ageing abjection and embodiment in the fourth age.” Journal of Aging Studies, 25 (2011), pp. 135-142. Web. Accessed 2 Sept. 2018.

    Gross, Zoë. “Unpacking the landscape of female sex tourism in Kenya: a film analysis of Paradise: Love.” Gender, Place & Culture, 25:4, pp. 507-524. Web. Accessed 2 Sept. 2018.

    Hart, Gail. “Michael Haneke’s Funny Games and Schiller’s Coercive Classicism.” Modern Austrian Literature. Vol. 39, No. 2 (2006): 63-75. Web. Accessed 2 Sept. 2018.

    “In ‘The Square,’ A Scandinavian Satire of a Modern Art Museum.” All Things Considered, 26 Oct. 2017. Literature Resource Center, http://link.galegroup.com/apps/doc/A513068723/LitRC?u=stockuni&sid=LitRC&xid=b0966068 . Accessed 2 Sept. 2018.

    Jacobs, Jessica. Sex, Tourism, and the Postcolonial Encounter: Landscapes of Longing in Egypt. London and New York: Routledge, 2016. Print.

    Jeffries, Stuart. “Master Manipulator.” The Guardian, 31 Mar. 2008. Web. https://www.theguardian.com/film/2008/mar/31/austria . Accessed 2 Sept. 2018.

    Karthauser, Kyle. “Popular Culture after Postmodernism: Borat, Family Guy, The Office, and the Awkwardness of Being Earnest.” Anthropoetics 15.2 (Spring 2010). https://anthropoetics.org/journal/ap-vol-15/ap1502/1502karthauser/ . Accessed 2 Sept. 2018.

    Koch, Arne. “Reality Games: Michael Haneke as Auteur and Stalker.” Kultur Poetik. Vol. 10, No. 1 (2010): 85-98. Web. Accessed 2 Sept. 2018.

    Koresky, Michael. “Any Questions?” Film Comment, November-December 2017. pp. 30-35. Web. Accessed 2 Sept. 2018.

    Kotsko, Adam. Awkwardness. Zero Books, 2010. Print.

    Lorentzen, Christian. “Art Brute.” New Republic, November, 2017. Web. Accessed 2 Sept. 2018.

    Mars Jones, Adam. “Ritual of Dominance.” Times Literary Supplement. 16, March, 2018. Web. Accessed 2 Sept. 2018.

    Messier, Vartan. “Game Over? The (Re)Play of Horror in Michael Haneke’s Funny Games U.S.” New Cinemas: Journal of Contemporary Film. Vol. 1, No. 1&2 (2014): 59-77. Web. Accessed 2 Sept. 2018.

    Middleton, Jason. Documentary’s Awkward Turn: Cringe Comedy and Media Spectatorship. Kindle ed., Routledge Research in Cultural and Media Studies, 2014.

    Phillips, Joan. “Tourist-Oriented Prostitution in Barbados: The Case of the Beach Boy and the White Female Tourist.” Sun, Sex, and Gold: Tourism and Sex Work in the Caribbean. Ed. Kamala Kempadoo. Langham, Boulder, New York, Oxford: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc, 1999. Print.

    Puddicombe, Stephen. “Why Funny Games remains just as shocking 20 years on.” Little White Lies. 18 May 27. https://lwlies.com/articles/funny-games-michael-haneke-satire-screen-violence/ . Accessed 2 Sept. 2018.

    Romney, Jonathan. “Playing to the Gallery.” Sight & Sound. April 2018. Web. Accessed 2 Sept. 2018.

    Scholes, Robert. “Narration and Narrativity in Film.” Quarterly Review of Film and Video, 1:3, 1976. Web. Accessed 2 Sept. 2018.

    Smith, Roberta. “On Becoming a Dog.” The New York Times. 18 Apr. 1997. https://www.nytimes.com/1997/04/18/arts/on-becoming-a-dog-by-acting-like-one.html . Accessed 2 Sept. 2018.

    Vermeulen, Timotheus and Robin van den Akker. “Notes on Metamodernism.” Journal of Aesthetics and Culture. Vol. 2, 2010. http://www.emerymartin.net/FE503/Week10/Notes%20on%20Metamodernism.pdf . Accessed 2 Sept. 2018.

    Willis, Holly. “Hard Facts and Bitter Truths: Ulrich Seidl’s Disturbing View of the Human Condition in the Globalization Era Gets a Full Workout in His Paradise Trilogy.” Film Comment. Sept.-Oct. 2013. pp. 60-63. Web. Accessed 2 Sept. 2018.

    Zacharek, Stephanie. “A Fraught Cannes, Inside Screening Rooms and Out.” Time, 1 Jun. 2017. Web. Accessed 2 Sept. 2018.

    —. “From Sweden, a Dazzling Bit of Trickery That Goes off with a Bang.” Time, 6 Nov. 2017. Web. Accessed 2 Sept. 2018.

    Notes

    [1] I am indebted to my student, Simon Andersson, for bringing this scene from Borat and Funny Games, discussed later, to my attention.

    [2] See William Flesch’s insightful argument on bargaining and narrative in the articles referenced in the bibliography.

  • Crisis of the Victimary Paradigm in Contemporary Russian Literature in Israel (An applied case study of Eric Gans’s Generative Anthropology)

    In current discussions of the problem of violence and victimhood, two tendencies can be identified as accommodating each other and originating from the theories of violence of Emmanuel Levinas and Jacques Derrida.[1] On the one hand, there is a blurring of the boundary between the executioner (perpetrator) and the victim, and, on the other hand, a blurring of the boundary between violence and nonviolence. Like the problem itself, so the path to its solution evokes a fair number of questions and leaves no one indifferent. In moving from a philosophical discourse to one that is cultural-anthropological and further, political, this problem becomes still more acute. So, for example, Giorgio Agamben arrives at the assertion—based on the arguments of Primo Levi, a Holocaust survivor, regarding the “gray zone” of the indistinguishability of guilt and guiltlessness in Auschwitz—of the reversal of roles between perpetrators and victims in a concentration camp (and further, everywhere, since he sees modern government, both totalitarian and democratic, as a concentration camp).[2] The American sociologist Randall Collins, proceeding from a theory of the intersubjective, interactive, micronetwork derivation of forms of behavior and thought, arrives at the conception of violence as an extrasystemic, subsidiary, ad hoc phenomenon in the complex of nonviolent emotions, motives, and interrelations among the members of a small group.[3] These at first glance differing approaches are united by the view that the interactive nature of violence transforms it into a joint action, and invariably makes the victims its accomplices; moreover, the very concept of complicity, key in this connection, spreads along the whole semantic spectrum from the formal aspect to a factual exchange of roles.

    Primo Levi himself attempts, however unsuccessfully, to forestall attempts to transform his idea of a gray zone into the principle of the indistinguishability of the perpetrator and the victim: to place an equal sign between the murderer and his victim is immoral; this is either perverted aestheticism or malice; to equate the two roles means to ignore outright our need for justice.[4] Levi’s arguments that follow prove with all conviction the extreme empirical concreteness of violence, the unambiguousness of the separation of roles in each concrete instance, which makes totally superfluous the question of guilt or innocence, so important for Agamben, as well as the question of motives, substantive for Collins. At the same time, it is impossible to negate the fact that, both in extreme situations and in everyday life, we all have in one degree or another to take turns playing the roles of victims or those who make others into victims. The “originary thinking,” which has been developed by Eric Gans and his school of Generative Anthropology, makes it possible to avoid the muddles of paradoxes and moral problems by posing the question of the basic prerequisites of the modern discourse about violence, that is, about the dichotomy of the perpetrator and the victim: How effective is victim-centric thinking itself, the victim paradigm itself, for an understanding of contemporary reality and literature?

    Violence as part of Israeli reality, with its terrorist attacks, wars, and military operations, makes a deep imprint on the works of Israeli writers, and in some instances it even serves as a meaning-making and plot-making principle. There is, however, a difference between Russophone Israeli discourse and Hebrew Israeli discourse. Hebrew discourse, since the 1970s, is constructed on an ideological model at whose basis lie ideas of pacifism and humanization of the image of the enemy as a historical double of the philosophical concept of “the other.” For the sake of literary “pacification,” “the other” is assigned the status of victim, while the Jewish-Israeli subject takes on the responsibility of the executioner, which was for so long imposed on him by the surrounding world, both enemy and friend. Moreover, the “perpetrator’s” violent gesture, whether real or imagined, is blocked thanks to the imagination of the victim: remember that you, too, were once a victim, and for this reason (on the strength of the Kantian imperative) do not become a perpetrator yourself. A double effect is thus achieved: the subject immerses himself in a victim consciousness and also blocks, insulates himself from perceiving the political present, the real victims of the present, himself and his doubles as victims. So dichotomous thinking is born: one must become (imagine oneself to be) the victim so as not to be the perpetrator. It turns out to be a dead end, since it consists symbolically of two mutually exclusive predicates: you are the perpetrator; you are the victim. Such an ambivalent statement, which does not allow the subject to take any action without incurring punishment, serves as an obvious feature of authoritarian power or hegemony manipulating its subjects through ambiguity and unpredictability, which requires this model to be considered ideological.

    Russophone literature in Israel, in some sense continuing the traditions of the literature of Soviet nonconformism battling against the mechanisms of ideological and intellectual hegemony, develops a different model. It can be called anthropological due to its independence of political fashion, and is associated by Israeli elites with the right wing only owing to a misunderstanding. Its essence is to free itself from both predicates, from both parts of the perpetrator–victim dichotomy. Unlike the ideological model, it does not presuppose a fixation on victimhood or in general on an a priori division of social roles. It overcomes both colonial and postcolonial discourses, since it is not prepared to attribute the role of the center either to the subject of violence or to its object. Both discourses have been confined to a marginal role, while the generative-anthropological model brings about the demarginalization of the discourse and of the cultural mentality in general.

    I shall now attempt to formalize the transition observable in contemporary literature toward what can be called the originary paradigm. The proposed scheme, based on the principles of Eric Gans’s generative anthropology, is above all structural and only to some degree historical. In order to present it, one must mention what precedes the appearance of the current victimary paradigm, then define the paradigm and develop its problematization, after which it will be possible to draw a conclusion about the possibility of a new paradigm.

    In the “previctimary” paradigm (we can imagine its embodiment in traditional religious communities), the victim is perceived as a gift and as the intermediary between me and the Other.[5] The victim is not the subject of the relationship but its instrument; it is not the center but the means of movement toward the center. It is what is gifted, combining the donor and the donee. It does not have its own existence, being the medium of a symbolic exchange. The victimary paradigm comes into being in a secular worldview at the beginning of Modernity as the development and transformation of the Christian understanding of self-sacrifice. The crucified Sign, having a double spiritual-corporeal nature (embodying the structure of signified–signifier), takes the place of the crucified God who has a double nature. Designation takes the place of revelation. The integrality of the Word collapses through the act of designation. The Sign starts to be perceived as the victim and takes the place of the indivisible source, the Logos. The victim ceases to be the object of donation and becomes the object of appropriation (presumably along with the appearance of the modern concept of private property). “I” is identified with what is appropriated. If the victim is the center, then the “I” strives to merge with it (as previously with God). The Third is excluded from the relationship, and the victim becomes the primary, the given. It is no longer gifted but, on the contrary, it is that which itself bestows on the participants of the relationship their existence and name.

    This paradigm, however, comes into conflict with the historical consciousness generated by the same forces that created the paradigm. If sacrificial offering is primary, then it is always already completed, which means the story is concluded, annihilated. If the sacrificial offering is the first event of the story, then it is also the last. The name is identified before the relationship; roles are allocated a priori, before the occurrence of the distribution of roles. The name of the victim precedes the event of the victimizing, which is a contradiction. For the story (and history) to exist, the relationship must precede the naming, and the scene of the relationship must precede the scene of the sacrificial offering, the subject must precede the appropriation of the object. Moreover, the appropriation itself cannot be primary: its understanding is already included in the modern paradigm of property—that is to say, the subject of the relationship must exist outside the dependence on the scene of the appropriation; it cannot be reduced solely to the desire of the object.

    A new paradigm may be derived from this problematization: The scene of the relationship prior to the sacrifice is an originary scene. Naming the victim is preceded by a view that includes two agents of action, two participants in the sign-creating conflict consisting of symmetrical relations. Their roles are not yet defined, the story is open, everything is possible. The view is therefore concentrated on the process, the action that is supposed to determine roles—on the gesture of violence prior to its realization and prior to the naming of the actors. In this scene, the gesture is always not yet carried out, it is in effect as if it has been halted or aborted. It is the primary act of representation. Signification precedes the victim as an accomplished fact, and thus it is possible without this victim.

    Thus, one can speak of a “Copernican” (or, more precisely, “Gansian”) change in the paradigm: it is not the representation that “revolves” around the victim; on the contrary, all the undefined subjects revolve around the unrealized gesture; the victim emerges in the act of representation along with the other participants in the scene, in a symmetrical relation to them. The incompleteness of the gesture of the other serves as the source of the idea of the incompleteness of the “I,” from which emerges the idea of the task and targeted irreversible movement toward self-realization, despite growing entropy, that is, the idea of time and history. Not being “captured,” the object avoids objectivization and remains a subject of not fully predictable relations. It is not the order of adopted names-roles but the explosion of possibilities that thus constitutes the essence of meaning formation and culture creation.[6]

    Let us trace this dynamic using the example of a small group of literary texts. The change in the paradigm to be discussed below, observable in current Russophone literature in Israel, is a phenomenon that is thoroughly distinct and to a certain degree unique. Even a superficial look at the evolution of the Jewish theme in Russian literature in Russia in the 1970s and to this day exhibits continuity rather than change. Such novels as Fridrich Gorenstein’s Atonement (Искупление, 1967) and Psalom (Псалом, 1975), Yury Karabchievsky’s The Life of Aleksander Zilber (Жизнь Александра Зильбера, 1975), and Feliks Roziner’s A Certain Finkelmeyer (Некто Финкельмайер, 1981 [1975]) constitute the victim paradigm, which later also appears in Aleksander Melikhov’s novels The Plague (Чума, 2003) and Red Zion (Красный Сион, 2005), or is ironically turned inside out but not abandoned in Dmitry Bykov’s novel ZhD (ЖД, 2007), and finally is resurrected with new force in Lyudmila Ulitskaya’s Jacob’s Staircase (Лестницa Якова, 2015). The victim paradigm also holds sway in Russophone Israeli literature, beginning with Avraam Vysotsky in the 1920s–1930s[7] and up to the recent novels of Dina Rubina. The basic intellectual effort is aimed here at the creation of the myth of the conversion of the victim into a warrior in the spirit of the Jewish literary tradition of the glorification of “Spanish” Jews, the “halutzim,” or “sabras” as the founders of a new, proud, and free Jewish identity.[8] In Vysotsky’s story “First Response” (Первый ответ, 1946), a young Jew exiled from medieval Saragossa takes up arms and kills the bandits who attack him. He is echoed by Zakhar Kordovin from Rubin’s novel White Dove of Cordova (Белая голубка Кордовы, 2012), a descendant of Spanish Jews who never parts from his pistol, hoping to exact vengeance on the bandits who killed his friend. Zakhar, however, does not commit his gesture of violence but himself becomes a new victim. The dichotomous victim–warrior pair is surrounded by the heroes of the novels of David Markish (A New World for Simon Ashkenazy [Легкая жизнь Симона Ашкенази]), Anna Isakova (“Oh, That Black Moon!” [“Ах, эта черная луна!”]), Nina Voronel (Gothic Novel [Готический роман]), Daniel Kluger (Shylock’s Last Act [Последний выход Шейлока] and Musketeer [Мушкетер]), Felix Kandel (Against Heaven on Earth [Против неба на земле]), as well as Rubin’s trilogy Russian Canary (Русская канарейка).

    Against the background of the dominating victim paradigm, writers stand out who have been able to overcome it and who could serve as examples of a new paradigm in which, as has already been said, an originary myth of an unrealized gesture of violence has been formulated that eliminates the dichotomy of victim and warrior. Overcoming the old paradigm and generating the new one takes place in those contexts in which focuses of the greatest strain in relations of potential victimhood emerge. This above all is the context of the historical fate of the Jewish people.

    In Alex Tarn’s novel Protocols of the Elders of Zion («Протоколы сионских мудрецов»), which came out in 2003, the hero attempts to avenge the death of his wife and daughter in a terrorist attack, but the vengeance remains a fiction, a fantasy, an unrealized gesture; at the same time, the fiction becomes a reality: the literary character he invented, a special agent and hero of action movies, acquires flesh and blood. It turns out that the “conspiracy of the elders of Zion” consists in the reproduction of a originary scene in which the roles and relations of victims and warriors have not yet been determined.

    Another vivid example of this same process taking place in the work of one writer is Mikhail Yudson’s novel The Ladder to the Cabinet («Лестница на шкаф»). After the biography of the author, the novel developed in two stages: the first version, which included two parts about the adventures of the hero in Russia and Germany, came out in 2003; the second version, which also included a third, Israeli, part, came out in 2013. The genre difference between the first two parts and the third part should first be noted: Russia and Germany appear as an anti-utopia, a nightmare, whereas Israel is depicted through a fantasy philosophical parable that is critical but not anti-utopian. In other words, while in the first two parts the hero is profound alienated from the political-social here-and-now and the only thing that concerns him is surviving in an impossible reality and fleeing from it, in the third part the hero goes sequentially through an ordeal by assimilating into various spheres of Israeli society, presented as a Gogolian grotesque, that is, with bewilderment but without alienation. As a result, the basic model for the hero’s socialization in a world new to him turns out to be an apprenticeship: his own former pupils from Russia, where he had once been a teacher, initiate him in his new life. This symbolizes his deminorization not only in the Israeli context but also in the context of the relationship, if only mental-psychological, to Russia.

    One of the central themes in Denis Sobolev’s novel Jerusalem (Иерусалим, 2005) is the theme of violence, yet not a single one of his heroes is part of a simple victim dichotomy. The author’s thought is occupied with searching for true freedom, and thus he brings his heroes to a new level of complexity. The essence of these quests is to overcome “omnipotence,” which means to reveal the disastrous nature of any victimary or victimizational gestures, even though they are precisely what constitutes language, culture, play, politics, literature, and existence in general.

    A similar intellectual construct can be revealed in Nekoda Singer’s Tickets at the Box Office (Билеты в кассе, 2006), where it acquires a much more playful, ironic, and parodic nature. The novel starts with a Jewish battalion departing from Novosibirsk Station to go to war against the “Israeli aggressor.” The train, however, does not at all take the reader to war but to the depths of memory, history, and literature. This expanded image serves as a vivid example of the basic myth mentioned above: the collective Jewish Odysseus goes to war but only so as to block his own gesture of appropriation, to return home without leaving the house, without becoming a victim, and without making victims of others.

    The basic myth of the unrealized gesture of violence was embodied in the Jerusalem novels of Elizaveta Mikhailichenko and Yury Nesis A Noble Man of Jerusalem («Иерусалимский дворянин» 1997), I/e_rus.olim («И/е_рус.олим» 2004), and Preemptive Revenge («ЗЫ» 2006). In each of them one can observe the model of overcoming victimhood and heroism simultaneously, of blocking the gesture of violence or of rendering it meaningless. The frustrated heroes and warriors, the soldiers fighting mythological and political monsters suffer defeat in battle but win the war against a victim mentality. In the first of the novels mentioned, the antisemitic slogan “Jerusalem nobleman” is recoded into spiritual and intellectual aristocratism. In the second novel, depersonalizing victimhood is overcome by hyper-humanism, by radical personalism, by the paradoxical image embodied in web-based thinking, in the internet model of virtual reality in which roles and names change continuously. In the third novel, the frustrated “hero’s” unrealized gesture of violence is directed at the ideologists of contemporary victimhood. By the same token, they turn out to be vanquished in the best possible battle: the one that did not take place. In all three Jerusalem novels, acts of violence inevitably take place, as in reality itself, but they do not become an integral part of the chronotope of the heroes, even when they themselves become victims, as in the last novel. Mikhailichenko and Nesis are thus able to conceptualize the catastrophic nature of what takes place with intellectual honesty without at the same time allowing it to be reduced to dichotomous victimhood.

    In Yakov Shekhter’s novel There Was No One around Me («Вокруг себя был никто» 2004), the stories of two women are woven into the narrative fabric – Lora and Tatyana, who have undergone the initiation rite of two different marginal mystical sects. Both women joined the sects voluntarily, and according to their statements the rites made them feel very spiritually uplifted. Being intelligent and educated women, they both believed for a long time that they had found true spiritual teachers, “masters,” and they did not perceive their experiences in these sects—in large part consisting of sexual relations with the “masters” and their assistants—as violence against them.

    On the other hand, as though raising the issue of violence turned it on its head, the novel describes a kind of militant community, which had blossomed in Poland during the Cossack wars and stood in opposition to the “traditional position […] in relation to the surrounding world that was formulated by their founding fathers: those who start a war always lose. [. . .] The one who avoids battle wins” (Shekhter 2004: 526). The members of this community entered the war, and every last one perished. Combining this episode with the preceding ones, one can conclude that the author deconstructs the concept of violence but not entirely in the spirit of ethical humanism, since the concept of victim is deconstructed along with it. True, the narrator attempts to convince his interlocutors that true teaching is always ethical, but he is not very successful and later goes so far as to criticize himself for his incompetence.

    Violence in Shekhter’s novel thus does not have a dogmatic or ideological character; rather, it develops at that primordial anthropological stage of sign creation where roles are not given a priori in the perpetrator–victim opposition (in the first case) or in the hero–victim opposition (in the second case). Just as the gesture of violence of the supposed “master” does not in itself turn its object into a victim, so also the gesture of violence of true “masters,” full of good intentions, does not achieve its goal and even, on the contrary, turns them into victims. In both cases the gesture is made meaningless, in spite of its seeming realization and even its deliberate excessiveness.

    Anna Fine’s stories included in the collection Chronicles of the Third Autofada («Хроники третьей автопады» 2004) arose against the background of the second intifada, which started in 2000 and reached its apogee in 2002, when 452 Jews died at the hands of Arab terrorists in Israel. The collection, defined in the genre of chronicles, nonetheless does not make violence as such the object of representation; rather, it delves into the stage of its origination where roles are not yet fully defined. Thus, the author also blocks her gesture of appropriation in relation to the symbolic center and the main object of desire in this conflict—the place of the victim.

    Thus, for example, in the story “Fly Higher Than the Sun” («Взлети выше солнца»), the originary scene is moved to the distant Soviet childhood of the narrator, where the justification for the chaotic indefiniteness of roles is blissful childhood ignorance or lack of understanding of the essence of the conflict, explained both realistically (the realities of Soviet upbringing) and psychologically (the playful nature of childhood perception). Thus, the political “self” of the present is taken out of the equation, the pain and anger and with them the unambiguity of judgments are sublimated into a series of “sketches,” plays, games, and rituals that serve as a replacement for violence and shift attention away from the victim center to the fractal multiplicity of gestures of appropriation. The narrator peers into her vis-à-vis from that point in space-time in which neither she nor they have yet become victims or perpetrators. At the same time, such a view is in no way a figure of omission, syncope, a dark spot in the discourse. On the contrary, a thoroughly distinct position of protest against violence is expressed in it, but it consists not in pacifistic rhetoric that eliminates the distinction between the sides of a conflict but rather in the philosophical-anthropological modeling of the originary scene of the conflict.

    We find the same thing in the story “The Tretyakov Noodlery” («Третьяковская балдарея»), which serves as a kind of continuation or extrapolation into the future of the conflict that was presented in the story “Fly Higher than the Sun.” This miniature anti-utopia depicts Israel as blazing in a terrorist fire. Israelis have stopped fighting against terror in keeping with a certain theory according to which “if the number of suicide bombers continues to rise as it is now in a geometrical progression, then the entire population of the Palestinian Authority will have committed suicide by 2050” (Fine 2004: 85). And in order to be able to survive this, the entire population of the country takes a tranquilizer that deprives people of memory and suppresses fear. The real drama, however, develops not in the flames of explosions but on the originary scene of the conflict, in the center of which the battle for victimhood does not cease.

    The first hint of this appears in the name of the narrator and heroine of the story: Mary. Her interlocutor then explains the indifference of the world to the murder of Jews: “The Christian world has always waited for the opportunity to sacrifice us. Jews to them are a collective Jesus, trudging to Golgotha for the sake of someone else’s salvation” (ibid.). This explanation, however, is replaced by another concept: “They have been competing with us for two thousand years already, but we’re still hanging on” (ibid.). Jews thus turn from victims to the competitors of Christians, and the image of Christ merges with the image of the Jewish Messiah. The Old Testament identification of Jesus is strengthened when the narrator, getting her words mixed up under the influence of the tranquilizer, calls him “Mosesiah” («Моиссея»). It is not only the place of the victim that turns out to be in question but also its identity.

    The story comes to its culmination at this moment: the setting of the narration changes to a hypothetical originary scene of pure possibility, the course of history returns to the point of bifurcation, and against the background of the horrors of the anti-utopia an alternate history emerges, the choice of which depends totally on Mary. The little boy who was lost in one of the terrorist attacks and for whom she has so long been searching comes along with Mosesiah: “‘The boy is ready,’ says Mosesiah. ‘If you let him go, the bus will not fall. Then there will be no intifada. There will be no first intifada, there will be no second antifada, and there will be no tretyakov autofada either. Decide, Mary.’ I squat down, burying my nose in the child’s sunny, herbaceous hair and hug him close” (ibid.: 90). With these words the story ends, when the choice in this hypothetical point of the past is not yet made. It concludes with the iconic image of the Madonna embracing the child. This story is repeated over and over: Moses himself brings the little Messiah, and Mary always has the choice either to let him go to his self-sacrifice or not. This choice is impossible. At the same time, it is empirically obvious because it has been made multiple times in the real historical past, in countless wars, pogroms, the Holocaust, intifadas, and blood libels.

    From the formal-originary point of view, however, what is essential is that the thought and imagination of the writer does everything possible to reduce real violence, which seems unavoidable, to the hypothetical stage of the possible, to choice, to the indefiniteness of the place and identity of the victim. The text born of this imagining has the features not of an ideological poster but of a philosophical parable. This is moreover a parable not so much about the conflict between Judaism and Christianity or between Israelis and Arabs as about the pre-conflict drama of defining the role of the victim. Mary’s appropriating gesture toward the boy, on the one hand, blocks the inevitable violence given in conflict, but, on the other hand, it is this that turns the scene into an icon of the Madonna and Child—if not predetermining then foretelling the choice. The problem of Dostoevsky’s Grand Inquisitor is repeated: How would people behave if Christ appeared again? However, contrary to Dostoevsky’s parable, responsibility for making a decision is here placed on the heroes of biblical myths themselves, who are indistinguishable from the history now in the process of becoming. In this I see the essence of the mythopoeic experiment of Anna Fine, whose vision is focused on the centuries of history and victimhood in Judea, serving now as it did two thousand years ago as the originary stage of European civilization.

    In conclusion, let us reformulate the question of the possibility of speaking about violence outside of victimhood. Can one write a literature about Jews in Russian outside the victim paradigm, outside the dichotomy of the victim and heroism? Too much effort has been expended in the creation of Russian and, in particular, Russian-Jewish literature for movement outside its bounds to be easy or even in principle accessible or resolved by discourse. Upon the background of this difficulty, the work being done by the most recent Russophone-Israeli literature is all the more important. As can be seen in the examples discussed above, some writers have rejected both the path of the ideology of the “new Jew” and the path of his cultural criticism inherent in twentieth century Hebrew literature. They have rejected a simplified literary sociologism and have taken the path of complex anthropological modeling within the discourse on the level of sign-generating mechanism, in a certain sense returning to the gold standard of intellectual tension and complex self-reflection characteristic of Russian literature of the nineteenth century, its “openness to the abyss.”[9]

    This can be explained by a deep spiritual need to change the paradigm of self-perception and self-understanding against the background of a rapidly changing world, a need for a new historical thinking. The 1990s heralded among Russian emigrants a profound “tragic bewilderment”[10] both in view of the collapse of the Soviet empire and what followed it and in view of the cultural crisis in Israel connected with the “peace process” and with what followed that. Violence was at the center of both processes. However, the basic source of bewilderment was not the violence itself but their own complex, ambiguous, intellectually contradictory reaction to it. Being unable to reconcile humanistic ideals with reality, the feeling of cultural superiority with everyday humiliation, a national and individual self-realization with the fear of national and existential survival, Russian Israelis were forced to admit violence as one of the basic elements of culture, undesirable but inevitable, internally intrinsic to it and therefore not dependent on fashionable politics, ideologies, and philosophies. At the same time, civilizational, intellectual, and esthetic traditions required them to incorporate violence into nonviolence since they prohibited its theoretical justification within the framework of either idealistic or materialistic conceptions. And so, in literary discourse a figure was born of the aborted gesture of violence as the most adequate self-representation in the face of the reality, as a shelter and cure from the post-humanist “clinic,” from the schizophrenic disintegration of a personality and its becoming a social machine.

    Bibliography

    Remnants of Auschwitz: The Witness and the Archive

    Violence: A Micro-Sociological Theory

    Writing and Difference

    The Origin of Language: A Formal Theory of Representation

    A New Way of Thinking: Generative Anthropology in Religion, Philosophy, Art

    Nostalgia for a Foreign Land: Studies in Russian-Language Literature in Israel

    Jews of Russia and Eastern Europe and Their Legacy

    Jewish Pirates of the Caribbean

    The Drowned and the Saved

    Notes

    [1] Derrida 2001: 97-192.

    [2] Agamben 2008: 15-39.

    [3] Collins 2008.

    [4] Levi 2017: 37.

    [5] Moss 2000: 15–24.

    [6] See, for example, Lotman 2000.

    [7] See Katsman 2016.

    [8] This image wanders about the pages of world, Jewish, Israeli, and Russophone-Israeli literatures, especially beginning with the epoch of the Jewish enlightenment of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries and up to Daniel Kluger’s Musketeer and Dina Rubina’s White Dove of Cordoba. We may also add here Eugen Rispart’s Die Juden Und Die Kreuzfahrer In England Unter Richard Lowenherz (1861), Ludwig Philippson’s Yakob Tirada (1867), Meir Lakhman’s Dom Aguliar (1873). One might also mention Lermontov’s tragedy The Spaniards and the Jews in Walter Scott’s Ivanhoe. A unique development of this image is that of the Jewish pirate (see Kritzler 2009).

    [9] Pomerants 1989.

    [10] Kagan 2004.